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The Mystery of Francis Bacon
The Mystery
of
Francis Bacon
_WILLIAM T. SMEDLEY_
[Illustration: FRANCIS BACON AT 9 YEARS OF AGE.
_From the bust at Gorhambury._]
THE MYSTERY
OF
FRANCIS BACON
BY
WILLIAM T. SMEDLEY.
Ad D.B.
"Si bene qui latuit, bene vixit, tu bene vivis:
Ingeniumque tuum grande latendo patet."
--_John Owen's Epigrammatum_, 1612.
LONDON:
ROBERT BANKS & SON,
RACQUET COURT, FLEET STREET E.C.
1912.
"_But such is the infelicity and unhappy disposition
of the human mind in the course of invention that it
first distrusts and then despises itself: first will
not believe that any such thing can be found out; and
when it is found out, cannot understand how the world
should have missed it so long._"
--"NOVUM ORGANUM," Chap. CX.
CONTENTS.
PAGE
Preface 5
CHAPTER
I.--Sources of Information 9
II.--The Stock from which Bacon Came 14
III.--Francis Bacon, 1560 to 1572 19
IV.--At Cambridge 25
V.--Early Compositions 29
VI.--Bacon's "Temporis Partus Maximus" 36
VII.--Bacon's First Allegorical Romance 47
VIII.--Bacon in France, 1576-1579 52
IX.--Bacon's Suit on His Return to England, 1580 62
X.--The "Rare and Unaccustomed Suit" 76
XI.--Bacon's Second Visit to the Continent and After 82
XII.--Is it Probable that Bacon left Manuscripts Hidden Away? 94
XIII.--How the Elizabethan Literature was Produced 98
XIV.--The Clue to the Mystery of Bacon's Life 103
XV.--Burghley and Bacon 114
XVI.--The 1623 Folio Edition of Shakespeare's Plays 123
XVII.--The Authorised Version of the Bible, 1611 126
XVIII.--How Bacon Marked Books with the Publication of
Which He Was Connected 132
XIX.--Bacon and Emblemata 140
XX.--Shakespeare's Sonnets 148
XXI.--Bacon's Library 156
XXII.--Two German Opinions on Shakespeare and Bacon 161
XXIII.--The Testimony of Bacon's Contemporaries 170
XXIV.--The Missing Fourth Part of "The Great Instauration" 177
XXV.--The Philosophy of Bacon 187
Appendix 193
PREFACE.
Is there a mystery connected with the life of Francis Bacon? The average
student of history or literature will unhesitatingly reply in the
negative, perhaps qualifying his answer by adding:--Unless it be a
mystery that a man with such magnificent intellectual attainments could
have fallen so low as to prove a faithless friend to a generous
benefactor in the hour of his trial, and, upon being raised to one of
the highest positions of honour and influence in the State, to become a
corrupt public servant and a receiver of bribes to pervert justice.--It
is one of the most remarkable circumstances to be found in the history
of any country that a man admittedly pre-eminent in his intellectual
powers, spoken of by his contemporaries in the highest terms for his
virtues and his goodness, should, in subsequent ages, be held up to
obloquy and scorn and seldom be referred to except as an example of a
corrupt judge, a standing warning to those who must take heed how they
stand lest they fall. Truly the treatment which Francis Bacon has
received confirms the truth of the aphorism, "The evil that men do lives
after them; the good is oft interred with their bones."
It is not the intention in the following brief survey of Bacon's life to
enter upon any attempt to vindicate his character. Since his works and
life have come prominently before the reading public, he has never been
without a defender. Montagu, Hepworth Dixon, and Spedding have, one
after the other, raised their voices against the injustice which has
been done to the memory of this great Englishman; and although
Macaulay, in his misleading and inaccurate essay,[1] abounding in
paradoxes and inconsistencies, produced the most powerful, though
prejudiced, attack which has been made on Bacon's fame, he may almost be
forgiven, because it provided the occasion for James Spedding in
"Evenings with a Reviewer," to respond with a thorough and complete
vindication of the man to whose memory he devoted his life. There rests
on every member of the Anglo-Saxon race an obligation--imposed upon him
by the benefits which he enjoys as the result of Francis Bacon's
life-work--to read this vindication of his character. Nor should mention
be omitted of the essay by Mr. J. M. Robertson on "Francis Bacon" in his
excellent work "Pioneer Humanists." All these defenders of Bacon treat
their subject from what may be termed the orthodox point of view. They
follow in the beaten track. They do not look for Bacon outside his
acknowledged works and letters. Since 1857, however, there has been
steadily growing a belief that Bacon was associated with the literature
of the Elizabethan and early Jacobean periods, and that he deliberately
concealed his connection with it. That this view is scouted by what are
termed the men of letters is well-known. They will have none of it. They
refuse its claim to a rational hearing. But, in spite of this, as years
go on, the number of adherents to the new theory steadily increases. The
scornful epithets that are hurled at them only appear to whet their
appetite, and increase their determination. Men and women devote their
lives with enthusiasm to the quest for further knowledge. They dig and
delve in the records of the period, and in the byeways of literature.
Theories which appear extravagant and untenable are propounded. Whether
any of these theories will come to be accepted and established beyond
cavil, time alone can prove. But, at any rate, it is certain that in
this quest many forgotten facts are brought to light, and the general
stock of information as to the literature of the period is augmented.
In the following pages it is sought to establish what may be termed one
of these extravagant theories. How far this attempt is successful, it is
for the reader to judge. Notwithstanding all that may be said to the
contrary, by far the greater part of Francis Bacon's life is unknown. An
attempt will be made by the aid of accredited documents and books to
represent in a new light his youth and early manhood. It is contended
that he deliberately sought to conceal his movements and work, although,
at the same time, he left the landmarks by which a diligent student
might follow them. In his youth he conceived the idea that the man
Francis Bacon should be concealed, and be revealed only by his works.
The motto, "_Mente videbor_"--by the mind I shall be seen--became the
guiding principle of his life.
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Attention is drawn to one of the inaccuracies in "An Introduction to
Mathematics," by A. W. Whithead, Sc.D., F.R.S., published in the Home
University Library of Modern Knowledge. The author says: "Macaulay in
his essay on Bacon contrasts the certainty of mathematics with the
uncertainty of philosophy, and by way of a rhetorical example he says,
'There has been no re-action against Taylor's theorem.' He could not
have chosen a worse example. For, without having made an examination of
English text-books on mathematics contemporary with the publication of
this essay, the assumption is a fairly safe one that Taylor's theorem
was enunciated and proved wrongly in every one of them."
THE MYSTERY
OF
FRANCIS BACON.
CHAPTER I.
SOURCES OF INFORMATION.
The standard work is "The Life and Letters of Francis Bacon," by James
Spedding, which was published from 1858-1869. It comprises seven
volumes, with 3,033 pages. The first twenty years of Bacon's life are
disposed of in 8 pages, and the next ten years in 95 pages, of which 43
pages are taken up with three tracts attributed to him. There is
practically no information given as to what should be the most important
years of his life. The two first volumes carry the narrative to the end
of Elizabeth's reign, when Bacon had passed his fortieth year. There is
in them a considerable contribution to the history of the times, but a
critical perusal will establish the fact that they add very little to
our knowledge of the man, and they fail to give any adequate idea of how
he was occupied during those years. In the seven volumes 513 letters of
Bacon's are printed, and of these no less than 238 are addressed to
James I. and the Duke of Buckingham, and were written during the last
years of his life. The biographies by Montagu and Hepworth Dixon are
less pretentious, but contain little more information.
The first published Life of Bacon appears to have been unknown to all
these writers. In 1631 was published in Paris a translation of the
"Sylva Sylvarum," as the "Histoire Naturelle de Mre. Francois Bacon."
Prefixed to it is a chapter entitled "Discours sur la vie de Mre.
Francois Bacon, Chancelier D'Angleterre." Reference will be made to this
important discourse hereafter. It is sufficient for the present to say
that it definitely states that during his youth Bacon travelled in Italy
and Spain, which fact is to-day unrecognised by those who are accepted
as authorities on his life. In 1647 there was published at Leyden a
Dutch translation of forty-six of Bacon's Essays--the "Wisdom of the
Ancients" and the "Religious Meditations." The translation is by Peter
Boener, an apothecary of Nymegen, Holland, who was in Bacon's service
for some years as domestic apothecary, and occasional amanuensis, and
quitted his employment in 1623. Boener added a Life of Bacon which is a
mere fragment, but contains testimony by a personal attendant which is
of value. In 1657 William Rawley issued a volume of unpublished
manuscripts under the title of "Resuscitatio," and to these he added a
Life of the great Philosopher. Rawley is only once mentioned by Bacon.
His will contains the sentence: "I give to my chaplain, Dr. Rawleigh,
one hundred pounds." Rawley was born in 1590. When he became associated
with his master is not known, but it could only have been towards the
close of his life. Bacon appears to have reposed great confidence in
him. In 1627,[2] the year following Bacon's death, he published the
"Sylva Sylvarum." This must have been in the press before Bacon's death.
Rawley subsequently published other works, and was associated with Isaac
Gruter during the seventeenth century in producing on the continent
various editions of Bacon's works.
Rawley's account of Bacon's life is meagre, and, having regard to the
wealth of information which must have been at his disposal, it is a very
disappointing production. Still, it contains information which is not to
be found elsewhere. How incomplete it is may be gathered from the fact
that there is no reference in it to Bacon's fall.
In 1665 was published a volume, "The Statesmen and Favourites of England
since the Reformation." It was compiled by David Lloyd. The biographies
of the Elizabethan statesmen were written by someone who was closely
associated with them, and who appears to have had exceptional
opportunities of obtaining information as to their opinions and
characters.[3] As to how these lives came into Lloyd's possession
nothing is known. Prefixed to the biographies are two pages containing
"The Lord Bacon's judgment in a work of this nature." The chapter on
Bacon is a most important contribution to the subject, but it also
appears to have escaped the notice of Spedding, Hepworth Dixon, and
Montagu. In 1658 Francis Osborn, in Letters to his son, gives a graphic
description of the Lord Chancellor. Perhaps one can better picture Bacon
as he was in the strength of his manhood from Osborne's account of him
than from any other source. Thomas Bushell, another of Bacon's household
dependents, published in 1628 "The First Part of Youth's Errors." In a
letter therein addressed to Mr. John Eliot, he has left contributions to
our stock of knowledge. There are also some miscellaneous tracts written
by him, and published about the year 1660, which contain references to
Bacon.
Fuller's Worthies (1660) gives a short account of his life and
character, eulogistic but sparse. In 1679 was published "Baconiana," or
Certain Genuine Remains of Sir Francis Bacon, &c., by Bishop Tennison,
but it contains no better account of his life. Winstanley's Worthies
(1684) relies entirely on Rawley's Life, which is reproduced in it.
Aubrey's brief Lives were written about 1680. There are references to
Bacon in Arthur Wilson's "History of the Reign of James I."; in "The
Court of James I.," by Sir W. A.; in "Simeon D'Ewes' Diary"; and,
lastly, in his "Discoveries," Ben Jonson contributes a high eulogy on
Bacon's character and attainments.
In 1702 Robert Stephens, the Court historiographer, published a volume
of Bacon's letters, with an introduction giving some account of his
life; and there was a second edition in 1736. In 1740 David Mallet
published an edition of Bacon's works, and wrote a Life to accompany it.
This was subsequently printed as a separate volume. As a biography it is
without interest, as it contains no new facts as to his life.
In 1754 memoirs of the reign of Queen Elizabeth from the year 1581 to
her death appeared, edited by Dr. Thomas Birch. These memoirs are
founded upon the letters of the various members of the Bacon family. In
1763 a volume of letters of Francis Bacon was issued under the same
editor.
Such are the sources of information which have come down to us in
biographical notices.
In the British Museum, the Record Office, and elsewhere are the
originals of the letters and the manuscripts of some of the tracts which
Spedding has printed.
The British Museum also possesses two books of Memoranda used by Bacon.
The Transportat is entirely, and the Promus is partly, in his
handwriting. Beyond his published works, that is all that so far has
been available.
Spedding remarks[4]: "What became of his books which were left to Sir
John Constable and must have contained traces of his reading, we do not
know, but very few appear to have survived."
Happily, Spedding was wrong. During the past ten years nearly 2,000
books which have passed through Bacon's hands have been gathered
together. These are copiously annotated by him, and from these
annotations the wide range and the methodical character of his reading
may be gathered. Manuscripts which were in his library, and at least
four common-place books in his handwriting, have also been recovered.
Particulars of these have not yet been made public, but the advantage of
access to them has been available in the preparation this volume.
FOOTNOTES:
[2] There are copies of this work bearing date 1626, the year in which
Bacon died.
[3] The concluding paragraph of the Epistle to the Reader is as follows:
"It's easily imaginable how unconcerned I am as to the fate of this Book
either in the History, or the Observations, since I have been so
faithful in the first, that it is not my own, but the Historians; and so
careful in the second that they are not mine, but the Histories."
[4] "Life and Letters," Vol. VII., page 552.
CHAPTER II.
THE STOCK FROM WHICH BACON CAME.
"A prodigy of parts he must be who was begot by wise Sir Nicholas Bacon,
born of the accomplished Mrs. Ann Cooke," says an early biographer.
Nicholas Bacon is said to have been born at Chislehurst, in Kent, in
1509. He was the second son of Robert Bacon, of Drinkstone, in Suffolk,
Esquire and Sheep-reeve to the Abbey of Bury St. Edmunds. It is believed
that he was educated at the abbey school. He speaks of his intimacy with
Edmund Rougham, a monk of that house, who was noted for his wonderful
proficiency in memory. He was admitted to the College of Corpus Christi,
Cambridge, and took the degree of B.A. in 1526-7. He went to Paris soon
afterwards, and on his return studied law at Gray's Inn, being called to
the Bar in 1533, and admitted ancient in 1536. He was appointed, in
1537, Clerk to the Court of Augmentations. In 1546 he was made Attorney
of the Court of Wards and Liveries, and continued as such under Edward
VI. Upon the accession of Mary he conformed to the change of religion
and retained his office during her reign. Nicholas Bacon and William
Cecil, each being a widower, had married sisters. When Elizabeth came to
the throne Cecil became her adviser. He was well acquainted with
Nicholas Bacon's sterling worth and great capacity for business, and
availed himself of his advice and assistance. The Queen delivered to
Bacon the great seal, with the title of Lord Keeper, on the 22nd
December, 1558, and he was sworn of the Privy Council and knighted. By
letters patent, dated 14th April, 1559, the full powers of a Chancellor
were conferred upon him. In 1563 he narrowly escaped the loss of his
office for alleged complicity in the issue of a pamphlet espousing the
cause of the House of Suffolk to the succession. He was restored to
favour, and continued as Lord Keeper until his death in 1579. The Queen
visited him at Gorhambury on several occasions. Sir Nicholas Bacon, in
addition to performing the important duties of his high office in the
Court of Chancery and in the Star Chamber, took an important part in all
public affairs, both domestic and foreign, from the accession of
Elizabeth until his death. He first married Jane, daughter of William
Fernley, of West Creting, Suffolk, by whom he had three sons and three
daughters. For his second wife he married Anne, daughter of Sir Anthony
Cooke, by whom he had two sons, Anthony and Francis. It is of more
importance for the present purpose to know what type of man was the
father of Francis Bacon. The author of the "Arte of English Poesie"
(1589) relates that he came upon Sir Nicholas sitting in his gallery
with the works of Quintillian before him, and adds: "In deede he was a
most eloquent man and of rare learning and wisdome as ever I knew
England to breed, and one that joyed as much in learned men and good
witts." This author, speaking of Sir Nicholas and Burleigh, remarks,
"From whose lippes I have seen to proceede more grave and naturall
eloquence then from all the oratours of Oxford and Cambridge."
In his "Fragmenta Regalia" Sir Robert Naunton describes him as "an
archpeece of wit and wisdom," stating that "he was abundantly facetious
which took much with the Queen when it was suited with the season as he
was well able to judge of his times." Fuller describes him as "a man of
rare wit and deep experience," and, again, as "a good man, a grave
statesman, and a father to his country." Bishop Burnet speaks of him as
"not only one of the most learned and pious men, but one of the wisest
ministers this nation ever bred." The observations of the author of "The
Statesmen and Favourites of England in the Reign of Queen Elizabeth" are
very illuminating. "Sir Nicholas Bacon," he says, "was a man full of wit
and wisdome, a gentleman and a man of Law with great knowledge therein."
He proceeds: "This gentleman understood his Mistress well and the times
better: He could raise factions to serve the one and allay them to suit
the others. He had the deepest reach into affairs of any man that was at
the Council table: the knottiest Head to pierce into difficulties: the
most comprehensive Judgement to surround the merit of a cause: the
strongest memory to recollect all circumstances of a Business to one
View: the greatest patience to debate and consider; (for it was he that
first said, let us stay a little and we will have done the sooner:) and
the clearest reason to urge anything that came in his way in the Court
of Chancery.... Leicester seemed wiser than he was, Bacon was wiser than
he seemed to be; Hunsden neither was nor seemed wise.... Great was this
Stateman's Wit, greater the Fame of it; which as he would say, _being
nothing, made all things_. For Report, though but Fancy, begets Opinion;
and Opinion begets substance.... He neither affected nor attained to
greatness: _Mediocria firma_, was his principle and his practice. When
Queen Elizabeth asked him, _Why his house was so little?_ he answered,
_Madam, my house is not too little for me, but you have made me too big
for my House. Give me_, said he, _a good Estate rather than a great one.
He had a very Quaint saying and he used it often to good purpose_, That
he loved the Jest well but not the loss of his Friend.... He was in a
word, a Father of his country and of _Sir Francis Bacon_."
Before speaking of Lady Ann Bacon, it is necessary to give some account
of her father, Sir Anthony Cooke. He was a great-grandson of Sir Thomas
Cooke, Lord Mayor of London, and was born at Giddy Hall, in Essex. Again
the most valuable observations on his character are to be found in "The
Lives of Statesmen and Favourites" before referred to. The author states
that Sir Anthony "was one of the Governors to King Edward the sixth when
Prince, and is charactered by Mr. Camden _Vir antiqua serenitate_. He
observeth him also to be happy in his Daughters, learned above their Sex
in Greek and Latine: namely, Mildred who married William Cecil, Lord
Treasurer of England; Anne who married Nichlas Bacon, Lord Chancellor of
England; Katherine who married Henry Killigrew; Elizabeth who married
Thomas Hobby, and afterwards Lord Russell, and Margaret who married
Ralph Rowlet."
"Gravity," says this author, "was the Ballast of Sir Anthony's Soul and
General Learning its leading.... Yet he was somebody in every Art, and
eminent in all, the whole circle of Arts lodging in his Soul. His
Latine, fluent and proper; his Greek, critical and exact; his Philology
and Observations upon each of these languages, deep, curious, various
and pertinent: His Logic, rational; his History and Experience, general;
his Rhetorick and Poetry, copious and genuine; his Mathematiques,
practicable and useful. Knowing that souls were equal, and that Women
are as capable of Learning as Men, he instilled that to his Daughters at
night, which he had taught the Prince in the day, being resolved to have
Sons by education, for fear he should have none by birth; and lest he
wanted an Heir of his body, he made five of his minde, for whom he had
at once a _Gavel-kind_ of affection and of Estate."
"Three things there are before whom (was Sir Anthony's saying) I cannot
do amis: 1, My Prince; 2, my conscience; 3, my children. Seneca told his
sister, That though he could not leave her a good portion, he would
leave her a good pattern. Sir Anthony would write to his Daughter
_Mildred, My example is your inheritance and my life is your
portion_....
"He said first, and his Grandchilde my Lord Bacon after him, That the
Joys of Parents are Secrets, and so are their Griefs and Fears.... Very
providently did he secure his eternity, by leaving the image of his
nature in his children and of his mind in his Pupil.... The books he
advised were not _many_ but _choice_: the business he pressed was not
reading, but digesting.... Sir John Checke talked merrily, Dr. Coxe
solidly and Sir Anthony Cooke weighingly: A faculty that was derived
with his blood to his Grandchilde Bacon."
Such then was the father of Lady Anne Bacon. She and her sisters were
famous as a family of accomplished classical scholars. She had a
thorough knowledge of Greek and Latin. An Apologie ... in defence of the
Churche of England by Dr. Jewel, Bishop of Salisbury, was translated by
her from the Latin and published in 1564. Sir Anthony had been exiled
during Mary's reign, for his adherence to the Protestant faith. His
daughter, Anne, inherited, not only his classical accomplishments, but
his strong Puritan faith and his hatred of Popery. Francis Bacon
describes her as "A Saint of God." There is a portrait of her painted by
Nathaniel Bacon, her stepson, in which she appears standing in her
pantry habited as a cook. In feature Francis appears to have resembled
his mother. He "had the same pouting lip, the same round head, the same
straight nose and Hebe chin."
CHAPTER III.
FRANCIS BACON, 1560 TO 1572.
In the registry of St. Martin's will be found this entry: Mr. Franciscus
Bacon 1560 Jan 25 (_filius D'm Nicho Bacon Magni Angliæ sigilli
custodis_)." Rawley in his "Life of the Honourable Author" says:
"Francis Bacon, the glory of his age and nation, was born in York House
or York Place, in the Strand, on the two and twentieth day of January in
the year of our Lord 1560." He relates that "His first and childish
years were not without some mark of eminency; at which time he was
endued with that pregnancy and towardness of wit, as they were pressages
of that deep and universal apprehension which was manifest in him
afterward." "The Queen then delighted much to confer with him, and to
prove him with questions unto whom he delivered himself with that
gravity and maturity above his years that Her Majesty would often term
him '_Her young Lord Keeper_.' Being asked by the Queen how old he was
he answered with much discretion, being then but a boy[5] that he was
two years younger than Her Majesty's happy reign, with which answer the
queen was much taken." In the "Lives of the Statesmen and Favourites of
Queen Elizabeth" there is reference to the early development of his
mental and intellectual faculties. The author writes:--"He had a large
mind from his Father and great abilities from his Mother; His parts
improved more than his years, his great fixed and methodical memory, his
solide judgement, his quick fancy, his ready expression, gave assurance
of that profound and universal comprehension of things which then
rendered him the observation of great and wise men; and afterwards the
wonder of all." The historian continues:--"He never saw anything that
was not noble and becoming," "at twelve his industry was above the
capacity and his minde beyond the reache of his contemporaries."
This boy so marvellously endowed was brought up in surroundings which
were ideal for his development. His father, a man of erudition, a wit
and orator, occupying one of the highest positions in the country, his
mother a lady of great classical accomplishments, who had enjoyed the
benefits of an education and training by her father, that eminent
scholar, Sir Anthony Cooke, and, lastly, there was this man--his
grandfather--living within riding distance from his home. It seems
inevitable that the natural powers of young Francis must have excited a
keen interest in the old tutor of Edward VI., who had devoted his
evenings to imparting to his daughters what he had taught the Prince
during the day, so that if he left behind him no heirs of his body, he
might leave heirs of his mind. The boy Francis was, indeed, a worthy
heir of his mind, and it is impossible to believe otherwise than that
Sir Anthony Cooke would throw himself heart and soul into the education
of his grandchild, but no statement or tradition has come down to this
effect. It may be, however, that a sentence which has already been
quoted from "The Lives of Statesmen and Favourites" is intended to imply
that Francis was the pupil of Sir Anthony: "He said first and his
Grandchilde my Lord Bacon after him, That the Joys of Parents are
Secrets, and so their Griefs and Fears.... Very providently did he
secure his Eternity, by leaving the image of his nature in his Children
and of his mind in his Pupil." The pupil referred to was not Edward VI.,
for he died twenty-three years before Sir Anthony, and he could not,
therefore, have left the image of his mind in the young King. Following
directly after the sentence "He said first and his Grandchilde Lord
Bacon after him" it is possible that the reference may be to the boy
Francis. Certainly Sir Anthony "would secure his eternity" if he left
the image of his mind in his "Grandchilde." In any case the prodigious
natural powers of the boy were placed in an environment well suited for
their full development.
The historian says that "at twelve his industry was above the capacity
and his mind beyond the reache of his Contemporaries." Who were the
contemporaries alluded to? Those of his own age, or those who were
living at the time? A boy of twelve, he excelled others in his great
industry and the wide range of his mind. This industry appears to have
accompanied him through life, for Rawley states that "he would ever
interlace a moderate relaxation of his mind with his studies, as walking
or taking the air abroad in his coach or some other befitting
recreation; and yet he would lose no time, inasmuch as upon the first
and immediate return he would fall to reading again, and so suffer no
movement of time to slip from him without some present improvement." It
is a remarkable fact on which too much stress cannot be laid that in the
two Lives of Bacon, scanty as they are, by contemporary writers, his
exceptional industry is pointed out. There are certainly no visible
fruits of this industry.
Although there is no definite information as to what was the state of
Francis Bacon's education at twelve, there is testimony as to that of
some of his contemporaries. Three instances will suffice.
Philip Melancthon (whose family name was Schwartzerd) was born in 1497.
His education was at an early age directed by his maternal grandfather,
John Reuter. After a short stay at a public school at Bretten he was
removed to the academy at Pforzheim. Here, under the tutorship of John
Reuchlin, an elegant scholar and teacher of languages, he acquired the
taste for Greek literature in which he subsequently became so
distinguished. Here his genius for composition asserted itself. Amongst
other poetical essays in which he indulged when eleven years of age, he
wrote a humorous piece in the form of a comedy, which he dedicated to
his kind friend and instructor, Reuchlin, in whose presence it was
performed by the schoolfellows of the youthful author. After a residence
of two years at Pforzheim, Philip matriculated at the University of
Heidelberg on the 13th October, 1509, being eleven years and nine months
old. Young as he was, he appears to have been employed to compose most
of the harangues that were delivered in the University, besides writing
some pieces for the professors themselves. Here, at this early age, he
composed his "Rudiments of the Greek Language," which were afterwards
published.
Agrippa d'Aubigné was born in 1550 and died in 1630. At six years of age
he read Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. When ten years he translated the
Crito. Italian and Spanish were at his command.
Thomas Bodley was born in 1544 and died in 1612. In the short
autobiography which he left he makes the following statement as to how
far his education had advanced when his father decided to fix his abode
in the city of Geneva in 1556:--
"I was at that time of twelve yeares age but through my fathers
cost and care sufficiently instructed to become an auditour of
_Chevalerius_ in Hebrew, of _Berealdus_ in Greeke, of _Calvin_ and
_Beza_ in Divinity and of some other Professours in that
University, (which was newly there erected) besides my domesticall
teachers, in the house of Philibertus Saracenus, a famous Physitian
in that City with whom I was boarded; when Robertus Constantinus
that made the Greek Lexicon read Homer with me."
Bodley was undoubtedly proficient in French, for Calvin and Beza
lectured in French. The "Institution of the Christian Religion,"
Calvin's greatest work, although published in Latin in 1536, was
translated by him into French, and issued in 1540 or 1541. This
translation is one of the finest examples of French prose. Bodley's
English was probably very poor, and for a very good reason--there was no
English language worthy of comparison with the languages of France,
Italy, or Spain. It had yet to be created.
It is fair to assume that at twelve years of age Francis Bacon was as
proficient in languages as were Philip Melancthon, Agrippa d'Aubigné, or
Thomas Bodley at that age. He, therefore, had at least a good knowledge
of Latin, Greek, Hebrew, French, and such English as there was.
Another class of evidence is now available. It has already been stated
that a large number of Bacon's books have been recovered, copiously
annotated by him. Some of these books bear the date when the annotations
were made. For the most part the marginal notes appear to be aids to
memory, but in many cases they are critical observations of the text.
These are, however, dealt with in a subsequent chapter.
Gilbert Wats, in dedicating to Charles I. his interpretation of "The
Advancement of Proficiency of Learning" (1640), makes a statement which
throws light on the course of Bacon's studies, and this strongly
supports the present contention. He says:--
"He (Bacon) after he had survaied all the Records of Antiquity,
after the volume of men, betook himselfe to the study of the volume
of the world; and having conquerd whatever books possest, set upon
the Kingdome of Nature and carried that victory very farre."
Speaking of him as a boy his biographer[6] describes his memory as
"fixed and methodical," and in another place he says "His judgment was
solid yet his memory was a wonder."
The extent of his reading at this time had been very wide. He had
already taken all knowledge to be his province, and was with that
industry which was beyond the capacity of his contemporaries rapidly
laying the foundations which subsequently justified this claim.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] Lloyd states that this occurred when he was seven years of age.
[6] "The Lives of Statesmen and Favourites of Elizabeth."
CHAPTER IV.
AT CAMBRIDGE.
Francis Bacon went to reside at Trinity College, Cambridge, in April,
1573, being 12 years and 3 months of age. While the plague raged he was
absent from the end of August, 1574, until the beginning of March
following. He finally left the University at Christmas, 1575, about one
month before his fifteenth birthday.
Rawley says he was there educated and bred under the tuition of Dr. John
Whitgift,[7] then master of the College, afterwards the renowned
Archbishop of Canterbury, a prelate of the first magnitude for sanctity,
learning, patience, and humility; under whom he was observed to have
been more than an ordinary proficient in the several arts and sciences.
Amboise, in the "Discours sur la vie de M. Bacon," prefixed to the
"Histoire Naturelle," Paris, 1631, says: "Le jugement et la mémoire ne
furent jamais en aucun home au degrè qu'ils estoient en celuy-cy; de
sorte qu'en bien peu de temps il se rendit fort habile en toutes les
sciences qui s'apprennent au Collège. Et quoi que deslors il fust jugé
capable des charges les plas importantes, nean-moins pour ne tomber
dedans la mesme faute que sont d'ordinaire les jeunes gens de son
estoffe, qui par une ambition trop précipitée portent souvent au
maniement des grandes affaires un esprit encore tout rempli des crudités
de l'escole, Monsieur Bacon se voulut acquérir cette science, qui rendit
autres-fois Ulysse si recommandable et luy fit mériter le nom de sage,
par la connoissance des mœurs de tant de nations diverses." That is all
that can be said about his career at Cambridge except that Rawley adds:
"Whilst he was commorant in the University, about sixteen years of
age (as his lordship hath been pleased to impart unto myself), he
first fell into the dislike of the philosophy of Aristotle; not for
the worthlessness of the author, to whom he would ever ascribe all
high attributes, but for the unfruitfulness of the way; being a
philosophy (as his lordship used to say) only strong for
disputations and contentions, but barren of the production of works
for the benefit of the life of man; in which mind he continued to
his dying day."
As Bacon left Cambridge at Christmas, 1575, before he was 15 years of
age, Rawley's recollection must have been at fault when he mentions the
age of 16 as that when Bacon formed this opinion.
There is another account of this incident in which it is stated that
Francis Bacon left Cambridge without taking a degree as a protest
against the manner in which philosophy was taught there. In the preface
to the "Great Instauration" Bacon repeats his protest: "And for its
value and utility, it must be plainly avowed that that wisdom which we
have derived principally from the Greeks is but like the boyhood of
knowledge and has the characteristic property of boys: it can talk but
it cannot generate: for it is fruitful of controversies but barren of
works."
This is merely a re-statement of the position he took up when at
Cambridge. So this boy set up his opinion against that of the recognised
professors of philosophy of his day, against the whole authority of the
staff of the University, on a fundamental point on the most important
question which could be raised as to the pursuit of knowledge. It is not
too much to say that he had at this time covered the whole field of
knowledge in a manner more thorough than it had ever been covered
before, and with his mind, which was beyond the reach of his
contemporaries, he began to lay down those laws which revolutionised all
thought and have become the accepted method by which the pursuit of
knowledge is followed.
It is necessary again to seek for parallels to justify the position
which will be claimed for Francis Bacon at this period.
Philip Melancthon affords one and James Crichton another. At Heidelberg
Melancthon remained three years. He left when he was 15, the principal
cause of his leaving being disappointment at being refused a higher
degree in the University solely, it is alleged, on account of his youth.
In September, 1512, he was entered at the University of Tubingen, where,
in the following year, before he was 17 years of age, he was created
Doctor in Philosophy or Master of Arts. He then commenced a course of
public lectures, embracing an extraordinary variety of subjects,
including the learned languages, rhetoric, logic, ethics, mathematics,
and theology. Here in 1516 he put forth his revision of the text of
Terence. Besides he entered into an undertaking with Thomas Anshelmus to
revise all the books printed by him. He bestowed great labour on a large
work in folio by Nauclerus, which he appears to have almost entirely
re-written.
So much romance has been thrown around James Crichton that it is
difficult to obtain the real facts of his life. Sir Thomas Urquhart, in
"Discovery of a Most Exquisite Jewel," published in 1652, gives a
biography which is, without doubt, mainly apocryphal. Certain facts,
however, are well established. He was born in the same year as was Bacon
(1560). At 10 years of age he entered St. Andrew's University, and in
1575 (the year Bacon left Cambridge) took his degree, coming out third
in the first class. In 1576 he went to France, as did Bacon--to Paris.
In the College of Navarre he issued a universal challenge. This he
subsequently repeated at Venice with equal success; that is, to all men,
upon all things, in any of twelve languages named. The challenge is
broad and formal. He pledged himself to review the schoolmen, allowed
his opponents the privilege of selecting their topics--mathematics, no
less than scholastic lore--either from branches publicly or privately
taught, and promised to return answers in logical figure or in numbers
estimated according to their occult power, or in any of a hundred sorts
of verse. He is said to have justified before many competent witnesses
his magnificent pretensions.
What Philip Melancthon was at fifteen, what James Crichton was at
sixteen, Francis Bacon may have been. All the testimony which his
contemporaries afford, especially having regard to his after life,
justify the assertion that in knowledge and acquirements he was at least
their equal.
About eighteen months later his portrait was painted by Hilliard, the
Court miniature painter, who inscribed around it, as James Spedding
says, the significant words--the natural ejaculation, we may presume, of
the artist's own emotion--"_Si tabula daretur digna animum mallem._" If
one could only find materials worthy to paint his mind.
FOOTNOTES:
[7] Dr. Whitgift was a man of strong moral rectitude, yet in 1593 he
became one of its sponsors on the publication of "Venus and Adonis."
CHAPTER V.
EARLY COMPOSITIONS.
It is at this stage that the mystery of Francis Bacon begins to develop.
Every channel through which information might be expected appears to be
blocked. Besides a few pamphlets, in the production of which little time
would be occupied, there came nothing from his pen until 1597 when, at
the age of 37, the first edition of the essays was published--only ten
short essays containing less than 6,000 words. In 1605, when 45, he
addressed to James I. the "Two Books on the Advancement of Learning,"
containing less than 60,000 words. It would require no effort on Bacon's
part to write either of these volumes. He could turn out the "Two Books
of the Advancement of Learning" with the same facility that a leader
writer of the _Times_ would write his daily articles. He was to all
intents and purposes unoccupied. Until 1594 he had not held a brief, and
he never had any practice at the Bar worth considering. He was a member
of Parliament, but the House seldom sat, and never for long periods.
Bacon's life is absolutely unaccounted for. It is now proposed, by the
aid of the literature of the period from 1576 to 1620, and with the help
of information derived from his own handwriting, to trace, step by step,
the results of his industry, and to supply the reason for the
concealment which he pursued.
There is an entry in the Book of Orders of Gray's Inn under date 21st
November, 1577, that Anthony and Francis Bacon (who had been admitted
members 27th June, 1576, "_de societate magistrorum_") be admitted to
the Grand Company, _i.e._, to the Degree of Ancients, a privilege to
which they were entitled as sons of a judge. From a letter subsequently
written by Burghley, it is known that one Barker was appointed as their
tutor of Law. Apparently it was intended that they should settle down to
a course of legal training, but this plan was abandoned, at any rate, as
far as Francis was concerned. Sir Amias Paulet, who was Chancellor of
the Garter, a Privy Counsellor, and held in high esteem by the Queen,[8]
was about to proceed to Paris to take the place of Dr. Dale as
Ambassador at the Court of France. There is a letter written from
Calais, dated 25th September, 1576, from Sir Amias to Lord Burghley, in
which this paragraph appears: "My ordinary train is no greater than of
necessity, being augmented by some young gentlemen, whereof one is Sir
Nicholas Throgmorton's son, who was recommended to me by her Majesty,
and, therefore, I could not refuse him. The others are so dear to me and
the most part of them of such towardness, as my good hope of their doing
well, and thereafter they will be able to serve their Prince and
country, persuades me to make so much to excuse my folly as to entreat
you to use your favour in my allowance for my transportations, my
charges being increased by these extraordinary occasions."
Francis Bacon was one of this group of young gentlemen. Rawley states
that "after he had passed the circle of the liberal arts, his father
thought fit to frame and mould him for the arts of state; and for that
end sent him over into France with Sir Amyas Paulet then employed
Ambassador lieger into France."
There are grounds for believing that Bacon's literary activity had
commenced before he left England. There is abundant evidence to prove
that it was the custom at this period for authors who desired to conceal
their authorship to substitute for their own names, initials or the
names of others on the title-pages. Two instances will suffice: "The
Arte of English Poesie" was published in 1589, but written several years
previously. The author says:--"I know very many notable Gentlemen in the
Court that have written commendably, and suppressed it agayne, or els
suffred it to be publisht without their owne names to it as if it were a
discredit for a Gentleman to seeme learned, and to shew himself amorous
of any learned Art." There is a bare-faced avowal of how names were
placed on title-pages in a letter which exists from Henry Cuffe to Mr.
Reynolds. Cuffe, an Oxford scholar of distinction, was a close companion
and confidant of Essex. After the capture and sacking of Cadiz by Essex
and Howard, the former deemed it important that his version of the
affair should be the first to be published in England. Cuffe, therefore,
started off post haste with the manuscript, but was taken ill on his
arrival at Portsmouth, and could not proceed. He despatched the
manuscript by a messenger with a letter to "Good Mr. Reynoldes," who was
a private Secretary of Essex. He was to cause a transcript to be made
and have it delivered to some good printer, in good characters and with
diligence to publish it. Reynoldes was to confer with Mr. Greville
(Fulke Greville, afterwards Lord Brooke) "whether he can be contented to
suffer the two first letters of his name to be used in the inscription."
"If he be unwilling," adds Cuffe, "you may put R.B. which some no doubt
will interprete to be Beale, but it skills not." That this was a common
practice is admitted by those acquainted with Elizabethan literature. If
any of Bacon's writings were published prior to the trifle which
appeared in 1597 as Essaies, his name was suppressed, and it would be
probable some other name would appear on the title-page. There is a
translation of a classical author, bearing date 1572, which is in the
Baconian style, but which need not be claimed for him without further
investigation.
The following suggestion is put forward with all diffidence, but after
long and careful investigation. Francis Bacon was the author of two
books which were published, one before he left England, and the other
shortly after. The first is a philosophical discourse entitled "The
Anatomie of the Minde." Newlie made and set forth by T.R. Imprinted at
London by I.C. for Andrew Maunsell, 1576, 12mo. The dedication is
addressed to Master Christopher Hatton, and the name of Tho. Rogers is
attached to it. There was a Thomas Rogers who was Chaplain to Archbishop
Bancroft, and the book has been attributed to him, apparently only
because no other of the same name was known. There was published in 1577
a translation by Rogers of a Latin book "Of the Ende of the World, etc."
and there are other translations by him published between then and 1628.
There are several sermons, also, but the style of these, the matter, and
the manner of treatment are quite distinct from those of the book under
consideration. There is nothing of his which would support the
assignment to him of "The Anatomie of the Mind." It is foreign to his
style.
Having regard to the acknowledged custom of the times of putting names
other than the author's on title-pages, there is no need for any apology
for expressing doubt as to whether the book has been correctly placed to
the credit of the Bishop Bancroft's chaplain. In the address To the
Reader the author says: "I dyd once for my profite in the Universitie,
draw into Latin tables, which since for thy profite (Christian Reader)
at the request of a gentleman of good credite and worship, I have
Englished and published in these two books." There is in existence a
copy of the book with the printer's and other errors corrected in
Bacon's own handwriting.
Bearing date 1577, imprinted at London for Henri Cockyn, is an octavo
book styled, _"Beautiful Blossoms" gathered by John Byshop from the best
trees of all kyndes, Divine, Philosophicall, Astronomicall,
Cosmographical, Historical and Humane that are growing in Greece,
Latium, and Arabia, and some also in vulgar orchards as wel fro these
that in auncient time were grafted, as also from them which with skilful
head and hand beene of late yeare's, yea, and in our dayes planted: to
the unspeakable, both pleasure and profite of all such as wil vouchsafe
to use them._ On the title-page are the words, "The First Tome," but no
further volume was published. As to who or what John Byshop was there is
no information available. His name appears on no other book. The preface
is a gem of musical sounding words. It contains the sentence, "let them
pass it over and read the rest which are all as plaine as Dunstable
Way." Bacon's home was within a few miles of Dunstable Way, which was
the local term for the main road.
It is impracticable here to give at length the grounds upon which it is
believed that Francis Bacon was the author of these two books. Each of
them is an outpouring of classical lore, and is evidently written by
some young man who had recently assimilated the writings of nearly every
classical author. In this respect both correspond with the manner of
"The French Academie," to which the attention of the reader will shortly
be directed, whilst in "The Anatomie of the Minde" the treatment of the
subject is identical with that in the latter. Failing actual proof, the
circumstantial evidence that the two books are from the same pen is
almost as strong as need be.
Some time in October, 1576, Sir Amyas Paulet would reach Paris,
accompanied by Bacon. The only fragment of information which is given by
his biographers of any occurrence during his stay there is obtained from
Rawley. He states that "Sir Amias Paulet after a while held him fit to
be entrusted with some message, or advertisement to the Queen, which
having performed with great approbation, he returned back into France
again with intention to continue for some years there." In his absence
in France, his father, the Lord Keeper, died. This was in February,
1578-9. If he returned shortly after news of his father's death reached
him, his stay on the Continent would cover about two and a-half years.
As to what he was doing nothing is known, but Pierre Amboise states that
"France, Italy, and Spain as the most civilised nations of the whole
world were those whither his desire for Knowledge carried him."
FOOTNOTES:
[8] It was to Sir Amias that the custody of Mary Queen of Scots was
committed.
CHAPTER VI.
BACON'S "TEMPORIS PARTUS MAXIMUS."
Francis Bacon was at Blois with Sir Amias Paulet in 1577. In the same
year was published the first edition of the first part of "Académie
Francoise par Pierre de la Primaudaye Esceuyer, Seignor dudict lieu et
de la Barrée, Gentilhomme ordinaire de la chambre du Roy." The
dedication, dated February, 1577 (_i.e._, 1578) is addressed, "Au
Tres-chrestien Roy de France et de Polongne Henry III. de ce nom." The
first English translation, by T. B., was "published in 1586[9],
imprinted at London by Edmund Bollifant for G. Bishop and Ralph
Newbery." Other parts of "The Academy" followed at intervals of years,
but the first and only complete edition in English bears date 1618, and
was printed for Thomas Adams. Over the dedication is the well-known
archer emblem. It is a thick folio volume, with 1,038 pages double
columns. It may be termed the first Encyclopædia which appeared in any
language, and is, perhaps, one of the most remarkable productions of the
Elizabethan era. Little is known of Pierre de la Primaudaye. The
particulars for his biography in the "Biographie Nationale" seem to have
been taken from references made to the author in the "French Académie"
itself. In the French Edition, 1580, there is a portrait of a man, and
under it the words "Anag. de L'auth. Par la prierè Dieu m'ayde." The
following is an extract from the dedication:--
"The dinner of that prince of famous memorie, was a second table of
Salomon, vnto which resorted from euerie nation such as were best
learned, that they might reape profit and instruction. Yours, Sir,
being compassed about with those, who in your presence daily
discourse of, and heare discoursed many graue and goodly matters,
seemeth to be a schoole erected to teach men that are borne to
vertue. And for myselfe, hauing so good hap during the assemblie of
your Estates at Blois, as to be made partaker of the fruit gathered
thereof, it came in my mind to offer vnto your Maiestie a dish of
diuers fruits, which I gathered in a Platonicall garden or orchard,
otherwise called an ACADEMIE, where I was not long since with
certaine yoong Gentlemen of Aniou my companions, discoursing
togither of the institution in good maners, and of the means how
all estates and conditions may liue well and happily. And although
a thousand thoughts came then into my mind to hinder my purpose, as
the small authoritie, which youth may or ought to haue in counsell
amongst ancient men: the greatnes of the matter subject, propounded
to be handled by yeeres of so small experience; the forgetfulness
of the best foundations of their discourses, which for want of a
rich and happie memorie might be in me: my iudgement not sound
ynough, and my profession vnfit to set them downe in good order:
briefly, the consideration of your naturall disposition and rare
vertue, and of the learning which you receiuve both by reading good
authors, and by your familiar communication with learned and great
personages that are neere about your Maiestie (whereby I seemed to
oppose the light of an obscure day, full of clouds and darkness, to
the bright beames of a very cleere shining sonne, and to take in
hand, as we say, to teach Minerua). I say all these reasons being
but of too great weight to make me change my opinion, yet calling
to mind manie goodlie and graue sentences taken out of sundry
Greeke and Latine Philosophers, as also the woorthie examples of
the liues of ancient Sages and famous men, wherewith these
discourses were inriched, which might in delighting your noble mind
renew your memorie with those notable sayings in the praise of
vertue and dispraise of vice, which you alwaies loued to heare: and
considering also that the bounty of Artaxerxes that great Monarke
of the Persians was reuiued in you, who receiued with a cheerfull
countenance a present of water of a poore laborer, when he had no
need of it, thinking to be as great an act of magnanimitie to take
in good part, and to receiue cheerfully small presents offered with
a hartie and good affection, as to giue great things liberally, I
ouercame whatsoeuer would haue staied me in mine enterprise."
It appears, therefore, that the author by good hap was a visitor at the
Court of Henry III. when at Blois; that he was there studying with
certain young gentlemen of Anjou, his companions; that he was a youth,
and of years of small experience; that his memory might not be
sufficiently rich and happy, his judgment not enough, and his profession
unfit in recording the discourses of himself and his companions.
"The Author to the Reader" is an essay on Philosophy, every sentence in
which seems to have the same familiar sound as essays which subsequently
appeared under another name. The contents of the several chapters are
enumerated thus: "Of Man," "Of the Body and Soule," etc.
The first chapter contains a description of how the "Academie" came
about. An ancient wise gentleman of great calling having spent the
greater part of his years in the service of two kings, and of his
country, France, for many and good causes had withdrawn himself to his
house. He thought that to content his mind, which always delighted in
honest and vertuous things, he could not bring greater profit to the
Monarchie of France, than to lay open and preserve and keep youth from
the corruption which resulted from the over great license and excessive
liberty granted to them in the Universities. He took unto his house four
young gentlemen, with the consent of their parents who were
distinguished noblemen. After he had shown these young men the first
grounds of true wisdom, and of all necessary things for their salvation,
he brought into his house a tutor of great learning and well reported of
his good life and conversation, to whom he committed their instruction.
After teaching them the Latin tongue and some smattering of Greek he
propounded for their chief studies the moral philosophy of ancient sages
and wise men, together with the understanding and searching out of
histories which are the light of life. The four fathers, desiring to see
what progress their sons had made, decided to visit them. And because
they had small skill in the Latin tongue, they determined to have their
children discourse in their own natural tongue of all matters that might
serve for the instruction and reformation of every estate and calling,
in such order and method as they and their master might think best. It
was arranged that they should meet in a walking place covered over with
a goodly green arbour, and daily, except Sundays, for three weeks,
devote two hours in the morning and two hours after dinner to these
discourses, the fathers being in attendance to listen to their sons. So
interesting did these discussions become that the period was often
extended to three or four hours, and the young men were so intent upon
preparation for them that they would not only bestow the rest of the
days, but oftentimes the whole night, upon the well studying of that
which they proposed to handle. The author goes on to say:--"During which
time it was my good hap to be one of the companie when they began their
discourses, at which I so greatly wondered that I thought them worthy to
be published abroad." From this it would appear that the author was a
visitor, privileged, with the four fathers and the master, to listen to
the discourses of these four young men. But, a little further on the
position is changed; one of the four young men is, without any
explanation, ignored, and his father disappointed! For the author takes
his place, as will be seen from the following extract:--
"And thus all fower of us followed the same order daily until
everie one in his course had intreated according to appointment,
both by the precepts of doctrine, as also by the examples of the
lives of ancient Sages and famous men, of all things necessary for
the institution of manners and happie life of all estates and
callings in this French Monarchie. But because I knowe not whether,
in naming my companions by their proper names, supposing thereby to
honour them as indeede they deserve it, I should displease them
(which thing I would not so much as thinke) I have determined to do
as they that play on a Theater, who under borrowed maskes and
disguised apparell, do represent the true personages of those whom
they have undertaken to bring on the stage. I will therefore call
them by names very agreeable to their skill and nature: the first
ASER which signifieth _Felicity_: the second AMANA which is as much
to say as _Truth_: the third ARAM which noteth to us _Highness_;
and to agree with them as well in name as in education and
behaviour. I will name myself ACHITOB[10] which is all one with
_Brother of goodness_. Further more I will call and honour the
proceeding and finishing of our sundry treatises and discourses
with this goodlie and excellent title of Academie, which was the
ancient and renowned school amongst the Greek Philosophers, who
were the first that were esteemed, and that the place where Plato,
Xenophon, Poleman, Xenocrates, and many other excellent personages,
afterward called Academicks, did propound & discourse of all things
meet for the instruction and teaching of wisdome: wherein we
purposed to followe them to our power, as the sequele of our
discourses shall make good proofe."
And then the discourses commence.
"Love's Labour's Lost" was published in 1598, and was the first quarto
upon which the name of Shakespeare was printed. The title-page states
that it is "newly corrected and augmented," from which it may be
inferred that there was a previous edition, but no copy of such is
known. The commentators are in practical agreement that it was probably
the first play written by the dramatist.
There are differences of opinion as to the probable date when it was
written. Richard Grant White believes this to be not later than 1588,
Knight gives 1589, but all this is conjecture.
The play opens with a speech by Ferdinand:--
"Let Fame that all hunt after in their lives,
Live registred upon our brazen Tombes,
And then grace us, in the disgrace of death:
When spight of cormorant devouring time,
Th' endevour of this present breath may buy:
That honour which shall bate his sythes keene edge,
And make us heyres of all eternitie.
Therefore brave Conquerours, for so you are,
That warre against your own affections,
And the huge Armie of the worlds desires.
Our late Edict shall strongly stand in force,
Navar shall be the wonder of the world.
Our Court shall be a little Achademe,
Still and contemplative in living Art.
You three, Berowne, Doumaine, and Longavill,
Have sworne for three yeeres terme, to live with me,
My fellow Schollers, and to keepe those statutes
That are recorded in this schedule heere.
Your oathes are past, and now subscribe your names;
That his owne hand may strike his honour downe,
That violates the smallest branch heerein:
If you are arm'd to doe, as sworne to do,
Subscribe to your deepe oathes, and keepe it to."
Four young men in the French "Academie" associated together, as in
"Love's Labour Lost," to war against their own affections and the whole
army of the world's desires. Dumaine, in giving his acquiescence to
Ferdinand, ends:--
"To love, to wealth, to pompe, I pine and die
With all these living in Philosophie."
Philosophie was the subject of study of the four young men to the
"Academie."
Berowne was a visitor, for he says:--
"I only swore to study with your grace
And stay heere in your Court for three yeeres' space."
Upon his demurring to subscribe to the oath as drawn, Ferdinand
retorts:--
Well, sit you out: go home, Berowne: adue."
To which Berowne replies:--
No, my good lord; I have sworn to stay with you."
Achitob was a visitor at the Academie in France. There are other points
of resemblance, but sufficient has been said to warrant consideration of
the suggestion that the French "Academie" contains the serious studies
of the four young men whose experiences form the subject of the play.
The parallels between passages in the Shakespeare plays and the French
"Academie" are numerous, but they form no part of the present
contention.
One of these may, however, be mentioned. In the third Tome the following
passage occurs[11]:--
Psal. xix.: "It is not without cause that the Prophet said (The
heavens declare the glory of God, and the earth sheweth the workes
of his handes) For thereby he evidently teacheth, as with the
finger even to our eies, the great and admirable providence of God
their Creator; even as if the heavens should speake to anyone. In
another place it is written (Eccles. xliii.): (This high ornament,
this cleere firmament, the beauty of the heaven so glorious to
behold, tis a thing full of Majesty)."
On turning to the revised version of the Bible it will be found that the
first verse is thus translated: "The pride of the height, the cleare
firmament the beauty of heaven with his glorious shew." The rendering of
the text in "The French Academy" is strongly suggestive of Hamlet's
famous soliloquy. "This most excellent canopy, this brave o'erhanging
firmament, this majestical roof fritted with golden fire, why it appears
to me no other than a foul and pestilent congregation of vapours." The
author has forsaken the common-place rendering of the Apocrypha, and has
adopted the same declamatory style which Shakespeare uses. It is
strongly reminiscent of Hamlet's famous speech, Act II., scene ii.
Only one of the Shakespeare commentators makes any reference to the
work. The Rev. Joseph Hunter, writing in 1844, points out that the
dramatist in "As You Like It," describing the seven ages of man, follows
the division made in the chapter on "The Ages of Man" in the
"Academie."[12]
The suggestion now made is that the French "Academie" was written by
Bacon, who is represented in the dialogues as Achitob--the first part
when he was about 18 years of age, that he continued it until, in 1618,
the complete work was published. In the dedication the author describes
himself as a youth of immature experience, but the contents bear
evidence of a wide knowledge of classical authors and their works, a
close acquaintance with the ancient philosophies, and a store of general
information which it would be impossible for any ordinary youth of such
an age to possess. But was not the boy who at 15 years of age left
Cambridge disagreeing with the teaching there of Aristotle's philosophy,
and whose mental qualities and acquirements provoked as "the natural
ejaculation of the artist's emotion" the significant words, "_Si tabula
daretur digna animum mallem_," altogether abnormal?
Was the "French Academie" Bacon's _temporis partus maximus_? It is only
in a letter written to Father Fulgentio about 1625 that this work is
heard of. Bacon writes: "Equidem memini me, quadraginta abhinc annis,
juvenile opusculum circa has res confecisse, quod magna prorsus fiducia
et magnifico titulo 'Temporis Partum Maximum' inscripsi."[13]
Spedding says: "This was probably the work of which Henry Cuffe (the
great Oxford scholar who was executed in 1601 as one of the chief
accomplices in the Earl of Essex's treason) was speaking when he said
that 'a fool could not have written it and a wise man would not.'
Bacon's intimacy with Essex had begun about thirty-five years before
this letter was written."
Forty years from 1625 would carry back to 1585, the year preceding the
date of publication of the first edition in English. If Cuffe's remark
was intended to apply to the "French Academy," it is just such a
criticism as the book might be expected to provoke.
The first edition of "The French Academie" in English appeared in 1586,
the second in 1589, the third (two parts) in 1594, the fourth (three
parts) in 1602, the fifth in 1614 (all quartos), then, in 1618, the
large folio edition containing the fourth part "never before published
in English." It appears to have been more popular in England than it was
in France. Brunet in his 1838 edition mentions neither the book nor the
author, Primaudaye. The question as to whether there was at this time a
reading public in England sufficiently wide to absorb an edition in
numbers large enough to make the publication of this and similar works
possible at a profit will be dealt with hereafter. In anticipation it
may be said that the balance of probabilities justifies the conjecture
that the issue of each of these editions involved someone in loss, and
the folio edition involved considerable loss.
A comparison between the French and English publications points to both
having been written by an author who was a master of each language
rather than that the latter was a mere translation of the former. The
version is so natural in idiom and style that it appears to be an
original rather than a translation. In 1586 how many men were there who
could write such English? The marginal notes are in the exact style of
Bacon. "A similitude"--"A notable comparison"--occur frequently just as
the writer finds them again and again in Bacon's handwriting in volumes
which he possesses. The book abounds in statements, phrases, and
quotations which are to be found in Bacon's letters and works.
One significant fact must be mentioned. The first letter of the text in
the dedication in the first English translation is the letter S. It is
printed from a wood block (Fig. I.). Thirty-nine years after (in 1625)
when the last edition of Bacon's Essays--and, with the exception of the
small pamphlet containing his versification of certain Psalms, the last
publication during his life--was printed, that identical wood block
(Fig. II.) was again used to print the first letter in the dedication
of that book. Every defect and peculiarity in the one will be found in
the other. A search through many hundreds of books printed during these
thirty-nine years--1586 to 1625--has failed to find it used elsewhere,
except on one occasion, either then, before, or since.
Did Bacon mark his first work on philosophy and his last book by
printing the first letter in each from the same block?[14]
[Illustration: _Fig. I._
The first letter in the text of the dedication of the 1st edition of
the English translation of the "French Academie," =1586=. Printed at
London by G. Bollifant. The block is also used in a similar manner
in the 2nd edition, =1589=. Londini Impensis, John Bishop.]
[Illustration: _Fig. II._
The first letter in the text of the dedication of the =1625= edition
of Bacon's Essays, printed in London, by John Haviland.]
_Both letters were printed from the same block._
FOOTNOTES:
[9] In the "Gesta Grayorum" one of the articles which the Knights of the
Helmet were required to vow to keep, each kissing his helmet as he took
his vow, was "Item--every Knight of this Order shall endeavour to add
conference and experiment to reading; and therefore shall not only read
and peruse 'Guizo,' 'The French Academy,' 'Galiatto the Courtier,'
'Plutarch,' 'The Arcadia,' and the Neoterical writers from time to
time," etc. The "Gesta Grayorum," which was written in 1594, was not
published until 1687. The manuscript was probably incorrectly read as to
the titles of the books. "Galiatto," apparently, should be "Galateo,"
described in a letter of Gabriel Harvey as "The Italian Archbishop brave
Galateo." The "Courtier" is the Italian work by Castiglione which was
Englished by Sir Thomas Hoby. "Guizo" should be "Guazzo." Stefano
Guazzo's "Civil Conversation"--four books--was Englished by G. Pettie
and Young.
[10] "Hit" is used by Chaucer as the past participle of "Hide." The name
thus yields a suggestive anagram, "Bacohit."
[11] 1618 Edition, page 712.
[12] In addition to this and to the "Gesta Grayorum" (1692) I have only
been able to find two references to "The French Academy" in the works of
English writers.
J. Payne Collier, in his "Poetical Decameron," Vol. II., page 271, draws
attention to the epistle "to the Christian reader" prefixed to the
second part, and suggests that the initials T.B. which occur at the end
of the dedicatory epistle stand for Thomas Beard, the author of "Theatre
of God's Judgments." Collier does not appear to have read "The French
Academy." Dibdin, in "Notes on More's Utopia," says, "But I entreat the
reader to examine (if he be fortunate enough to possess the book) "The
French Academy of Primaudaye," a work written in a style of peculiarly
impressive eloquence, and which, not very improbably, was the foundation
of Derham's and Paley's "Natural Theology."
[13] "It being now forty years as I remember, since I composed a
juvenile work on this subject which with great confidence and a
magnificent title I named "The greatest birth of Time."
[14] The block was used on page 626 of the 1594 quarto edition of
William Camden's "Britannia," published in London by George Bishop, who
was the publisher of the 1586, 1589, and 1594 editions of "The French
Academy." There is a marginal note at the foot of the imprint of the
block commencing "R. Bacons." Francis Bacon is known to have assisted
Camden in the preparation of this work. The manuscript bears evidence of
the fact in his handwriting.
CHAPTER VII.
BACON'S FIRST ALLEGORICAL ROMANCE.
There is another work which it is impossible not to associate with this
period, and that is John Barclay's "Argenis." It is little better known
than is "The French Academy," and yet Cowper pronounced it the most
amusing romance ever written. Cardinal Richelieu is said to have been
extremely fond of reading it, and to have derived thence many of his
political maxims. It is an allegorical novel. It is proposed now only to
mention some evidence connected with the "Argenis" which supports the
contention that the 1625 English edition contains the original
composition, and that its author was young Francis Bacon.
The first edition of the "Argenis" in Latin was published in 1621. The
authority to the publisher, Nicholas Buon, to print and sell the
"Argenis" is dated the 21st July, 1621, and was signed by Barclay at
Rome. The Royal authority is dated on the 31st August following.
Barclay's death took place between these dates, on the 12th of August,
at Rome. It is reported that the cause of death was stone, but in an
appreciation of him, published by his friend, Ralph Thorie, his death is
attributed to poison.
The work is an example of the highest type of Latinity. So impressed was
Cowper with its style that he stated that it would not have dishonoured
Tacitus himself. A translation in Spanish was published in 1624, and in
Italian in 1629. The Latin version was frequently reprinted during the
seventeenth and eighteenth centuries--perhaps more frequently than any
other book.
In a letter dated 11th May, 1622, Chamberlain, writing to Carleton,
says: "The King has ordered Ben Jonson to translate the 'Argenis,' but
he will not be able to equal the original." On the 2nd October, 1623,
Ben Jonson entered a translation in Stationers' Hall, but it was never
published. About that time there was a fire in Jonson's house, in which
it is said some manuscripts were destroyed; but it is a pure assumption
that the "Argenis" was one of these.
In 1629 an English translation appeared by Sir Robert Le Grys, Knight,
and the verses by Thomas May, Esquire. The title-page bears the
statement: "The prose upon his Majesty's command." There is a Clavis
appended, also stated to be "published at his Majesties command." It was
printed by Felix Kyngston for Richard Mughten and Henry Seile. In the
address to "The understanding Reader" Le Grys says, "What then should I
say? Except it were to entreate thee, that where my English phrase doth
not please thee, thou wilt compare it with the originall Latin and mend
it. Which I doe not speak as thinking it impossible, but as willing to
have it done, for the saving me a labour, who, if his Majesty had not so
much hastened the publishing it, would have reformed some things in it,
that did not give myselfe very full satisfaction."
In 1622 King James ordered a translation of the "Argenis." In 1629[15]
Charles I. was so impatient to have a translation that he hastened the
publication, thus preventing the translator from revising his work.
Three years previously, however, in 1625--if the date may be relied
on--there was published as printed by G. P. for Henry Seile a
translation by Kingesmill Long. James died on the 25th March, 1625. The
"Argenis" may not have been published in his lifetime; but if the date
be correct, three or four years before Charles hastened the publication
of Le Grys's translation, this far superior one with Kingesmill Long's
name attached to it could have been obtained from H. Seile. Surely the
publisher would have satisfied the King's impatience by supplying him
with a copy of the 1625 edition had it been on sale. The publication of
a translation of the "Argenis" must have attracted attention. Is it
possible that it could have been in existence and not brought to the
notice of the King? There is something here that requires explanation.
The Epistle Dedicatorie of the 1625 edition is written in the familiar
style of another pen, although it bears the name of Kingesmill Long. The
title-page states that it is "faithfully translated out of Latine into
English," but it is not directly in the Epistle Dedicatorie spoken of as
a translation. The following extract implies that the work had been
lying for years waiting publication:--
"This rude piece, such as it is, hath long lyen by me, since it was
finished; I not thinking it worthy to see the light. I had always a
desire and hope to have it undertaken by a more able workman, that
our Nation might not be deprived of the use of so excellent a
Story: But finding none in so long time to have done it; and
knowing that it spake not _English_, though it were a rich jewell
to the learned Linguist, yet it was close lockt from all those, to
whom education had not given more languages, than Nature Tongues: I
have adventured to become the key to this piece of hidden Treasure,
and have suffered myselfe to be overruled by some of my worthy
friends, whose judgements I have alwayes esteemed, sending it
abroad (though coursely done) for the delight and use of others."
Not a word about the author! The translations, said to be by Thomas May,
of the Latin verses in the 1629 are identical with those in the 1625
edition, although Kingesmill Long, on the title-page, appears as the
translator. Nothing can be learnt as to who or what Long was.
Over lines "Authori," signed Ovv: Fell:[16] in the 1625 edition is one
of the well-known light and dark A devices. This work is written in
flowing and majestic English; the 1629 edition in the cramped style of
translation.
The copy bearing date 1628, to which reference has been made, belonged
to John Henry Shorthouse. He has made this note on the front page: "Jno.
Barclay's description of himself under the person of Nicopompus Argenis,
p. 60." This is the description to which he alludes:--
"Him thus boldly talking, Nicopompus could no longer endure: he was
a man who from his infancy loved Learning; but who disdaining to be
nothing but a booke-man had left the schooles very young, that in
the courts of Kings and Princes, he might serve his apprenticeship
in publicke affairs; so he grew there with an equall abilitie, both
in learning and imployment, his descent and disposition fitting him
for that kind of life: wel esteemed of many Princes, and especially
of Meleander, whose cause together with the rest of the Princes, he
had taken upon him to defend."
This description is inaccurate as applied to John Barclay, but in every
detail it describes Francis Bacon.
A comparison has been made between the editions of 1625 and 1629 with
the 1621 Latin edition. It leaves little room for doubting that the 1625
is the original work. Throughout the Latin appears to follow it rather
than to be the leader; whilst the 1629 edition follows the Latin
closely. In some cases the word used in the 1625 edition has been
incorrectly translated into the 1621 edition, and the Latin word
re-translated literally and incorrectly in view of the sense in the 1629
edition. But space forbids this comparison being further followed;
suffice it to say that everything points to the 1625 edition being the
original work.
As to the date of composition much may be said; but the present
contention is that "The French Academie," "The Argenis," and "Love's
Labour's Lost" are productions from the same pen, and that they all
represent the work of Francis Bacon probably between the years 1577 and
1580. At any rate, the first-named was written whilst he was in France,
and the others were founded on the incidents and experience obtained
during his sojourn there.
FOOTNOTES:
[15] One copy of this edition bears the date 1628.
[16] Probably Owen Felltham, author of "Felltham's Resolves."
CHAPTER VIII.
BACON IN FRANCE, 1576-1579.
This brilliant young scholar landed with Sir Amias Paulet at Calais on
the 25th of September, 1576, and with him went straight to the Court of
Henry III. of France. It is remarkable that neither Montagu, Spedding,
Hepworth Dixon, nor any other biographer seems to have thought it worth
while to consider under what influences he was brought when he arrived
there at the most impressionable period of his life. Hepworth Dixon,
without stating his authority, says that he "quits the galleries of the
Louvre and St. Cloud with his morals pure," but nothing more. And yet
Francis Bacon arrived in France at the most momentous epoch in the
history of French literature. This boy, with his marvellous
intellect--the same intellect which nearly half a century later produced
the "Novum Organum"--with a memory saturated with the records of
antiquity and with the writings of the classical authors, with an
industry beyond the capacity and a mind beyond the reach of his
contemporaries, skilled in the teachings of the philosophers, with
independence of thought and a courage which enabled him to condemn the
methods of study followed at the University where he had spent three
years; this boy who had a "beam of knowledge derived from God" upon him,
who "had not his knowledge from books, but from some grounds and notions
from himself," and above and beyond all who was conscious of his powers
and had unbounded confidence in his capacity for using them; this boy
walked beside the English Ambassador elect into the highest circles of
French Society at the time when the most important factors of influence
were Ronsard and his confrères of the Pléiade. He had left behind him in
his native country a language crude and almost barbaric, incapable of
giving expression to the knowledge which he possessed and the thoughts
which resulted therefrom.
At this time there were few books written in the English tongue which
could make any pretence to be considered literature: Sir Thomas Eliot's
"The Governor," Robert Ascham's "The Schoolmaster," and Thomas Wright's
"Arts of Rhetoric," almost exhaust the list. Thynne's edition, 1532, and
Lidgate's edition, 1561, of Chaucer's works are not intelligible. Only
in the 1598 edition can the great poet be read with any understanding.
The work of re-casting the poems for this edition was Bacon's, and he is
the man referred to in the following lines, which are prefixed to it:--
_The Reader to Geffrey Chaucer._
_Rea._--Where hast thou dwelt, good Geffrey al this while,
Unknown to us save only by thy bookes?
_Chau._--In haulks, and hernes, God wot, and in exile,
Where none vouchsaft to yeeld me words or lookes:
Till one which saw me there, and knew my friends,
Did bring me forth: such grace sometimes God sends.
_Rea._--But who is he that hath thy books repar'd,
And added moe, whereby thou are more graced?
_Chau._--The selfe same man who hath no labor spar'd,
To helpe what time and writers had defaced:
And made old words, which were unknoun of many,
So plaine, that now they may be knoun of any.
_Rea._--Well fare his heart: I love him for thy sake,
Who for thy sake hath taken all this pains.
_Chau._--Would God I knew some means amends to make,
That for his toile he might receive some gains.
But wot ye what? I know his kindnesse such,
That for my good he thinks no pains too much:
And more than that; if he had knoune in time,
He would have left no fault in prose nor rime.
There is a catalogue of the library of Sir Thomas Smith[17] on August 1,
1566, in his gallery at Hillhall. It was said to contain nearly a
thousand books. Of these only five were written in the English language.
Under Theologici, K. Henry VIII. book; under Juris Civilis, Littleton's
Tenures, an old abridgement of Statutes; under Historiographi, Hall's
Chronicles, and Fabian's Chronicles and The Decades of P. Martyr; under
Mathematica, The Art of Navigation. The remainder are in Greek, Latin,
French, and Italian. Burghley's biographer states that Burghley "never
read any books or praiers but in Latin, French, or Italian, very seldom
in Englishe."
At this time Francis Bacon thought in Latin, for his mother tongue was
wholly insufficient. There is abundant proof of this in his own
handwriting. Under existing conditions there could be no English
literature worthy of the name. If a Gentleman of the Court wrote he
either suppressed his writings or suffered them to be published without
his name to them, as it was a discredit for a gentleman to seem learned
and to show himself amorous of any good art. Here is where Spedding
missed his way and never recovered himself. Deep as is the debt of
gratitude due to him for his devoted labours in the preparation of
"Bacon's Life and Letters" and in the edition of his works, it must be
asserted that he accomplished this work without seeing Francis Bacon.
There was a vista before young Bacon's eyes from which the practice of
the law and civil dignities were absent. He arrived at the French Court
at the psychological moment when an object-lesson met his eyes which had
a more far-reaching effect on the language and literature of the
Anglo-Saxon race than any or all other influences that have conspired to
raise them to the proud position which to-day they occupy. It is
necessary briefly to explain the position of the French language and
literature at this juncture.
The French Renaissance of literature had its beginning in the early
years of the sixteenth century. It had been preceded by that of Italy,
which opened in the fourteenth century, and reached its limit with
Ariosto and Tasso, Macchiavelli and Guicciardini during the sixteenth
century. Towards the end of the fifteenth century modern French poetry
may be said to have had its origin in Villon and French prose in
Comines. The style of the former was artificial and his poems abounded
in recurrent rhymes and refrains. The latter had peculiarities of
diction which were only compensated for by weight of thought and
simplicity of expression. Clement Marot, who followed, stands out as one
of the first landmarks in the French Renaissance. His graceful style,
free from stiffness and monotony, earned for him a popularity which even
the brilliancy of the Pléiade did not extinguish, for he continued to be
read with genuine admiration for nearly two centuries. He was the
founder of a school of which Mellia de St. Gelais, the introducer of the
sonnet into France, was the most important member. Rabelais and his
followers concurrently effected a complete revolution in fiction.
Marguerite of Navarre, who is principally known as the author of "The
Heptameron," maintained a literary Court in which the most celebrated
men of the time held high place. It was not until the middle of the
sixteenth century that the great movement took place in French
literature which, if that which occurred in the same country three
hundred years subsequently be excepted, is without parallel in literary
history.
The Pléiade consisted of a group of seven men and boys who, animated by
a sincere and intelligent love of their native language, banded
themselves together to remodel it and its literary forms on the methods
of the two great classical tongues, and to reinforce it with new words
from them. They were not actuated by any desire for gain. In 1549 Jean
Daurat, then 49 years of age, was professor of Greek at le Collège de
Coqueret in Paris. Amongst those who attended his classes were five
enthusiastic, ambitious youths whose ages varied from seventeen to
twenty-four. They were Pierre de Ronsard, Joachim du Bellay, Remy
Belleau, Antoine de Baïf, and Etienne Jodelle. They and their Professor
associated themselves together and received as a colleague Pontus de
Tyard, who was twenty-eight. They formed a band of seven renovators, to
whom their countrymen applied the cognomen of the Pléiade, by which they
will ever be known. Realising the defects and possibilities of their
language, they recognised that by appropriations from the Greek and
Latin languages, and from the melodious forms of the Italian poetry,
they might reform its defects and develop its possibilities so
completely that they could place at the service of great writers a
vehicle for expression which would be the peer if not the superior of
any language, classical or modern. It was a bold project for young men,
some of whom were not out of their teens, to venture on. That they met
with great success is beyond question; the extent of that success it is
not necessary to discuss here. The main point to be emphasised is that
it was a deliberate scheme, originated, directed, and matured by a group
of little more than boys. The French Renaissance was not the result of a
spontaneous bursting out on all sides of genius. It was wrought out with
sheer hard work, entailing the mastering of foreign languages, and
accompanied by devotion and without hope of pecuniary gain. The
manifesto of the young band was written by Joachim de Bellay in 1549,
and was entitled, "La Défense et Illustration de la langue Francaise."
In the following year appeared Ronsard's Ode--the first example of the
new method. Pierre de Ronsard entered Court life when ten years old. In
attendance on French Ambassadors he visited Scotland and England, where
he remained for some time. A severe illness resulted in permanent
deafness and compelled him to abandon his profession, when he turned to
literature. Although Du Bellay was the originator of the scheme, Ronsard
became the director and the acknowledged leader of the band. His
accomplishments place him in the first rank of the poets of the world.
Reference would be out of place here to the movement which was after his
death directed by Malherbe against Ronsard's reputation and fame as a
poet and his eventual restoration by the disciples of Sainte Beuve and
the followers of Hugo. It is desirable, however, to allude to other
great Frenchmen whose labours contributed in other directions to promote
the growth of French literature. Jean Calvin, a native of Noyon, in
Picardy, had published in Latin, in 1536, when only twenty-seven years
of age, his greatest work, both from a literary and theological point of
view, "The Institution of the Christian Religion," which would be
accepted as the product of full maturity of intellect rather than the
firstfruits of the career of a youth. What the Pléiade had done to
create a French language adequate for the highest expression of poetry
Calvin did to enable facility in argument and discussion. A Latin
scholar of the highest order, avoiding in his compositions a tendency to
declamation, he developed a stateliness of phrase which was marked by
clearness and simplicity. Théodore Beza, historian, translator, and
dramatist, was another contributor to the literature of this period.
Jacques Amyot had commenced his translations from "Ethiopica," treating
of the royal and chaste loves of Theagenes and Chariclea three years
before Du Bellay's manifesto appeared. Montaigne, referring to his
translation of Plutarch, accorded to him the palm over all French
writers, not only for the simplicity and purity of his vocabulary, in
which he surpassed all others, but for his industry and depth of
learning. In another field Michel Eyquem Sieur de Montaigne had arisen.
His moral essays found a counterpart in the biographical essays of the
Abbé de Brantôme. Agrippa D'Aubigné, prose writer, historian, and poet;
Guillaume de Saluste du Bartas, the Protestant Ronsard whose works were
more largely translated into English than those of any other French
writer; Philippes Desportes and others might be mentioned as forming
part of that brilliant circle of writers who had during a comparatively
short period helped to achieve such a high position for the language and
literature of France.
* * * * *
In 1576, when Francis Bacon arrived in France, the fame of the Pléiade
was at its zenith. Du Bellay and Jodelle were dead, but the fruit of
their labours and of those of their colleagues was evoking the
admiration of their countrymen. The popularity of Ronsard, the prince of
poets and the poet of princes, was without precedent. It is said that
the King had placed beside his throne a state chair for Ronsard to
occupy. Poets and men of letters were held in high esteem by their
countrymen. In England, for a gentleman to be amorous of any learned art
was held to be discreditable, and any proclivities in this direction had
to be hidden under assumed names or the names of others. In France it
was held to be discreditable for a gentleman not to be amorous of the
learned arts. The young men of the Pléiade were all of good family, and
all came from cultured homes. Marguerite of Navarre had set the example
of attracting poets and writers to her Court and according honours to
them on account of their achievements. The kings of France had adopted
a similar attitude. During the same period in England Henry VIII., Mary,
and Elizabeth had been following other courses. They had given no
encouragement to the pursuit of literature. Notwithstanding the
repetition by historians of the assertion that the good Queen Bess was a
munificent patron of men of letters, literature flourished in her reign
in spite of her action and not by its aid.
Bacon implies this in the opening sentences of the second book of the
"Advancement of Learning." He speaks of Queen Elizabeth as being "a
sojourner in the world in respect of her unmarried life, rather than an
inhabitant. She hath indeed adorned her own time and many waies enricht
it; but in truth to Your Majesty, whom God hath blest with so much
Royall issue worthy to perpetuate you for ever; whose youthfull and
fruitfull Bed, doth yet promise more children; it is very proper, not
only to iradiate as you doe your own times, but also to extend your
Cares to those Acts which succeeding Ages may cherish, and Eternity
itself behold: Amongst which, if my affection to learning doe not
transport me, there is none more worthy, or more noble, than the
endowment of the world with sound and fruitfull Advancement of Learning:
For why should we erect unto ourselves some few authors, to stand like
Hercules Columnes beyond which there should be no discovery of
knowledge, seeing we have your Majesty as a bright and benigne starre to
conduct and prosper us in this Navigation." As Elizabeth had been
unfruitful in her body, and James fruitful, so had she been unfruitful
in encouraging the Advancement of Learning, but the appeal is made to
James that he, being blessed with a considerable issue, should also have
an issue by the endowment of Learning.
What must have been the effect on the mind of this brilliant young
Englishman, Francis Bacon, when he entered into this literary atmosphere
so different from that of the Court which he had left behind him? There
was hardly a classical writer whose works he had not read and re-read.
He was familiar with the teachings of the schoolmen; imbued with a deep
religious spirit, he had mastered the principles of their faiths and the
subtleties of their disputations. The intricacies of the known systems
of philosophies had been laid bare before his penetrating intellect.
With the mysteries of mathematics and numbers he was familiar. What had
been discovered in astronomy, alchemy and astrology he had absorbed;
however technical might be a subject, he had mastered its details. In
architecture the works of Vitruvius had been not merely read but
criticised with the skill of an expert. Medicine, surgery--every
subject--he had made himself master of. In fact, when he asserted that
he had taken all knowledge to be his province he spoke advisedly and
with a basis of truth which has never until now been recognised. The
youth of 17 who possessed the intellect, the brain and the memory which
jointly produced the "Novum Organum," whose mind was so abnormal that
the artist painting his portrait was impelled to place round it "the
significant words," "_si tabula daretur digna, animum mallem_," who had
taken all knowledge to be his province, was capable of any achievement
of the Admirable Crichton. And this youth it was who in 1576 passed from
a country of literary and intellectual torpor into the brilliancy of the
companionship of Pierre de Ronsard and his associates. It is one of the
most stupendous factors in his life. Something happened to him before
his return to England which affected the whole of his future life. It
may be considered a wild assertion to make, but the time will come when
its truth will be proved, that "The Anatomie of the Minde," "Beautiful
Blossoms," and "The French Academy," are the product of one mind, and
that same mind produced the "Arte of English Poesie," "An Apology for
Poetrie," by Sir John Harrington, and "The Defense of Poetry," by Sir
Philip Sydney. The former three were written before 1578 and place the
philosopher before the poet; the latter three were written after 1580
and place the poet--the creator--before the philosopher. Francis Bacon
had recognised that the highest achievement was the act of creation.
Henceforth he lived to create.
Sir Nicholas Bacon died on or about the 17th of February, 1578-9. How or
where this news reached Francis is not recorded, but on the 20th of the
following March he left Paris for England, after a stay of two and
a-half years on the Continent. He brought with him to the Queen a
despatch from Sir Amias Paulet, in which he was spoken of as being "of
great hope, endued with many and singular parts," and one who, "if God
gave him life, would prove a very able and sufficient subject to do her
Highness good and acceptable service."[18]
FOOTNOTES:
[17] Sir Thomas Smith (1512-1577) was Secretary of State under Edward
VI. and Elizabeth--a good scholar and philosopher. He, when Greek
lecturer and orator at Cambridge, with John Cheke, introduced, in spite
of strong opposition, the correct way of speaking Greek, restoring the
pronunciation of the ancients.
[18] State Paper Office; French Correspondence.
CHAPTER IX.
BACON'S SUIT ON HIS RETURN TO ENGLAND, 1580.
Spedding states that the earliest composition of Bacon which he had been
able to discover is a letter written in his 20th year from Grays Inn.
From that time forward, he continues, compositions succeed each other
without any considerable interval, and in following them we shall
accompany him step by step through his life. What are the compositions
which Spedding places as being written but not published up to the year
1597, when the first small volume of 10 essays containing less than
6,000 words was issued from the press? These are they:--
Notes on the State of Christendom[19] (date 1580 to 1584).
Letter of Advice to the Queen (1584-1586).
An Advertisement touching the Controversies of the Church of
England (1586-1589).
Speeches written for some Court device, namely, Mr. Bacon in praise
of Knowledge, and Mr. Bacon's discourse in praise of his Sovereign
(1590-1592).
Certain observations made upon a libel published this present year,
1592.
A true report of the Detestable Treason intended by Dr. Roderigo
Lopez, 1594.
Gesta Grayorum, 1594, parts of which are printed by Spedding in
type denoting doubtful authorship.
Bacon's device, 1594-1598.
Three letters to the Earl of Rutland on his travels, 1595-1596.
That is all! These are the compositions which follow each other without
considerable interval, and by which we are to accompany him step by step
through those seventeen years which should be the most important years
in a man's life! He could have turned them out in ten days or a
fortnight with ease. We expect from Mr. Spedding bread, and he gives us
a stone!
This brilliant young man, who, when 15 years of age, left Cambridge,
having possessed himself of all the knowledge it could afford to a
student, who had travelled in France, Spain and Italy to "polish his
mind and mould his opinion by intercourse with all kinds of foreigners,"
how was he occupying himself during what should be the most fruitful
years of his life? Following his profession at the Bar? His affections
did not that way tend. Spedding expresses the opinion that he had a
distaste for his profession, and, writing of the circumstances with
which he was surrounded in 1592, says: "I do not find that he was
getting into practice. His main object still was to find ways and means
for prosecuting his great philosophical enterprise." What was this
enterprise? "I confess that I have as vast contemplative ends as I have
moderate means," he says, writing to Burghley, "for I have taken all
knowledge to be my province." This means more than mere academic
philosophy.
In 1593, when Bacon was put forward and upheld for a year as a candidate
for the post of Attorney-General, Spedding writes of him; "He had had
little or no practice in the Courts; what proof he had given of
professional proficiency was confined to his readings and exercises in
Grays Inn.... Law, far from being his only, was not even his favourite
study; ... his head was full of ideas so new and large that to most
about him they must have seemed visionary."
Writing of him in 1594 Spedding says: "The strongest point against
Bacon's pretensions for the Attorneyship was his want of practice. His
opponents said that 'he had never entered the place of battle.'[20]
Whether this was because he could not find clients or did not seek them
I cannot say." In order to meet the objection, Bacon on the 25th
January, 1593-4, made his first pleading, and Burghley sent his
secretary "to congratulate unto him the first fruits of his public
practice."
There is one other misconception to be corrected. It is urged that Bacon
was, during this period, engrossed in Parliamentary life. From 1584 to
1597 five Parliaments were summoned. Bacon sat in each. In his
twenty-fifth year he was elected member for Melcombe, in Dorsetshire. In
the Parliament of 1586 he sat for Taunton, in that of 1588 for
Liverpool, in that of 1592-3 for Middlesex, and in 1597 for Ipswich.
But the sittings of these Parliaments were not of long duration, and the
speeches which he delivered and the meetings of committees upon which he
was appointed would absorb but a small portion of his time. It must be
patent, therefore, that Spedding does not account for his occupations
from his return to England in 1578 until 1597, when the first small
volume of his Essays was published.
During the whole of this period Bacon was in monetary difficulties, and
yet there is no evidence that he was living a life of dissipation or
even of extravagance. On the contrary, all testimony would point to the
conclusion that he was following the path of a strictly moral and
studious young man. On his return to England he took lodgings in Coney
Court, Grays Inn. There Anthony found him when he returned from abroad.
There are no data upon which to form any reliable opinion as to the
amount of his income at this time. Rawley states that Sir Nicholas Bacon
had collected a considerable sum of money which he had separated with
intention to have made a competent purchase of land for the livelihood
of his youngest son, but the purchase being unaccomplished at his death,
Francis received only a fifth portion of the money dividable, by which
means he lived in some straits and necessities in his younger years. It
is not clear whether the "money dividable" was only that separated by
Sir Nicholas, or whether he left other sums which went to augment the
fund divisible amongst the brothers. His other children were well
provided for. Francis was not, however, without income. Sir Nicholas had
left certain manors, etc., in Herts to his sons Anthony and Francis in
tail male, remainder to himself and his heirs. Lady Ann Bacon had vested
an estate called Markes, in Essex, in Francis, and there is a letter,
dated 16th April, 1593, from Anthony to his mother urging her to concur
in its sale, so that the proceeds might be applied to the relief of his
brother's financial position.[21]
Lady Bacon lived at Gorhambury. She was not extravagant, and yet in 1589
she was so impoverished that Captain Allen, in writing to Anthony,
speaking of his mother, Lady Bacon, says she "also saith her jewels be
spent for you, and that she borrowed the last money of seven several
persons." Whatever her resources were, they had by then been exhausted
for her sons. Anthony was apparently a man of considerable means. He was
master of the manor and priory of Redburn, of the manor of Abbotsbury,
Minchinbury and Hores, in the parish of Barley, in the county of
Hertford; of the Brightfirth wood, Merydan-meads, and Pinner-Stoke
farms, in the county of Middlesex.[22]
But within a few years after his return to England Anthony was borrowing
money wherever he could. Mother and brother appear to have exhausted
their resources and their borrowing capabilities. There is an account
showing that in eighteen months, about 1593, Anthony lent Francis £373,
equivalent to nearly £3,000 at to-day's value. In 1597 Francis was
arrested by the sheriff for a debt of £300, for which a money-lender had
obtained judgment against him, and he was cast into the Tower. Where had
all the money gone? There is no adequate explanation.
* * * * *
The first letter of Francis Bacon's which Spedding met with, to which
reference has already been made, is dated 11th July, 1580, to Mr.
Doylie, and is of little importance. The six letters which follow--all
there are between 1580 and 1590[23]--relate to one subject, and are of
great significance. The first is dated from Grays Inn, 16th September,
1580, to Lady Burghley. In it young Francis, now 19 years of age, makes
this request: "That it would please your Ladyship in your letters
wherewith you visit my good Lord to vouchsafe the mention and
recommendation of my suit; wherein your Ladyship shall bind me more unto
you than I can look ever to be able to sufficiently acknowledge."
The next letter--written on the same day--is addressed to Lord Burghley.
Its object is thus set forth:--
"My letter hath no further errand but to commend unto your Lordship
the remembrance of my suit which then I moved unto you, whereof it
also pleased your Lordship to give me good hearing so far forth as
to promise to tender it unto her Majesty, and withal to add in the
behalf of it that which I may better deliver by letter than by
speech, which is, that although it must be confessed that the
request is rare and unaccustomed, yet if it be observed how few
there be which fall in with the study of the common laws either
being well left or friended, or at their own free election, or
forsaking likely success in other studies of more delight and no
less preferment, or setting hand thereunto early without waste of
years upon such survey made, it may be my case may not seem
ordinary, no more than my suit, and so more beseeming unto it. As I
force myself to say this in excuse of my motion, lest it should
appear unto your Lordship altogether undiscreet and unadvised, so
my hope to obtain it resteth only upon your Lordship's good
affection towards me and grace with her Majesty, who methinks
needeth never to call for the experience of the thing, where she
hath so great and so good of the person which recommendeth it."
What was this suit? Spedding cannot suggest any explanation. He says:
"What the particular employment was for which he hoped I cannot say;
something probably connected with the service of the Crown, to which the
memory of his father, an old and valued servant prematurely lost, his
near relationship to the Lord Treasurer, and the personal notice which
he had himself received from the Queen, would naturally lead him to
look.... The proposition, whatever it was, having been explained to
Burghley in conversation, is only alluded to in these letters. It seems
to have been so far out of the common way as to require an apology, and
the terms of the apology imply that it was for some employment as a
lawyer. And this is all the light I can throw upon it." Subsequently
Spedding says the motion was one[24] "which would in some way have made
it unnecessary for him to follow 'a course of practice,' meaning, I
presume, ordinary practice at the Bar."
Another expression in the letter makes it clear that the object of the
suit was an experiment. The Queen could not have "experience of the
thing," and Bacon solicited Burghley's recommendation, because she would
not need the experience if he, so great and so good, vouched for it.
Burghley appears to have tendered the suit to the Queen, for there is a
letter dated 18th October, 1580, addressed to him by Bacon, commencing:
"Your Lordship's comfortable relation to her Majesty's gracious
opinion and meaning towards me, though at that time your leisure
gave me not leave to show how I was affected therewith, yet upon
every representation thereof it entereth and striketh so much more
deeply into me, as both my nature and duty presseth me to return
some speech of thankfulness."
Spedding remarks thereon: "It seems that he had spoken to Burghley on
the subject and made some overture, which Burghley undertook to
recommend to the Queen; and that the Queen, who though slow to bestow
favours was careful always to encourage hopes, entertained the motion
graciously and returned a favourable answer. The proposition, whatever
it was, having been explained to Burghley in conversation, is only
alluded to in these letters."
Spedding dismisses these three letters in 22 lines of comment, which
contain the extracts before set out. He regards the matter as of slight
consequence, and admits that he can throw no light upon it. But he
points out that it was "so far out of the common way as to require an
apology." Surely he has not well weighed the terms of the apology when
he says they "imply that it was for some employment as a lawyer."
There had been a conversation between Bacon and Burghley during which
Bacon had submitted a project to the accomplishment of which he was
prepared to devote his life in the Queen's service. It necessitated his
abandoning the profession of the law. Apparently Burghley had
remonstrated with him, in the manner of experienced men of the world,
against forsaking a certain road and avenue to preferment in favour of
any course rare and unaccustomed. Referring in his letter to this,
Bacon's parenthetical clause beginning "either being well left or
friended," etc., is confession and avoidance. In effect he says:--Few
study the common laws who have influence; few at their own free
election; few desert studies of more delight and no less preferment; and
few devote themselves to that study from their earliest years. Since
there are few who, having my opportunities, devote themselves to the
study of the common laws, my position in so doing would not be an
ordinary one, no more than is my suit. Therefore, why should I, having
your [Burleigh's] influence to help me, sacrifice my great intellectual
capabilities fitting me to accomplish my great contemplative ends? Why
should I sacrifice them to a study of the common laws?
The sentence may be otherwise construed, but in any case it involves an
apology for the abandonment of the profession which had been chosen for
him.
The next letter is addressed to the Right Honourable Sir Francis
Walsingham, principal secretary to her Majesty, and is dated from Grays
Inn, 25th of August, 1585. Spedding's comment on it is as follows:--
"For all this time, it seems, the suit (whatever it was) which he
had made to her through Burghley in 1580 remained in suspense,
neither granted nor denied, and the uncertainty prevented him from
settling his course of life. From the following letter to
Walsingham we may gather two things more concerning it: it was
something which had been objected to as unfit for so young a man;
and which would in some way have made it unnecessary for him to
follow 'a course of practice'--meaning, I presume, ordinary
practice at the Bar."
This is the letter:--
"It may please your Honour to give me leave amidst your great and
diverse business to put you in remembrance of my poor suit, leaving
the time unto your Honour's best opportunity and commodity. I think
the objection of my years will wear away with the length of my
suit. The very stay doth in this respect concern me, because I am
thereby hindered to take a course of practice which, by the leave
of God, if her Majesty like not my suit, I must and will follow:
not for any necessity of estate, but for my credit sake, which I
know by living out of action will wear. I spake when the Court was
at Theball's to Mr. Vice-Chamberlain,[25] who promised me his
furderance; which I did lest he mought be made for some other. If
it may please your Honour, who as I hear hath great interest in
him, to speak with him in it, I think he will be fast mine."
Spedding remarks: "This is the last we hear of this suit, the nature and
fate of which must both be left to conjecture. With regard to its fate,
my own conjecture is that he presently gave up all hope of success in
it, and tried instead to obtain through his interest at Court some
furtherance in the direct line of his profession."
He adds: "The solid grounds on which Bacon's pretensions rested had not
yet been made manifest to the apprehension of Bench and Bar; his mind
was full of matters with which they could have no sympathy, and the shy
and studious habits which we have seen so offend Mr. Faunt would
naturally be misconstrued in the same way by many others."[26]
This passage refers to a letter to Burghley dated the 6th of the
following May, _i.e._, 1586, from which it will be seen that the last
had not been heard of the motion. Burghley had been remonstrating with
Bacon as to reports which had come to him of his nephew's proceedings.
Bacon writes:--
"I take it as an undoubted sign of your Lordship's favour unto me
that being hardly informed of me you took occasion rather of good
advice than of evil opinion thereby. And if your Lordship had
grounded only upon the said information of theirs, I mought and
would truly have upholden that few of the matters were justly
objected; as the very circumstances do induce in that they were
delivered by men that did misaffect me and besides were to give
colour to their own doings. But because your Lordship did mingle
therewith both a late motion of mine own and somewhat which you had
otherwise heard, I know it to be my duty (and so do I stand
affected) rather to prove your Lordship's admonition effectual in
my doings hereafter than causeless by excusing what is past. And
yet (with your Lordship's pardon humbly asked) it may please you to
remember that I did endeavour to set forth that said motion in such
sort as it mought breed no harder effect than a denial, and I
protest simply before God that I sought therein an ease in coming
within Bars, and not any extraordinary and singular note of
favour."
May not the interpretation of the phrase "I sought therein an ease in
coming within Bars" be "I sought in that motion a freedom from the
burden (or necessity) of coming within Bars." The phrase "an ease in" is
very unusual, and unless it was a term used in connection with the Inns
it is difficult to see its precise meaning. In other words, he sought an
alternative method to provide means for carrying out his great
philosophical enterprise.
There is an interval of five years before the next and last letter of
the six was written. It is undated, but an observation in it shows that
it was written when he was about 31 years of age, thus fixing the date
at 1591.
From an entry in Burghley's note book,[27] dated 29 October, 1589, it
appears that in the meantime a grant had been made to Bacon of the
reversion of the office of Clerk to the Counsel in the Star Chamber.
This was worth about £1,600 per annum and executed by deputy, but the
reversion did not fall in for twenty years, so it did not affect the
immediate difficulty in ways and means.
There are occasional references to Francis in Anthony's correspondence
which show that the brothers were residing at Grays Inn, but nothing is
stated as to the occupation of the younger brother.
At this time, according to Spedding,[28] who, however, does not give his
authority, Francis had a lodge at Twickenham. Many of his letters are
subsequently addressed from it, and three years later he was keeping a
staff of scriveners there.
The last letter is addressed to Lord Burghley, who is in it described by
Bacon as "the second founder of my poor estate," and contains the
following:--
"I cannot accuse myself that I am either prodigal or slothful, yet
my health is not to spend nor my course to get. Lastly, I confess
that I have as vast contemplative ends as I have moderate civil
ends: for I have taken all knowledge to be my province. This
whether it be curiosity or vain glory, or (if one takes it
favourably) _philanthropia_, is so fixed in my mind as it cannot be
removed. And I do easily see, that place of any reasonable
countenance doth bring commandment of more wits than of a man's
own, which is the thing I greatly affect. And for your Lordship,
perhaps you shall not find more strength and less encounter in any
other. And if your Lordship shall find now, or at any time, that I
do seek or affect any place, whereunto any that is nearer to your
Lordship shall be concurrent, say then that I am a most dishonest
man. And if your Lordship will not carry me on, I will not do as
Anaxagoras did, who reduced himself with contemplation unto
voluntary poverty; but this I will do, I will sell the inheritance
that I have, and purchase some lease of quick revenue, or some
office of gain that shall be executed by deputy, and so give over
all care of service and become some sorry bookmaker, or a true
pioneer in that mine of truth, which he said lay so deep. This
which I have writ to your Lordship is rather thoughts than words,
being set down without all art, disguising or reservation."
The suit has been of no avail. Once more Bacon appeals (and this is to
be his final appeal) to his uncle. He is writing thoughts rather than
words, set down without art, disguising or reservation. But if his
Lordship will not carry him along he has definitely decided on his
course of action. The law is not now even referred to. If the object of
the suit was not stated in 1580, there cannot be much doubt now but that
it had to do with the making of books and pioneer work in the mine of
truth. For ten years Francis Bacon had waited, buoyed up by
encouragements and false hopes. Now he decides to take his fortune into
his own hands and rely no more on assistance either from the Queen or
Burghley.
One sentence in the letter should be noted: "If your Lordship shall find
now, or at any time, that I do seek or affect any place whereunto any
that is nearer unto your Lordship shall be concurrent, say then that I
am a most dishonest man." Surely this was an assurance on Bacon's part
that he did not seek or affect to stand in the way of the one--the only
one, Robert Cecil--who stood nearer to Burghley in kinship.
It therefore appears evident from the foregoing facts:--
(1) That Francis Bacon at 17 years of age was an accomplished scholar;
that his knowledge was abnormally great, and that his wit, memory, and
mental qualities were of the highest order--probably without parallel.
(2) That in the year 1580, when 19 years old, he sought the assistance
of Burghley to induce the Queen to supply him with means and the
opportunity to carry out some great work upon the achievement of which
he had set his heart. The work was without precedent, and in carrying it
out he was prepared to dedicate to her Majesty the use and spending of
his life.
(3) That for ten years he waited and hoped for the granting of his suit,
which was rare and unaccustomed, until eventually he was compelled to
relinquish it and rely upon his own resources to effect his object.
(4) But he desired to command other wits than his own, and that could be
more easily achieved by one holding place of any reasonable countenance.
He therefore sought through Burleigh place accompanied by income, so
that he might be enabled to achieve the vast contemplative ends he had
in view.
(5) That during the years 1580 to 1597, in which he claims that he was
not slothful, there is no evidence of his being occupied in his
profession or in State affairs to any appreciable extent, and yet there
do not exist any acknowledged works as the result of his labours. Rawley
states that Bacon would "suffer no moment of time to slip from him
without some present improvement."
(6) He received pecuniary assistance from his uncle, Lord Burghley. He
strained the monetary resources of his mother and brother, which were
not inconsiderable, to the utmost, exhausted his own, and heavily
encumbered himself with debts, and yet he was not prodigal or
extravagant.
(7) Money and time he must have to carry out his scheme, which, if one
takes it favourably, might be termed philanthropia, and he therefore
decided that, failing obtaining some sinecure office, he would sell the
inheritance he had, purchase some lease of quick revenue or office of
gain that could be executed by a deputy, give over all care of serving
the State, and become some sorry bookmaker or a true pioneer in the mine
of truth.
(8) Spedding says, "He could at once imagine like a poet and execute
like a clerk of the works"; but whatever his contemplative ends were
there is nothing known to his biographers which reveals the result of
his labours as clerk of the works.
(9) If he carried out the course of action which he contemplated it is
clear that he decided to do so without himself appearing as its author
and director. From 1580 to 1590 something more was on his mind than the
works he published after he had arrived at sixty years of age. "I am no
vain promiser," he said. Where can the fulfilment of his promise be
found? Can his course be followed by tracing through the period the
trail which was left by some great and powerful mind directing the
progress of the English Renaissance?
FOOTNOTES:
[19] Spedding prints this in small type, being doubtful as to the
authorship.
[20] That is, never held a brief.
[21] I am indebted to Mr. Harold Hardy for this interesting information.
There is an entry in the State Papers, 1608, Jan. 31: Grant at the suit
of Sir Francis Bacon to Sir William Cooke, Sir John Constable, and three
others, of the King's reversion of the estates in Herts above referred
to. Sir Nicholas, to whom it had descended from the Lord Keeper,
conveyed the remainder to Queen Elizabeth her heirs and successors "with
the condition that if he paid £100 the grant should be void, which was
apparently done to prevent the said Sir Francis to dispose of the same
land which otherwise by law he might have done." When Lady Anne conveyed
the Markes estate to Francis it was subject to a similar condition,
namely, that the grant was to be null and void on Lady Ann paying ten
shillings to Francis. This condition made it impossible for Francis to
dispose of his interest in the estate, hence Anthony's request in the
letter above referred to. It is obvious that his relatives considered
that Francis was not to be trusted with property which he could turn
into money. There was evidently some heavy strain on his resources which
caused him to convert everything he could into cash.
[22] "Story of Lord Bacon's Life." Hepworth Dixon, p. 28.
[23] The two letters of 16th September, 1580, and that of 15th October,
1580, are taken from copies in the Lansdowne collection. That of the 6th
May, 1586, is in the same collection, and is an original in Bacon's
handwriting. The letter of 25th August, 1585, is also in his
handwriting, and is in the State Papers, Domestic. The letter without
date, written to Burghley presumably in 1591, is from the supplement to
the "Resuscitatio," 1657.
[24] "Life and Letters," Vol. I. p. 57.
[25] This was Sir Christopher Hatton.
[26] "Life and Letters," Vol I. p. 59.
[27] Cott. MSS. Tit. CX. 93.
[28] "Life and Letters," Vol. I., p. 110.
CHAPTER X.
THE RARE AND UNACCUSTOMED SUIT.
What was this rare and unaccustomed suit of which the Queen could have
had no experience and which, according to Spedding, would make it
unnecessary for Bacon to follow "ordinary practice at the bar"?
Historians and biographers have founded on this suit the allegation that
from his earliest years Bacon was a place hunter, entirely ignoring the
fact, which is made clear from the letter to Walsingham written four
years after the application was first made, that he had resolved on a
course of action which, if her Majesty liked not his suit, by the leave
of God he must and would follow, not for any necessity of estate, but
for his credit sake. Here was a young man of twenty years of age,
earnestly urging the adoption of a scheme which he had conceived, and
which he feared Burghley might consider indiscreet and unadvised.
Failing in obtaining his object, as will be proved by definite evidence,
undertaking at the cost of Thomas Bodley and other friends a course of
travel to better fit him for the task he had mapped out as his life's
work--returning to England and, four years after his first request had
been made, renewing his suit--grimly in earnest and determined to carry
the scheme through at all costs, with or without the Queen's aid. This
is not the conduct of a mere place hunter. If these letters be read
aright and the reasonable theory which will be advanced of the nature of
the suit be accepted--all efforts to suggest any explanation having
hitherto, as Spedding admits, proved futile--a fresh light will be
thrown upon the character of Francis Bacon, and the heavy obligation
under which he has placed his countrymen for all ages will for the
first time be recognised.
In the seven volumes of "Bacon's Life and Letters" there is nothing to
justify the eulogy on his character to which Spedding gave utterance in
the following words:--"But in him the gift of seeing in prophetic vision
what might be and ought to be was united with the practical talent of
devising means and handling minute details. He could at once imagine
like a poet and execute like a clerk of the works. Upon the conviction
_This must be done_ followed at once _How_ may it be done? Upon that
question answered followed the resolution to try and do it." But
although Spedding fails to produce any evidence to justify his
statement, it is nevertheless correct. More than that, the actual
achievement followed with unerring certainty, but Spedding restricts
Bacon's life's work to the establishment of a system of inductive
philosophy, and records the failure of the system.
William Cecil was a man of considerable classical attainments, although
these were probably not superior to those of Mildred Cooke, the lady who
became his second wife. He was initiated into the methods of
statesmanship at an early age by his father, Richard Cecil, Master of
the Robes to Henry VIII. Having found favour with Somerset, the
Protector of Edward VI., he was, when 27 years of age, made Master of
Requests. When Somerset fell from power in 1549 young Cecil, with other
adherents of the Protector, was committed to the Tower. But he was soon
released and was rapidly advanced by Northumberland. He became Secretary
of State, was knighted and made a member of the Privy Council. Mary
would have continued his employment in office had he not refused her
offers on account of his adhesion to the Protestant faith. He mingled
during her reign with men of all parties and his moderation and cautious
conduct carried him through that period without mishap. On Elizabeth's
accession he was the first member sworn upon the Privy Council, and he
continued during the remainder of his life her principal Minister of
State. Sagacious, deliberate in thought and character, tolerant, a man
of peace and compromise, he became the mainstay of the Queen's
government and the most influential man in State affairs. Whilst he
maintained a princely magnificence in his affairs, his private life was
pure, gentle and generous. This was the man to whom the brilliant young
nephew of his wife and the son of his old friend, Sir Nicholas Bacon,
disclosed, some time during the summer of 1580, his scheme, of which
there had been no experience, and entrusted his suit, which was rare and
unaccustomed. The arguments in its favour at this interview may have
followed the following outline:--
I need not remind you of my devotion to learning. You know that from my
earliest boyhood I have followed a course of study which has embraced
all subjects. I have made myself acquainted with all knowledge which the
world possesses. To enable me to do this I mastered all languages in
which books are written. During my recent visit to foreign lands, I have
recognized how far my country falls behind others in language, and
consequently in literature. I would draw your special attention to the
remarkable advance which has been made in these matters in France during
your lordship's lifetime. When I arrived there in 1576 I made myself
acquainted with the principles of the movement which had been carried
through by Du Bellay, Ronsard, and their confrères. They recognized that
their native language was crude and lacking in gravity and art. First by
obtaining a complete mastery of the Greek and Latin languages, as also
of those of Italy and Spain, they prepared themselves for a study of the
literatures of which those languages, with their idioms and
peculiarities, form the basis. Having obtained this mastery they
reconstructed their native language and gave their country a medium by
which her writers might express their thoughts and emotions. They have
made it possible for their countrymen to rival the poets of ancient
Greece and Rome. They and others of their countrymen have translated the
literary treasures of those ancient nations into their own tongue, and
thereby enabled those speaking their language, who are not skilled in
classical languages, to enjoy and profit by the works of antiquity. Your
lordship knows well the deficiencies of the language of our England, the
absence of any literature worthy of the name. In these respects the
condition of affairs is far behind that which prevailed in France even
before the great movement which Ronsard and Du Bellay initiated. I do
not speak of Italy, which possesses a language melodious, facile, and
rich, and a literature which can never die.
I know my own powers. I possess every qualification which will enable me
to do for my native tongue what the Pléiade have done for theirs. I ask
to be permitted to give to my country this great heritage. Others may
serve her in the law, others may serve her in affairs of state, but your
Lordship knows full well that there are none who could serve her in this
respect as could I. You are not unmindful of the poorness of my estate.
This work will not only entail a large outlay of money but it
necessitates command of the ablest wits of the nation. This is my suit:
that her Majesty will graciously confer on me some office which will
enable me to control such literary resources and the services of such
men as may be necessary for the accomplishment of this work; further,
that she may be pleased from time to time to make grants from the civil
list to cover the cost of the work. I need not remind your Lordship what
fame will ever attach to her Majesty and how glorious will be the
memory of her reign if this great project be effected in it. Your
Lordship must realise this because you and her Ladyship, my aunt, are by
your attainments qualified to appreciate its full value. My youth may be
urged as an objection to my fitness for such a task, but your Lordship
knows full well--none better--that my powers are not to be measured by
my years. This I will say, I am no vain promiser, but I am assured that
I can accomplish all that I contemplate. The Queen hath such confidence
in the soundness of your judgment that she will listen to your advice.
My prayer to you therefore is that it may please your Lordship both
herein and elsewhere to be my patron and urge my suit, which, although
rare and unaccustomed, may be granted if it receives your powerful
support.
The suit was submitted to the Queen, but without result. Probably it was
not urged with a determination to obtain its acceptance in spite of any
objections which might be raised by the Queen. Five years after, Bacon,
still a suppliant, wrote to Walsingham: "I think the objection to my
years will wear away with the length of my suit." Cautious Lord Burghley
would give full weight to the force of this objection if it were
advanced by the Queen. He loved this boy, with his extraordinary
abilities, but he had such novel and far-reaching ideas. He appeared to
have no adequate reverence for his inferior superiors. On leaving
Cambridge he had arrogantly condemned its cherished methods of imparting
knowledge. Before power was placed in his hands the use he might make of
it must be well weighed and considered. What effect might the
advancement of Francis Bacon have on Robert Cecil's career? Granted that
the contentions of the former were sound, and the object desirable,
should not this work be carried out by the Universities? Never leap
until you know where you are going to alight was a proverb the
soundness of which had been proved in Lord Burghley's experience. What
might be the outcome if this rare and unaccustomed suit were granted?
Better for the Queen, who, though slow to bestow favours, was always
ready to encourage hopes, to follow her usual course. She might
entertain the motion graciously and return a favourable answer and let
it rest there. And so it did.
Then there was a happening which has remained unknown until now.
CHAPTER XI.
BACON'S SECOND VISIT TO THE CONTINENT AND AFTER.
In the "Reliquiæ Bodleianæ," published in 1703, is a letter written
without date by Thomas Bodley to Francis Bacon. This letter does not
appear to have been known to Mallett, Montague, Dixon, Spedding, or any
of Bacon's biographers. It had been lost sight of until the writer
noticed it and reproduced it in _Baconiana_. This is the letter:--
MY DEAR COUSIN,--According to your request in your letter (dated
the 19th October at Orleans, I received here the 18th of December),
I have sent you by your merchant £30 (the thirty is written thus
30 l) sterling for your present supply, and had sent you a greater
sum, but that my extraordinary charge this year _hath utterly
unfurnished me_. And now, cousin, though I will be no _severe_
exactor of the account, either of your money or time, yet for the
love I bear you, I am very desirous, both to satisfy myself, and
your friends how you prosper in your travels, and how you find
yourself bettered thereby, either in knowledge of God, or of the
world; the rather, because the Days you have already spent abroad,
are now both sufficient to give you Light, how to fix yourself and
end with counsel, and accordingly to shape your course constantly
unto it. Besides, it is a vulgar scandal unto the travellers, that
few return more religious (narrow, _editor_) than they went forth;
wherein both my hope and Request is to you, that your principal
care be to hold your Foundation, and to make no other use of
informing your self in the corruptions and superstitions of other
nations, than only thereby to engage your own heart more firmly to
the Truth. You live indeed in a country of two several professions,
and you shall return a Novice, if you be not able to give an
account of the Ordinances, strength, and progress of each, in
Reputation, and Party, and how both are supported, ballanced and
managed by the state, as being the contrary humours, in the Temper
of Predominancy whereof, the Health or Disease of that Body doth
consist. These things you will observe, not only as an
_English_-man, whom it may concern, to what interest his country
may expect in the consciences of their Neighbours; but also, as a
Christian, to consider both the beauties and blemishes, the hopes
and dangers of the _church_ in all places. Now for the world, I
know it _too_ well, to persuade you to dive into the practices
thereof; rather stand upon your own guard, against all that attempt
you there unto, or may practise upon you in your Conscience,
Reputation, or your Purse. Resolve, no Man is wise or safe, but he
that is honest: And let this Persuasion turn your studies and
observations from the Complement and Impostures of the debased age,
to more real grounds of wisdom, gathered out of the story of Times
past, and out of the government of the present state. Your guide to
this, is the knowledge of the country and the people among whom ye
live; For the country though you cannot see all places, yet if, as
you pass along, you enquire carefully, and further help yourself
with Books that are written of the cosmography of those parts, you
shall sufficiently gather the strength, Riches, Traffick, Havens,
Shipping, _commodities_, vent, and the wants and disadvantages of
places. Wherein also, for your good hereafter, and for your
friends, it will befit to note their buildings, Furnitures,
Entertainments; all their Husbandry, and ingenious inventions, in
whatsoever concerneth either Pleasure or Profit.
For the people, your traffick among them, while you learn their
language, will sufficiently instruct you in their Habilities,
Dispositions, and Humours, if you a little enlarge the Privacy of
your own Nature, to seek acquaintance with the best sort of
strangers, and _restrain_ your _Affections_ and Participation, for
your own countrymen of whatsoever condition.
In the story of France, you have a _large and pleasant Field_ in
three lines of their Kings, to observe their alliances and
successions, their _Conquests_, their wars, _especially with us_;
their Councils, their treaties; and all Rules and examples of
experiences and Wisdom, which may be Lights and Remembrances to you
hereafter, to Judge of all occurants both at home and abroad.
Lastly, for the Government, your end _must not be like an_
Intelligencer, to spend all your time in fishing after the present
News, Humours, Graces, _or_ Disgraces of Court, which happily may
change before you come home; but your better and more constant
ground will be, to know the Consanguinities, Alliances, and Estates
of their Princes; Proportion between the Nobility and Magistracy;
the Constitutions of their Courts of Justice; the state of the
Laws, as well for the making as the execution thereof; How the
Sovereignty of the King infuseth itself into all Acts and
Ordinances; how many ways they lay Impositions and Taxations, and
gather Revenues to the _Crown_.
What be the Liberties and Servitudes of all degrees; what
Discipline and Preparations for wars; what Invention for increase
of Traffick at home, for multiplying their commodities, encouraging
Arts and Manufactures, or of worth in any kind. Also what
establishment, to prevent the _Necessities_ and _Discontentment_ of
_People_, To cut off suits at Law, and Duels, to suppress thieves
and all Disorders.
To be short, because my purpose is not to bring all your
Observations to Heads, but only by these few to let you know what
manner of Return your Friends expect _from you_; let me, for all
these and all the rest, give you this one Note, which I desire you
to observe as the Counsels of a Friend, _Not_ to spend your
Spirits, and the _precious_ time of your Travel, in a Captious
Prejudice and censuring of all things, nor in an Infectious
Collection of base Vices and Fashions of Men and Women, or general
corruption of these times, which will be of use only Among
Humorists, for Jests and Table-Talk: but rather strain your Wits
and Industry soundly to instruct your-self in all things between
_Heaven and Earth_ which may tend to Virtue, Wisdom, and Honour,
and which may make your life more profitable to your country, and
yourself more comfortable to your friends, and acceptable to God.
And to conclude, let all these Riches be treasured up, not only in
your memory, where time may lessen your stock; but rather in good
writings, and Books of Account, which will _keept_ them safe for
your use hereafter.
And if in this time of your liberal Traffick, you will give me any
advertizement of your commodities in these kinds, I will make you
as liberal a Return from my self and your Friends here, as I shall
be able.
And so commending all your good Endeavours, to him that must either
_wither_ or _prosper_ them, I very kindly bid you farewel.
Your's to be commanded, THOMAS BODLEY.
Spedding prints this letter (Vol. II. p. 16) commencing with the words,
"Yet for the love I bear," to the end, with the exception of the last
sentence, as a letter written probably by Bacon for Essex to send to the
Earl of Rutland. He identifies it as "the letter which the compiler of
Stephens' Catalogue took for a letter addressed by Bacon to Buckingham,"
which he says it could not be. The original is at Lambeth (MSS. 936, fo.
218). The seal remains, but the part of the last sheet which contained
the signature on one side, and the superscription on the other, has been
torn off. The letter commences, "_My good Lord_," and ends, "_Your
Lordship's in all duty to serve you_." It would appear, therefore, that
someone had access to Bodley's letter to Bacon, and, approving its
contents, used its contents a second time.
There are two palpable deductions to be drawn from this letter: (1) That
Bacon was on a journey through _several_ countries to obtain knowledge
of their customs, laws, religion, military strength, shipping, and
whatsoever concerneth pleasure or profit. There is a striking
correspondence between Bodley's advice and the description of Bacon's
travels found in the "Life" prefixed to "L'Histoire Naturelle." (2) That
Bacon was being supported by Bodley and other of his friends, who
desired him to keep a record of all that he observed and learnt, and to
report from time to time as he progressed, and in return, said Bodley,
"I will make you as liberal a return from myself and your friends here
as I shall be able." This letter was written from England, and there is
a paragraph in Bodley's "Life," written by himself, which makes it
possible to fix the year:--
"My resolution fully taken I departed out of England anno 1576 and
continued very neare foure yeares abroad, and that in sundry parts
of Italy, France, and Germany. A good while after my return to wit,
in the yeare 1585 I was employed by the Queen," etc.
If this letter was written between 1576 and 1579 it would appear strange
that Bodley and others should be providing Bacon with money for his
travels, and requiring reports from him, whilst his father, Sir Nicholas
Bacon, was alive and prosperous. No such difficulty, however, arises,
for the letter, being sent from England, could not have been written
between the date of Bacon's first departure for France in 1576 and his
return on his father's death in 1579, for during the whole of that time
Bodley was abroad. It is stated in it that Bacon wrote from Orleans a
letter dated 19th October, the year not being given. This could not be
in 1580, for Bacon wrote to Lord Burghley from Gray's Inn on the 18th
October, 1580. Spedding commences the paragraph immediately following
this letter by saying, "From this time we have no further news of
Francis Bacon till the 5th of April, 1582," and although he does not
reproduce the letter, he relies on a letter from Faunt to Anthony Bacon,
to which that date is attributed in Birch's " Memorials," Vol. I. page
22. In it Faunt refers to having seen Anthony's mother and his brother
Francis. Faunt left Paris for England on the 22nd March, 1582. This
letter was written on the 15th of the following month, so no trace has
been found of Francis being in England between 18th October, 1580, and
5th of April, 1582. Bodley's letter, must, therefore, have been written
in December, 1581, when Bacon was abroad making a journey through
several countries. From the foregoing facts it is impossible to form any
other conclusion. Now for the first time this journey has been made
known. There is a letter amongst the State papers in the Record Office,
dated February, 1581, written by Anthony Bacon to Lord Burghley,
enclosing a note of advice and instructions for his brother Francis.
Anthony was an experienced traveller, and was then abroad. It reads as
though he was sending advice and instructions to his younger brother,
who was about to start on travels through countries with which Anthony
was familiar. If so, Francis would leave England early in March,
1581--that is, if he had not left before this letter was received by
Burghley.
Having established beyond reasonable doubt the fact of this journey, a
new and remarkable suggestion presents itself. Spedding, when dealing
with the year 1582, prints "Notes on the State of Christendom,"[29] with
the following remarks:--
"If that paper of notes concerning 'The State of Europe' which was
printed as Bacon's in the supplement to Stephens' second collection
in 1734, reprinted by Mallet in 1760, and has been placed at the
beginning of his political writings in all editions since 1563, be
really of his composition, this is the period of his life to which
it belongs. I must confess, however, that I am not satisfied with
the evidence or authority upon which it appears to have been
ascribed to him."
Robert Stephens, who was Historiographer Royal in the reign of William
and Mary, states that the Earl of Oxford placed in his hands some
neglected manuscripts and loose papers to see whether any of the Lord
Bacon's compositions lay concealed there and were fit for publication.
He found some of them written, and others amended, with his lordship's
own hand. He found certain of the treatises had been published by him,
and that others, certainly genuine, which had not, were fit to be
transcribed if not divulged. Spedding states that he has little doubt
that this paper on the state of Europe was among these manuscripts and
loose papers, for the editor states that the supplementary pieces (of
which this was one) were added from originals found among Stephens'
papers. The original is now among the Harleian MSS. in the British
Museum. Spedding thus describes it:--
"The Harleian MS. is a copy in an old hand, probably contemporary,
but not Francis Bacon's. A few sentences have been inserted
afterwards by the same hand, and two by another which is very like
Anthony Bacon's; none in Francis's. The blanks have all been filled
up, but no words have been corrected, though it is obvious that in
some places they stand in need of correction.
"Certain allusions to events then passing (which will be pointed
out in their place) prove that the original paper was written, or
at least completed, in the summer of 1582, at which time Francis
Bacon was studying law in Gray's Inn, while Anthony was travelling
in France in search of political intelligence and was in close
correspondence with Nicholas Faunt, a secretary of Sir Francis
Walsingham's, who had spent the previous year in France, Germany,
Switzerland, and the north of Italy, on the same errand; and was
now living about the English Court, studying affairs at home, and
collecting and arranging the observations which he had made abroad,
'having already recovered all his writings and books which he had
left behind him in Italy and in Frankfort' (see Birch's 'Memoirs,'
I. 24), and it is remembered that if this paper belonged to Anthony
Bacon, it would naturally descend at his death to Francis and so
remain among his manuscripts, where it is supposed to have been
found.
"Thus it appears that the external evidence justifies no inference
as to the authorship, and the only question is whether the _style_
can be considered conclusive. To me it certainly is not. But as
this is a point upon which the reader should be allowed to judge
for himself, and as the paper is interesting in itself and
historically valuable and has always passed for Bacon's, it is here
printed from the original though (to distinguish it from his
undoubted compositions) in a smaller type."
Spedding's difficulty in accepting this paper as from Bacon's pen really
lay in the fact that from the internal evidence it is obvious that it
was written by one who had himself travelled through, at any rate, some
of the countries described. The results of personal observation are
again and again apparent. According to Spedding, Bacon was in 1581-1582
studying law at Gray's Inn; according to Bodley he was on the Continent
making observations for his future guidance. The reader can judge of the
value of the external evidence. It is not conclusive, but the draft
being found amongst papers which were unquestionably Bacon's writings
and being adopted as Bacon's and published as such by those who found
it, the balance of probabilities is distinctly in favour of its being
his. As to the internal evidence much may be said. It corresponds as
closely as it is possible with Bodley's requirements as set forth in his
letter of December. It is exactly "the manner of return" Bodley wrote to
Francis "your friends expect from you." "And," he added, "if in this
time of your liberal Traffick, you will give me any advertisement of
your commodities in these kinds, I will make you as liberal a return
from myself and your friends here as I shall be able."
The date agrees with that of Bacon's second visit to the Continent. In
Spedding's Life and Letters it occupies twelve and a-half pages, of
which five are occupied by descriptions of Italy, one of Austria, two of
Germany (chiefly a recital of names and places), two of France,
three-quarters of Spain, one and three-quarters of Portugal, Poland,
Denmark, and Sweden. This may have been Bacon's itinerary in 1581-2.
Italy is treated with considerable detail and was undoubtedly described
from personal observation, as were France and Spain. In a less degree
the description of Austria, Poland and Denmark produces this impression;
in a still smaller degree Portugal and Sweden, and it is quite absent
from the description of Germany. Florence, Venice, Mantua, Genoa, Savoy,
are dealt with in most detail. Rawley states that it was Bacon's
intention to have stayed abroad some years longer when he was called
home by the death of his father, to find himself left in straightened
circumstances. Then followed his ineffectual suit, which he still
persisted in. Bodley evidently was, if not the instigator, at any rate
the paymaster for this second journey. Anthony's letter of February,
1581, points to Burghley as a participator in the project. He would
assist not only out of kindly feeling, but the journey would at any rate
get this ambitious, determined young man out of the way for a time, and
possibly the journey might get this unaccustomed suit out of his mind.
Thus it came about.
From Faunt's letters, Spedding says we derive what little information we
have with regard to Francis's proceedings from 1583 to 1584. "From them
we gather little more than that he remained studying at Gray's Inn,
occasionally visiting his mother at Gorhambury, or going with her to
hear Travers at the Temple and occasionally appearing at the Court."
But the suit was not abandoned, for there is the letter of 25th August,
1585, to Walsingham, when Bacon writes: "I think the objection of my
years will wear away with the length of my suit. The very stay doth in
this respect concern me, because I am thereby hindered to take a course
of practice which by the leave of God, if her Majesty like not of my
suit, I must and will follow: not for any necessity of estate, but for
my credit sake, which I know by living out of action will wear."
Again, the old, "rare and unaccustomed suit" of which the Queen could
have had no experience! Either the persuasive powers of Burghley had
failed or he had not exerted them. Probably the latter, because the
troublesome, determined young man is now worrying Walsingham and Hatton
to urge its acceptance with the Queen. The purport of the foregoing
extract effectually precludes the possibility of this suit referring to
his advancement at the bar. For five years it has been proceeding--he
has been indulging in hopes which have been unfulfilled. Now he will
wait no longer, but he will adopt a course which, if her Majesty like
not his suit, by the leave of God he must and will follow, not for any
necessity of making money but because he feels impelled to it by a
sense of responsibility which he must fulfil. Walsingham and Hatton do
not appear to have helped the matter forward. There was little
probability of them succeeding in influencing the Queen where Burghley
had failed. There was still less probability of them attempting to
influence her if Burghley objected. Had this suit referred to
advancement in the law it would have been granted with the aid of
Burghley's influence years before. Had it referred to some ordinary
office of State, friends so powerful as Burghley, Walsingham and Hatton
could and would have obtained anything within reason for this brilliant
young son of Sir Nicholas Bacon, for there was no complication with
Essex until after 1591. But this rare and unaccustomed suit of which
there had been no experience was another matter.
Six more years pass, and although there is now no suit to the Queen
there is the same idea prevailing in the letter to Burghley--a seeking
for help to achieve some great scheme upon which Bacon's mind was so
fixed "as it cannot be removed," "whether it be curiosity, vainglory or
nature, or (if one take it favourably) philanthropia." Still he required
the command of more wits than of a man's own, which is the thing he did
greatly affect. Still his course was not to get. Still the determination
to achieve the object without help, if help could not be obtained--to
achieve it by becoming some sorry bookmaker or a pioneer in that mine of
truth which Anaxagoras said lay so deep. This is emphasised. These are
"thoughts rather than words, being set down without all art, disguising
or reservation."
There are two significant sentences in this letter written to Burghley
when Bacon was 31 years of age. He describes Burghley as "the second
founder of my poor estate," and, further, he uses the expression "And if
your Lordship will not carry me on." What can these allusions mean but
that Burghley had been rendering financial assistance to his nephew? If
the theory here put forward as to the nature of the suit be correct, the
object was one which would have Burghley's cordial support. That he had
expressed approval of it must be deduced from the letter of the 16th of
September, 1580. The object was one which, without doubt, would find
still warmer support from Lady Mildred. But the suit was so
unprecedented that it is not to be wondered at that Burghley did not try
to force it through. The work was going forward all the time--slowly for
lack of means and official recognition. Burghley, generous in his
nature, lavish in private life, might, however, be expected to help a
work which he would be glad to see carried to a successful conclusion.
Had he been less cautious and let young Francis have his head, what
might not have happened! But there was always the fear of letting this
huge intellectual power forge ahead without restraint. It was, however,
working out unseen its scheme and that, too, with Burghley's help and
that of others. The period from 1576 to 1623--only 47 years--sees the
English language developed from a state of almost barbaric crudeness to
the highest pitch which any language, classical or modern, has reached.
There was but one workman living at that period who could have
constructed that wonderful instrument and used it to produce such
magnificent examples of its possibilities. It is as reasonable to take
up a watch keeping perfect time and aver that the parts came together by
accident, as to contend that the English language of the Authorised
Version of the Bible and the works of Shakespeare were the result of a
general up-springing of literary taste which was diffused amongst a few
writers of very mediocre ability. The English Renaissance was conceived
in France and born in England in 1579. It ran its course and in 1623
attained its maturity; but when Francis Bacon was no more--he who had
performed that in our tongue which may be preferred either to insolent
Greece or haughty Rome--"things daily fall, wits grow downward, and
eloquence grows backward: so that he may be named and stand as the mark
and [Greek: achmê] of our language."
FOOTNOTES:
[29] "Life and Letters," Vol. I., page 16.
CHAPTER XII.
IS IT PROBABLE THAT BACON LEFT MANUSCRIPTS HIDDEN AWAY?
It is difficult to leave this subject without some reference to the
articles which have appeared in the press and magazines referring to the
suggestion that there were left concealed literary remains of Bacon
hitherto undiscovered.
In an article which recently appeared in a Shakespearean journal, a
writer who evidently knows little about the Elizabethan period said:
"But why should Bacon want to bury manuscripts, anyhow? Who does bury
manuscripts? Besides, they had been printed and were, therefore, rubbish
and waste paper merely." The manuscript of John Harrington's translation
of Ariosto's "Orlando Furioso" may be seen in the British Museum. It is
beautifully written on quarto paper. It was, apparently, the fair copy
sent to the printer from which the type was to be set up. Be this as it
may, it was undoubtedly a copy upon which Bacon marked off the verses
which are to go on each page and set out the folio of each page and the
printer's signature which was to appear at the bottom. It also contains
instructions to the printer as to the type to be used. This manuscript
was not considered "rubbish and waste paper merely."
Francis Bacon has again and again insisted upon the value of history. In
the "Advancement of Learning" he points out to the King "the indignity
and unworthiness of the history of England as it now is, in the main
continuation thereof." No man appreciated as did Bacon the importance in
the history of England of the epoch in which he lived. That a truthful
relation of the events of those times would be invaluable to posterity
he knew full well. He of all men living at that time was best qualified
to write such a history. He recognised that there were objections to a
history being written, or, at any rate, published, wherein the actions
of persons living were described, for he said "it must be confessed that
such kind of relations, specially if they be published about the times
of things done, seeing very often that they are written with passion or
partiality, of all other narrations, are most suspected." It is hardly
conceivable that Bacon should have failed to provide a faithful history
of his own times for the benefit of posterity, or, at any rate, that he
should have failed to preserve the materials for such a history. Neither
the history nor such materials are known to be in existence. Supposing
Bacon had prepared either the one or the other, what could he do with
it? Hand it to Rawley with instructions for it to be printed? With a
strong probability, if it were a faithful history, that it would never
be published, but that it would be destroyed, he would never take such a
risk. There would only be one course open to him. To conceal it in some
place where it would not be likely to be disturbed, in which it might
remain in safety, possibly for hundreds of years. And then leave a clue
either in cypher or otherwise by which it might be recovered.
It is by no means outside the range of possibility that Bacon as early
as 1588 had opened a receptacle for books and manuscripts which he
desired should go down to posterity, and fearing their loss from any
cause, he carefully concealed them, adding to the store from time to
time. If he did so he left a problem to be solved, and arranged the
place of concealment so that it could only be found by a solution of the
problem.
The emblems on two title-pages of two books of the period are very
significant. "Truth brought to Light and discovered by Time" is a
narrative history of the first fourteen years of King James' reign. One
portion of the engraved title-page represents a spreading tree growing
up out of a coffin, full fraught with various fruits (manuscripts and
books) most fresh and fair to make succeeding times most rich and rare.
In the Emblem (Fig. III.) now reproduced, which is found on the
title-page of the first edition of "New Atlantis," 1627,[30] Truth
personified by a naked woman is being revealed by Father Time, and the
inscription round the device is "_Tempore patet occulta veritas_--in
time the hidden truth shall be revealed."
Then, in further confirmation of this view, there is the statement of
Rawley in his introduction to the "Manes Verulamiani." Speaking of the
fame of his illustrious master he says, "Be this moreover enough, to
have laid, as it were, the foundations, in the name of the present age.
Every age will, methinks, adorn and amplify this structure, but to what
age it may be vouchsafed to set the finishing hand--this is known only
to God and the Fates."
[Illustration: _Fig. III._
_From the Title Page of "New Atlantis," 1627._]
[Illustration: _Fig. IV._
_From the Title Page of Peacham's "Minerva Britannia," 1612._]
FOOTNOTES:
[30] There is a copy bearing date 1626.
CHAPTER XIII.
HOW THE ELIZABETHAN LITERATURE WAS PRODUCED.
The half century from 1576 to 1625 stands by itself in the history of
the literature of this country. During that period not only was the
English language made, not only were there produced the finest examples
of its capacities, which to-day exist, but the knowledge and wisdom
possessed by the classical writers, the histories of the principal
nations of the world, practically everything that was worth knowing in
the literature which existed in other countries were, for the first
time, made available in the English tongue. And what is still more
remarkable, these translations were printed and published. These works
embraced every art and subject which can be imagined. Further, during
this period there were issued a large number of books crowded with
information upon general subjects. The names on the title-pages of many
of these works are unknown. It is astonishing how many men as to whom
nothing can be learnt, appear about this time to have written one book
and one book only.
These translations were published at a considerable cost. For such
works, being printed in the English language, purchasers were
practically confined to this country, and their number was very limited.
The quantity of copies constituting an edition must have been small. It
is impossible to believe that the sale of these books could realise the
amount of their cost.
Definite information on this point is difficult to obtain, for little is
known as to the prices at which these books were sold.
It appears from the "Transcripts of the Stationers' Registers" that the
maximum number of copies that went to make up an edition was in the
interest of the workman fixed at 1,250 copies, so that if a larger
number were required the type had to be re-set for each additional 1,250
copies. Double impressions of 2,500 were allowed of primers, catechisms,
proclamations, statutes and almanacs. But the solid literature which
came into the language at this period would not be required in such
quantities. The printer was not usually the vendor of the books. The
publisher and bookseller or stationer carried on in most cases a
distinct business.
Pamphlets, sermons, plays, books of poems, formed the staple ware of the
stationer. The style of the book out of which the stationer made his
money may be gathered from the following extract from _The Return from
Parnassus_, Act I, scene 3:--
_Ingenioso._--Danter thou art deceived, wit is dearer than thou
takest it to bee. I tell thee this libel of Cambridge
has much salt and pepper in the nose: it will
sell sheerely underhand when all those bookes of
exhortations and catechisms lie moulding on thy
shopboard.
_Danter._--It's true, but good fayth, M. Ingenioso, I lost by your
last booke; and you know there is many a one that pays
me largely for the printing of their inventions, but
for all this you shall have 40 shillings and an odde
pottle of wine.
_Ingenioso._--40 shillings? a fit reward for one of your reumatick
poets, that beslavers all the paper he comes by, and
furnishes the Chaundlers with wast papers to wrap
candles in: ... it's the gallantest Child my invention
was ever delivered off. The title is, a Chronicle of
Cambridge Cuckolds; here a man may see, what day of
the moneth such a man's commons were inclosed, and when
throwne open, and when any entayled some odde crownes
upon the heires of their bodies unlawfully begotten;
speake quickly, ells I am gone.
_Danter._--Oh this will sell gallantly. Ile have it whatsoever it
cost, will you walk on, M. Ingenioso, weele sit over a
cup of wine and agree on it.
The publication of such works as Hollingshed's "Chronicles," North's
"Plutarch's Lives," Grimston's "History of France," and "The French
Academy," could not have been produced with profit as the object. A
large body of evidence may be brought forward to support this view, but
space will only permit two examples to be here set forth.
In the dedication to Sir William Cecil, of Hollingshed's "Chronicles,"
1587, the writer says:
Yet when the volume grew so great as they that were to defraie the
charges for the impression were not willing to go through with the
whole, they resolved first to publish the histories of England,
Scotland, and Ireland with their descriptions.
John Dee spent most of the year 1576 in writing a series of volumes to
be entitled "General and Rare Memorials pertayning to the perfect Art of
Navigation." In 1577 the first volume was ready for the press. In June
he had to borrow £40 from one friend, £20 from another, and £27 upon
"the chayn of gold." In the following August John Day commenced printing
it at his press in Aldersgate. The title was "The British Monarchy or
Hexameron Brytannicum," and the edition consisted of 100 copies.
The second volume, "The British Complement," was ready in the following
December. It was never published. Dee states in his Diary that the
printing would cost many hundreds of pounds, as it contained tables and
figures, and he must first have "a comfortable and sufficient
opportunity or supply thereto." This he was unable to procure, so the
book remained in manuscript.[31]
Books of this class were never produced with the object of making
profit. The proceeds of sale would not cover the cost of printing and
publishing, without any provision for the remuneration of the translator
or author. Why were they published, and how was the cost provided?
There was, however, another source of revenue open to the author of a
book. Henry Peacham, in "The Truth of our Time," says:--
"But then you may say, the Dedication will bee worth a great
matter, either in present reward of money, or preferment by your
Patrones Letter, or other means. And for this purpose you prefixe a
learned and as Panegyricall Epistle as can," etc.
It is beyond question that an author usually obtained a considerable
contribution towards the cost of the production of a book from the
person to whom the dedication was addressed. A number of books published
during the period from 1576 to 1598 are dedicated to the Queen, to the
Earl of Leicester, and to Lord Burghley. One can only offer a suggestion
on this point which may or may not be correct. If Francis Bacon was
concerned in the issue of these translations and other works, and
Burghley was assisting him financially, it is probable that Burghley
would procure grants from the Queen in respect of books which were
dedicated to her, and would provide funds towards the cost of such books
as were dedicated to himself. "The Arte of English Poesie" was written
with the intention that it should be dedicated to the Queen, but there
was a change in the plans, and Burghley's name was substituted. When
Bacon, in 1591, is threatening to become "a sorry bookmaker," he
describes Burghley as the second founder of his poor estate, and uses
the expression, "If your Lordship will not carry me on," which can only
mean that as to the matter which is the subject of the letter, Burghley
had not merely been assisting but carrying him. The evidence which
exists is strong enough to warrant putting forward this theory as to the
frequency of the names of the Queen and Burghley on the dedications.
The Earl of Leicester desired to have the reputation of being a patron
of the arts, and was willing to pay for advertisement. He was the
Chancellor of Oxford University, and evidently recognised the value of
printing, for in 1585 he erected, at his own expense, a new printing
press for the use of the University. If he paid at all for dedications
he would pay liberally. But, of course, the Queen, Burghley, and
Leicester were accessible to others besides Bacon, and the argument goes
no further than that towards the production of certain books upon which
their names appear the patrons provided part of the cost. The
recognition of this fact, however, does not detract from the importance
of the expressions used by Bacon in his letter to Burghley.
There is abundant testimony to the fact that it was the custom, during
the Elizabethan age, for an author to suppress his own name, and on the
title-page[32] substitute either the initials or name of some other
person. The title-pages of this period are as unreliable as are the
names or initials affixed to the dedications and epistles "To the
Reader."
In 1624 was published "The Historie of the Life and Death of Mary Stuart
Queene of Scotland." The dedication is signed Wil Stranguage. In 1636 it
was reprinted, the same dedication being signed W. Vdall. There are
numerous similar instances.
FOOTNOTES:
[31] "John Dee," by Charlotte Fell Smith, 1909. Constable and Co., Ltd.
[32] See page 31.
CHAPTER XIV.
THE CLUE TO THE MYSTERY OF BACON'S LIFE.
The theory now put forward is based upon the assumption that Francis
Bacon at a very early age adopted the conception that he would devote
his life to the construction of an adequate language and literature for
his country and that he would do this remaining invisible. If he was the
author of "The Anatomie of the Mind," 1576, and of "Beautiful Blossoms,"
1577, he must have adopted this plan of obscurity as early as his
sixteenth year. It is possible, however, that it may be shown that at a
date still earlier he had decided upon this course. This, however, is
beyond doubt--that if Francis Bacon was associated in any way with the
literature of England from 1570 to 1605, with the exception of the small
volume of essays published in 1597, he most carefully concealed his
connection with it.
"Therefore, set it down," he says in the essay Of Simulation and
Dissimulation, "that a habit of secrecy is both politic and moral," and
in _Examples of the Antitheta_,[33] "Dissimulation is a compendious
wisdome." Here again is the same idea: "Beside in all wise humane
Government, they that sit at the helme, doe more happily bring their
purposes about, and insinuate more easily things fit for the people by
pretexts, and oblique courses; than by ... downright dealing. Nay (which
perchance may seem very strange) in things meerely naturall, you may
sooner deceive nature than force her; so improper and selfeimpeaching
are open direct proceedings; whereas on the other side, an oblique and
an insinuating way, gently glides along, and compasseth the intended
effect."[34]
It is noteworthy that Bacon had a quaint conceit of the Divine Being
which he was never tired of repeating. In the preface to the
"Advancement of Learning" (1640), the following passage occurs:--
"_For of the knowledges which contemplate the works of Nature, the
holy Philosopher hath said expressly_; that the glory of God is to
conceal a thing, but the glory of the King is to find it out: _as
if the Divine Nature, according to the innocent and sweet play of
children, which hide themselves to the end they may be found; took
delight to hide his works, to the end they might be found out; and
of his indulgence and goodness to mankind, had chosen the Soule of
man to be his Play-fellow in this game_."
Again on page 45 of the work itself he says:--
"For so he (King Solomon) saith expressly, _The Glory of God is to
conceale a thing, but the Glory of a King is to find it out_. As if
according to that innocent and affectionate play of children, the
Divine Majesty took delight to hide his works, to the end to have
them found out, and as if _Kings_ could not obtain a greater
Honour, then to be God's play-fellowes in that game, especially
considering the great command they have of wits and means, whereby
the investigation of all things may be perfected."
Another phase of the same idea is to be found on page 136.
In the author's preface to the "Novum Organum" the following passage
occurs:--
"Whereas of the sciences which regard nature the Holy Philosopher
declares that 'it is the glory of God to conceal a thing, but it is
the glory of the King to find it out.' Even as though the Divine
Nature took pleasure in the innocent and kindly sport of children
playing at hide and seek, and vouched-safe of his kindness and
goodness to admit the human spirit for his play fellow in that
game."
In almost identical words Bacon suggests the same conception in "In
Valerius Terminus" and in "Filum Labyrinthi."
In the Epistle Dedicatorie of "The French Academie" and elsewhere the
author is insisting on the same idea that "He (God) cannot be seene of
any mortal creature but is notwithstanding known by his works."
The close connection of Francis Bacon with the works (now seldom
studied) of the Emblem writers is vouched for by J. Baudoin.
Oliver Lector in "Letters from the Dead to the Dead" has given examples
of his association with the Dutch and French emblem writers. Three
Englishmen appear to have indulged in this fascinating pursuit--George
Whitney (1589), Henry Peacham (1612), and George Withers (1634). From
the Baconian point of view Peacham's "Minerva Britannia" is by far the
most interesting. The Emblem on page 34 is addressed "To the most
judicious and learned, SIR FRANCIS BACON Knight." On the opposite leaf,
paged thus, ·33,[35] the design represents a hand holding a spear as in
the act of shaking it. But it is the frontispiece which bears specially
on the present contention. The design is now reproduced (Fig. IV). A
curtain is drawn to hide a figure, the hand only of which is protruding.
It has just written the words "MENTE VIDEBOR"--"By the mind I shall be
seen." Around the scroll are the words "Vivitur ingenio cetera mortis
erunt"--one lives in one's genius, other things shall be (or pass away)
in death.
That emblem represents the secret of Francis Bacon's life. At a very
early age, probably before he was twelve, he had conceived the idea that
he would imitate God, that he would hide his works in order that they
might be found out--that he would be seen only by his mind and that his
image should be concealed. There was no haphazard work about it. It was
not simply that having written poems or plays, and desiring not to be
known as the author on publishing them, he put someone else's name on
the title-page. There was first the conception of the idea, and then the
carefully-elaborated scheme for carrying it out.
There are numerous allusions in Elizabethan and early Jacobean
literature to someone who was active in literary matters but preferred
to remain unrecognised. Amongst these there are some which directly
refer to Francis Bacon, others which occur in books or under
circumstances which suggest association with him. It is not contended
that they amount to direct testimony, but the cumulative force of this
evidence must not be ignored. In some of the emblem books of the period
these allusions are frequent.
Then there is John Owen's epigram appearing in his "Epigrammatum,"
published in 1612.
AD. D.B.
"Si bene qui latuit, bene vixit, tu bene vivis:
Ingeniumque tuum grande latendo patet."
"Thou livest well if one well hid well lives,
And thy great genius in being concealed is revealed."
D. is elsewhere used by Owen as the initial of Dominus. The suggestion
that Ad. D.B. represents Ad Dominum Baconum is therefore reasonable.
Thomas Powell published in 1630 the "Attourney's Academy." The book is
dedicated "To True Nobility and Tryde learning beholden To no Mountaine
for Eminence, nor supportment for Height, Francis, Lord Verulam and
Viscount St. Albanes." Then follow these lines:--
"O Give me leave to pull the Curtaine by
That clouds thy Worth in such obscurity.
Good Seneca, stay but a while thy bleeding,
T' accept what I received at thy Reading:
Here I present it in a solemne strayne,
And thus I pluckt the Curtayne backe again."
In the "Mirrour of State and Eloquence," published in 1656, the
frontispiece is a very bad copy of Marshall's portrait of Bacon prefixed
to the 1640 Gilbert Wat's "Advancement of Learning." Under it are these
lines:--
"Grace, Honour, virtue, Learning, witt,
Are all within this Porture knitt
And left to time that it may tell,
What worth within this Peere did dwell."
The frontispiece previously referred to of "Truth brought to Light and
discovered by Time, or a discourse and Historicall narration of the
first XIIII. yeares of King James Reign," published in 1651, is full of
cryptic meaning and in one section of it there is a representation of a
coffin out of which is growing
"A spreading Tree
Full fraught with various Fruits most fresh and fair
To make succeeding Times most rich and rare."
The fruits are books and manuscripts. The volume contains speeches of
Bacon and copies of official documents signed by him.
The books of the emblem writers are still more remarkable. "Jacobi
Bornitii Emblemata Ethico Politica," 1659, contains at least a dozen
plates in which Bacon is represented. A suggestive emblem is No. 1 of
Cornelii Giselberti Plempii Amsterodarnum Monogrammon, bearing date
1616, the year of Shakespeare's death. It is now reproduced (Fig. V.).
It will be observed that the initial letters of each word in the
sentence--_Obscænumque nimis crepuit Fortuna Batavis appellanda_--yield
F. Bacon. There are in other designs figures which are evidently
intended to represent Bacon. Emblem XXXVI. shows the inside of a
printer's shop and two men at work in the foreground blacking and fixing
the type. Behind is a workman setting type, and standing beside him,
apparently directing, or at any rate observing him, is a man with the
well-known Bacon hat on.
The contention may be stated thus:--Francis Bacon possessed, to quote
Macaulay, "the most exquisitely constructed intellect that has ever been
bestowed on any of the children of men." Hallam described him as "the
wisest, greatest of mankind," and affirmed that he might be compared to
Aristotle, Thucydides, Tacitus, Philippe de Comines, Machiavelli,
Davila, Hume, "all of these together," and confirming this view Addison
said that "he possessed at once all those extraordinary talents which
were divided amongst the greatest authors of antiquity." At twelve years
of age in industry he surpassed the capacity, and, in his mind, the
range of his contemporaries, and had acquired a thorough command of the
classical and modern languages. "He, after he had survaied all the
Records of Antiquity, after the volumes of men, betook himself to the
volume of the world and conquered whatever books possest." Having,
whilst still a youth, taken all knowledge to be his province, he had
read, marked, and absorbed the contents of nearly every book that had
been printed. How that boy read! Points of importance he underlined and
noted in the margin. Every subject he mastered--mathematics, geometry,
music, poetry, painting, astronomy, astrology, classical drama and
poetry, philosophy, history, theology, architecture.
Then--or perhaps before--came this marvellous conception, "Like God I
will be seen by my works, although my image shall never be
visible--_Mente videbor_. By the mind I shall be seen." So equipped, and
with such a scheme, he commenced and successfully carried through that
colossal enterprise in which he sought the good of all men, though in a
despised weed. "This," he said, "whether it be curiosity or vainglory,
or (if one takes it favourably) philanthropia, is so fixed in my mind as
it cannot be removed."
Translations of the classics, of histories, and other works were made.
In those he no doubt had assistance by the commandment of more wits than
his own, which is a thing he greatly affected. Books came from his
pen--poetry and prose--at a rate which, when the truth is revealed, will
literally "stagger humanity." Books were written by others under his
direction. He saw them through the press, and he did more. He had his
own wood blocks of devices, some, at any rate, of which were his own
design, and every book produced under his direction, whether written by
him or not, was marked by the use of one or more of these wood blocks.
The favourite device was the light A and the dark A. Probably the first
book published in England which was marked with this device was _De Rep.
Anglorum Instauranda libri decem, Authore Thoma Chalonero Equite,
Anglo_. This was printed by Thomas Vautrollerius,[36] and bears date
1579.
Vautrollier, and afterwards Richard Field, printed many of the books in
the issue of which Bacon was concerned from 1579 onwards. Henry
Bynneman, and afterwards his assignees Ralph Newbery and Henry Denham
and George Bishop, who was associated with Denham, were also printing
books issued under his auspices, and later Adam Islip, George Eld and
James Haviland came in for a liberal share of his patronage.
The cost of printing and publishing must have been very great. If the
facts ever come to light it will probably be found that Burghley was
Bacon's mainstay for financial support. It will also be found that Lady
Anne Bacon and Anthony Bacon were liberal contributors to the funds, and
that the cause of Francis Bacon's monetary difficulties and consequent
debts was the heavy obligation which he personally undertook in
connection with the production of the Elizabethan literature.
In the Dedications, Prefaces, and Epistles "To the Reader" also Francis
Bacon's mind may be recognised. When Addison wrote of Bacon, "One does
not know which to admire most in his writings, the strength of reason,
force of style, or brightness of imagination," his words might have been
inspired by these prefixes to the literature of this period. When once
the student has made himself thoroughly acquainted with Bacon's style of
writing prefaces he can never fail to recognise it, especially if he
reads the passages aloud. The Epistle Dedicatorie to the 1625 edition of
Barclay's "Argenis," signed Kingesmill Long, is one of the finest
examples of Baconian English extant. Who but the writer of the
Shakespeare plays could have written that specimen of musical language?
To hear it read aloud gives all the enjoyment of listening to a fine
composition of music. It is the same with the Shakespeare plays; only
when they are read aloud can the richness and charm of the language they
contain be appreciated.
Bacon's work can never be understood by anyone who has not realised the
marvellous character of the mind of the boy, his phenomenal industry,
and the fact that "he could imagine like a poet and execute like a clerk
of the works." It has been suggested that he had a secret Society, by
the agency of which he carried through his works, but it is difficult
to find any evidence that such a Society existed. It may be that he had
helpers without there having been anything of the nature of a Society.
From 1575 to 1605 (thirty years) with the exception of the trifles
published as Essays in 1597, there are no acknowledged fruits of his
work to which his name is attached. Even the two books of the
"Advancement of Learning," published in 1605, would have made little
demands on his time. Edmund Burke said: "Who is there that hearing the
name of Bacon does not instantly recognise everything of genius the most
profound, of literature the most extensive, of discovery the most
penetrating, of observation of human life the most distinguished and
refined." For such a man to write "The two books" would be no hard or
lengthy task.
The wonder is that Francis Bacon should have attached his name to the
1597 edition of the essays. He had written and published under other
names tomes of essays of at least equal merit. In Aphorism 128 of the
"Novum Organum" Bacon says, "But how sincere I am in my profession of
affection and goodwill towards the received sciences my published
writings, especially the books on the Advancement of Learning,
sufficiently shew." What are the published writings referred to? The
only works which bore his name were the incomplete volume of the Essays
and the "Wisdom of the Ancients," to neither of which the words quoted
are applicable.
Anthony Bacon, writing to Lady Anne in April, 1593, referring to her
"motherly offer" to help Francis out of debt by being content to bestow
the whole interest in an estate in Essex, called Markes, said
"beseeching you to believe that being so near and dear unto me as he is,
it cannot but be a grief unto me to see a mind that hath given so
sufficient proof of itself in having brought forth many good thoughts
for the general to be overburdened and cumbered with a care of clearing
his particular estate."
In 1593 nothing had been published under Bacon's name, and there is not
any production of his known which would justify Anthony's remark. What
was his motive in selecting this insignificant little volume of essays
whereby to proclaim himself a writer? One can understand his object in
addressing James in _The Two Books of the Advancement of Learning_. He
obtained in 1606, as Peacham has it, "preferment by his Patrone's
letter" by being appointed Solicitor-General.
During all this period--1575 to 1605--"the most exquisitely constructed
mind that has ever been bestowed on any of the children of men" appears
to have been dormant. Take the first three volumes of Spedding's "Life
and Letters," and carefully note all that is recorded as the product of
that mind during the years when it must have been at the zenith of its
power and activity. All the letters and tracts accredited to Bacon in
them which have come down to us would not account for six months--not
for three months--of its occupation.
The explanation that he was building up his great system of inductive
philosophy is quite inadequate. Rawley speaks of the "Novum Organum" as
having been in hand for twelve years. This would give 1608 as the year
when it was commenced. The "Cogitata et Visa," of which it was an
amplification, was probably written in 1606 or 1607, for on the 17th
February, 1607-8, Bodley writes acknowledging the receipt of it and
commenting on it.
Rawley says that it was during the last five years of Bacon's life that
he composed the greatest part of his books and writings both in English
and Latin, and supplies a list which comprises all his acknowledged
published works except the "Novum Organum" and the Essays.
In "The Statesmen and Favourites of England since the Reformation," it
is stated that the universal knowledge and comprehension of things
rendered Francis Bacon the observation of great and wise men, and
afterward the wonder of all. Yet it is remarkable how few are the
references to him amongst his contemporaries. Practically the only one
that would enable a reader to gain any knowledge of his personality is
Francis Osborn, who, in letters to his son, published in 1658, describes
him as he was in the last few years of his life. No one has left data
which enables a clear impression to be formed of Francis Bacon as he was
up to his fortieth year. The omission may be described as a conspiracy
of silence. How exactly the circumstances appear to fit in with the
first line of John Owen's epigram to Dominus B., published in
1612!--"Thou livest well if one well hid well lives"; and if the
suggestion now put forward be correct that Bacon deliberately resolved
that his image and personality should never be seen, but only the fruits
of his mind--the issues of his brain, to use Rawley's expression--how
apt is the second line of the epigram: "And thy great genius in being
concealed, is revealed."
FOOTNOTES:
[33] "Of the Advancement of Learning," 1640, page 312.
[34] "Of the Advancement of Learning," 1640, pages 115, 116.
[35] 33 is the numerical value of the name "Bacon." The stop preceding
it denotes cypher.
[36] Vautrollier was a scholar and printer who came to England from
Paris or Roan about the beginning of Elizabeth's reign, and first
commenced business in Blackfriars. In 1584 he printed _Jordanus Brunus_,
for which he was compelled to fly. In the next year he was in Edinburgh,
where, by his help, Scottish printing was greatly improved. Eventually
his pardon was procured by powerful friends, amongst whom was Thomas
Randolph. In 1588 Richard Field, who was apprenticed to Vautrollier,
married Jakin, his daughter, and on his death in 1589 succeeded to the
business.
CHAPTER XV.
BURGHLEY AND BACON.
There was published in 1732 "The Life of the Great Statesman William
Cecil, Lord Burghley." The preface signed by Arthur Collins states:--
The work I have for several years engaged in, of treating of those
families that have been Barons of this Kingdom, necessarily induced
me to apply to our Nobility for such helps, as might illustrate the
memory of their ancestors. And several Noblemen having favour'd me
with the perusal of their family evidences, and being recommended
to the Right Honourable the present Earl of Exeter, his Lordship
out of just regard to the memory of his great Ancestor, was pleased
to order the manuscript Life of the Lord Burghley to be
communicated to me.
Which being very old and decayed and only legible to such who are
versed in ancient writings it was with great satisfaction that I
copied it literatim. And that it may not be lost to the world, I
now offer it to the view of the publick. It fully appears to be
wrote in the reign of Queen Elizabeth soon after his Lordship's
death, by one who was intimate with him, and an eye witness of his
actions for the last twenty-five years. It needs no comment to set
it off; that truth and sincerity which shines through the whole,
will, I don't doubt have the same weight with the Readers as it had
with me and that they will be of opinion it's too valuable to be
buried in oblivion.
This "Life of Lord Burghley" is referred to by Nares and other of his
biographers as having been written by "a domestic." It contains about
16,000 words and is the most authentic account extant of the great
statesman's life. The narrative is full, but the observations on the
character and habits of Burghley are by far the most important feature.
The method of treatment of the subject is after Bacon's style; the Life
abounds with phrases and with tricks of diction, which enable it to be
identified as his. The concluding sentences could only have been written
with Bacon's pen:--
And so leaving his soule with God, his fame to the world, and the
truth to all charitable mynds, I leave the sensure to all judicious
Christians, who truly practising what they professe, will better
approve, and more indifferentlie interpret it, than envie or malice
can disprove it. The best sort will ever doe right, the worst can
but imagine mischief and doe wrong; yet this is a comfort, the more
his virtues are troden downe, the more will theire brightnes
appeare. Virtus vulnerata virescit.
In 1592 the "Responsio ad edictum Reginæ Angliæ" of the Jesuit Parsons
had appeared, attacking the Queen and her advisers (especially
Burghley), to whom were attributed all the evils of England and the
disturbances of Christendom. The reply to this was entrusted to Francis
Bacon, who responded with a pamphlet entitled "Certain observations upon
a libel published this present year, 1592." It was first printed by Dr.
Rawley in the "Resuscitatio" in 1657. At the time it was written it was
circulated largely in manuscript, for at least eight copies, somewhat
varying from each other, have been preserved.[37] It is quite possible
that it was printed at the time, but that no copy has survived.
Throughout the whole work there are continual references to Burghley.
Chapter VI. is entirely devoted to his defence and is headed "Certain
true general notes upon the actions of the Lord Burghley." Either "The
Life" and the "Observations on a Libel" are by the same writer or the
author of the former borrowed the latter very freely.
It is to be regretted that the original manuscript of the "Life" cannot
now be found. In 1732 it was at Burghley House. Application has been
made to the present Marquis of Exeter for permission to inspect it, but
his Lordship's librarian has no knowledge of its existence. If it could
be examined it is probable that if the text was not in Bacon's
handwriting some notes or alterations might be recognised as his. The
writer says he was an eye witness of Burghley's life and actions
twenty-five years together--that would be from 1573 to 1598, which would
well accord with the present contention. If Bacon was the author it
throws considerable light on his relations with Burghley and establishes
the fact that they were of the most cordial and affectionate character.
It is reported that Bacon said that in the time of the Burghleys--father
and son--clever or able men were repressed, and mainly upon this has
been based the impression that Burghley opposed Francis Bacon's
progress.
Burghley's biographer refers to this report. He writes: "He was careful
and desirous to furder and advaunce men of quality and desart to be
Councellors and officers to her Majesty wherein he placed manie and
laboured to bring in more ... yet would envy with her slaunders report
he hindered men from rising; but howe true it is wise men maie judge,
for it was the Queene to take whom she pleased and not in a subject to
preferree whom he listed."
It will eventually be proved that such a report conveys an incorrect
view. In the letter of 1591,[38] addressed to Burghley, Bacon
says:--"Besides I do not find in myself so much self-love, but that the
greater parts of my thoughts are to deserve well (if I were able) of my
friends and namely of your Lordship; who being the Atlas of this
Commonwealth, the honour of my house, and the second founder of my poor
estate, I am tied by all duties, both of a good patriot, and of an
unworthy kinsman, and of an obliged servant, to employ whatsoever I am
to do your service," and later in the letter he employs the phrase,
"And if your Lordship will not carry me on," and then threatens to sell
the inheritance that he has, purchase some quick revenue that may be
executed by another, and become some sorry bookmaker or a pioneer in
that mine of truth which Anaxagoras said lay so deep.
Again, in a letter to Burghley, dated 31st March, 1594, he
says:--"Lastly, that howsoever this matter may go, yet I may enjoy your
lordship's good favour and help as I have done in regard to my private
estate, which as I have not altogether neglected so I have but
negligently attended and which hath been bettered only by yourself (the
Queen except) and not by any other in matter of importance." Further on
he says: "Thus again desiring the continuance of your Lordship's
goodness as I have hitherto found it on my part sought also to deserve,
I commend," etc.
It is very easy, with little information as to Bacon's actions and
little knowledge of the period, to form a definite opinion as to the
relations of Bacon and Burghley. The more information as to the one and
knowledge of the other one gets, the more difficult does it become to
arrive at a satisfactory conclusion. Here was the son of Elizabeth's
great Lord Keeper, the nephew of her trusted minister, himself from his
boyhood a _persona grata_ with the Queen, of brilliant parts and great
wisdom--if he had been a mere place-hunter his desires could have been
satisfied over and over again. There was some condition of circumstance,
of which nothing has hitherto been known, which prevented him from
obtaining the object of his desires. That he had a definite object, and
had mapped out a course by which he hoped to achieve it, is evident from
his letters[39] already quoted. It is equally clear that the course he
sought to pursue entailed his abandoning the law as a profession. Either
he would only have such place as he desired, and on his own terms, or
he was known to be following some course which, although not distasteful
to his close friends, caused him to be held in suspicion, if not
distrust, by the courtiers with whom Elizabeth was surrounded. Every
additional fact that comes to light seems to point to the truth being
that through his life Burghley was Francis Bacon's staunch friend and
supporter. Upon Sir Nicholas Bacon's death Burghley appears with Bodley
to have been maintaining Bacon in his travels abroad. Upon his return to
England Burghley gave him financial support in his great project. In
1591 there was a crisis--someone had been spending money for the past
twelve years freely in making English literature. That cannot be
gainsaid. Burghley appears to have pulled up and remonstrated; hence
Bacon's letter containing the threat before referred to. It is
significant that it was immediately after this letter was written that
Bacon's association with Essex commenced. Bacon would take him and
Southampton into his confidence and seek their help. Essex was just the
man to respond with enthusiasm. Francis introduced Anthony to him. The
services of the brothers were placed at his disposal, and he undertook
to manage the Queen. The office of Attorney-General for Francis would
meet the case. "It was dangerous in a factious age to have my Lord Essex
his favour," says the biographer before quoted.[40]
That Burghley was favourable to his appointment as Attorney-General two
letters written by Francis to Lord Keeper Puckering in 1594 testify. In
the first Bacon writes: "I pray your Lordship to call to remembrance my
Lord Treasurer's kind course, who affirmed directly all the rest to be
unfit. And because _vis unita fortior_ I beg your Lordship to take a
time with the Queen when my Lord Treasurer is present."
In a second letter he writes: "I thought good to remember your good
Lordship and to request you as I touched in my last that if my Lord
Treasurer be absent your Lordship would forbear to fall into my business
with her Majesty lest it mought receive some foil before the time when
it should be resolutely dealt in."
Only Burghley was found to support Essex's advocacy, and on the whole
this was not to be wondered at. Such an appointment, to say the least,
would have been an experiment. Possibly Essex was the stumbling-block,
but it may be that the real objection on the part of the Queen and her
advisers was that Bacon was known to be so amorous of certain learned
arts, so much given over to invention, that the consensus of opinion was
that he was thereby unfitted to hold an important office of the State.
Or it may be that he was discredited by his suspected or known
association with certain printers. There was some reason of which no
explanation can now be traced.
It has been suggested that in 1591 there was a crisis in Bacon's life.
That is evident from the letter to Burghley written in that year. John
Harrington's translation of "Orlando Furioso" was published about this
time. The manuscript, which is in a perfect condition, is in the British
Museum, and has been marked in Bacon's handwriting throughout. The
pagination and the printer's signature are placed at the commencement of
the stanzas to be printed on each page, and there are instructions to
the printer at the end which are not in his hand.
There are good grounds for attributing the notes at the end of each
chapter to Bacon.
It is very improbable that Sir John Harrington had the classical
knowledge which the writer of these notes must have possessed. There is
a letter written by him to Sir Amias Pawlett, dated January, 1606-7. He
is relating an interview with King James, and says: "Then he (the king)
enquyrede muche of lernynge and showede me his owne in such sorte as
made me remember my examiner at Cambridge aforetyme. He soughte muche to
knowe my advances in philosophie and utterede profounde sentences of
Aristotle and such lyke wryters, whiche I had never reade and which some
are bolde enoughe to saye others do not understand." It would be
difficult to mention any classical author with whose works the writer of
these notes was not familiar, or to believe that "Epigrams both Pleasant
and Serious" (1615) came from the pen of that writer.
At the end of the thirty-seventh chapter the following note occurs: "It
was because she (Porcia) wrote some verses in manner of an Epitaph upon
her husband after his decease: In which kind, that honourable Ladie
(widow of the late Lord John Russell) deserveth no lesse commendation,
having done as much for two husbands. And whereas my author maketh so
great bost only of one learned woman in Italie, I may compare (besides
one above all comparison that I have noted in the twentith booke) three
or foure in England out of one family, and namely the sisters of that
learned Ladie, as witness that verse written by the meanest of the foure
to the Ladie Burlie which I doubt if Cambridge or Oxford can mend."
The four Si mihi quem cupio cures Mildreda She wrote to
daughters of remitti Lady Burlie
Sir Anthonie Tu bona, tu melior, tu mihi sola to send a
Cooke-- soror; kinsman of
Ladie Burlie, Sin mali cessando retines, & trans hers into
Ladie Russell, mare mittis, Cornwall,
Lady Bacon, Tu mala, tu peior, tu mihi nulla where she
Mistress soror. dwelt, and to
Killygrew. Is si Cornubiam, tibi pax sit & stop his going
omnia læta, beyond sea.
Sin mare Ceciliæ nuncio bella.
Vale.[41]
The writer of the Latin verse was _not_ Ladie Russell, and it was
written _to_ Ladie Burlie, so she must either be Ladie Bacon or Mistress
Killigrew. It is not an improbable theory that Ladie Bacon was writing
to her sister Mildred, who had, through her husband, power either to
send Francis to Cornwall or permit him to be sent away over the seas.
There is a copy of Machiavelli's "History of Florence," 1595, with
Bacon's notes in the margins.[42]
At the end is a memorandum giving the dates when the book was read "in
Cornwall at," and then follow two words, the second of which is "Lake,"
but the first is undecipherable.
Is it possible that Lady Anne Bacon had a house in Cornwall which
Francis Bacon, inheriting after her death, was in the habit of visiting
for retirement? But this is conjecture.
The following point is of interest. In the "Life of Burghley" (1598) it
is said that: "Bookes weare so pleasing to him, as when he gott libertie
to goe unto his house to take ayre, if he found a book worth the
openinge, he wold rather loose his ridinge than his readinge; and yet
ryding in his garden walks upon his litle moile was his greatest
Disport: But so soone as he came in he fell to his readinge againe or
els to dispatchinge busines."
Rawley, in his "Life of Bacon" (1657), attributes an exactly similar
habit to the philosopher, and almost in identical phrase: "For he would
ever interlace a moderate relaxation of his mind with his studies as
walking, or taking the air abroad in his coach or some other befitting
recreation; and yet he would lose no time, inasmuch as upon his first
and immediate return he would fall to reading again, and so suffer no
moment of time to slip from him without some present improvement."
It is difficult to approach any phase of the life of Bacon without being
confronted with what appears to be evidence of careful preparation to
obscure the facts. This observation does not result from imagination or
prejudice; Bacon's movements are always enshrouded in mystery.
Investigation and research will, however, eventually establish as a fact
that there was a closer connection between Burghley and Bacon than
historians have recognised, and that they had a strong attachment for
each other.
FOOTNOTES:
[37] Harl. MSS., 537, pp. 26 and 71; additional MSS., 4,263, p. 144;
Harl. MSS., 6,401; Harl. MSS., 6,854, p. 203; Cambridge Univ. Lib., Mm.
V. 5; Cotton MSS., Tit., Chap. VII., p. 50 b; Harl. MSS., 859, p. 40;
Cotton MSS., Jul., F. VI., p. 158.
[38] See page 72.
[39] See pages 70, 72.
[40] See Appendix.
[41] If you, O Mildred, will take care to send back to me him whom
I desire,
You will be my good, my more than good, my only sister;
But if, unfortunately, by doing nothing you keep him back and
send him across the sea,
You will be bad, more than bad, nay no sister at all of mine.
If he comes to Cornwall, peace and all joys be with you,
But if he goes by sea to Sicily I declare war. Farewell.
[42] One note on this book contains an interesting historical fact
hitherto unknown. On page 279 the text states: "Among the Conspirators
was Nicholo Fedini whom they employed as Chauncellor, he persuaded with
a hope more certaine, revealed to Piero, all the practice argreed by his
enemies, and delivered him a note of all their names." Bacon has made
the following note in the margin: "Ex (_i.e._, Essex) did the like in
England which he burnt at Shirfr Smiths house in fenchurch Street."
CHAPTER XVI.
THE 1623 FOLIO EDITION OF SHAKESPEARE'S PLAYS.
Sir Sydney Lee has written[43]:--"As a specimen of typography, the First
Folio is not to be commended. There are a great many contemporary folios
of larger bulk far more neatly and correctly printed. It looks as though
Jaggard's printing office was undermanned. The misprints are numerous,
and are especially conspicuous in the pagination." In the same year was
published "The Theater of Honour and Knighthood," translated from the
French of Andreu Favine. William Jaggard was the printer. It is a large
folio volume containing about 1,200 pages, and is referred to as being
issued by Jaggard as an example of the printer's art to maintain his
reputation, which had suffered from the apparently careless manner in
which the Shakespeare Folio was turned out. Both books contain the same
emblematic head-pieces and tail-pieces. There are, however, some
considerable mispaginations in "The Theater of Honour." Mispaginations
were not infrequent in Elizabethan and Jacobean literature, but it is
quite possible that they were not unintentional. The most glaring
instance is to be found in the first Edition of "The Two Bookes of
Francis Bacon--Of the Proficience and Advancement in Learning, Divine
and Humane," published by Henrie Tomes (1605). Each leaf (not page) is
numbered. The 45 leaves of the first book are correctly numbered. In the
second book there is no number on leaf 6. Leaf 9 is numbered 6, the
right figure being printed upside down; 30 is numbered 33; from 31 to
70 the numbering is correct, and then the leaves are numbered as
follows:--70, 70, 71, 70, 72, 74, 73, 74, 75, 69, 77, 78, 79, 80, 77,
74, 74, 69, 69, 82, 87, 79, 89, 91, 92, 93, 94, 95, 99, 97, 99, 94, 100,
99, 102, 103, 103, 93, 106, and on correctly until the last page, 118,
except that 115 is numbered 105.
It is impossible to attribute this mispagination to the printer's
carelessness. This was the first work published bearing Bacon's name,
excepting the trifle of essays published in 1597. There does not appear
to have been any hurry in its production. It is quite a small volume,
and yet the foregoing remarkable mispaginations occur. There must be
some purpose in this which has yet to be found out.
The 1623 Shakespeare Folio will be found to be one of the most perfect
examples of the printer's art extant, because no work has been produced
under such difficult conditions for the printer. There are few mistakes
in pagination or spelling which are not intentional. The work is a
masterpiece of enigma and cryptic design. The lines "To the Reader"
opposite to the title-page are a table or code of numbers. The same
lines and the lettering on the title-page form another table. The
ingenuity displayed in this manipulation of words and numbers to create
analogies is almost beyond the comprehension of the human mind. The
mispaginations are all intentional and have cryptic meanings. The acme
of wit is the substitution of 993 for 399 on the last page of the
tragedies; a hundred has been omitted in "Hamlet," 257 following 156,
and other errors made in order to obtain this result on the last page.
The manner in which the printer's signatures have been arranged with the
pages is equally wonderful. The name William Shakespeare must have been
created without reference to him of Stratford, who possibly bore or had
assigned to him a somewhat similar name. A great superstructure is built
up on the exact spelling of the words William Shakespeare. The year
1623 was specially selected for the issue of the complete volume of the
plays, because of the marvellous relations which the numbers composing
it bear to the names William Shakespeare and Francis Bacon, to the year
1560, in which the birth of Bacon is registered, and to 1564 and 1616,
the reputed dates of the birth and death of the Stratford man. Nor do
the wonders end here. The use of numerical analogies has been carried
into the construction of the English language. All this, and much more,
will be made manifest when the work of Mr. E. V. Tanner comes to be
investigated and appreciated. He has made the greatest literary
discovery of all time. The wonder is how it has been possible for anyone
to pierce the veil and reveal the secrets of the volume. The value of
the Shakespeare Folio 1623 will be enhanced. It will stand alone as the
greatest monument of the achievements of the human intellect.
To any literary critic who should honour this book by noticing it,
it is probable the foregoing statements may seem extravagant and
untrustworthy. To such the request is now made that before making any
comment he will inspect the proof of the foregoing statements which are
in the writer's possession. The dramas of Shakespeare are, by universal
consent, placed at the head of all literature. The invitation is now
put forth in explicit terms, and facilities are offered for the
investigation of the truth, or otherwise, of every statement made in
the foregoing paragraph.
FOOTNOTES:
[43] "A Life of Shakespeare," 1589, 2nd Edition, p. 308.
CHAPTER XVII.
THE AUTHORIZED VERSION OF THE BIBLE, 1611.
Is it not strange that there is no mention of any connection of Francis
Bacon with this work? There was a conference held at Hampton Court
Palace before King James on January, 1603, between the Episcopalians and
Puritans. John Rainoldes urged the necessity of providing for his people
a uniform translation of the Bible. Rainoldes was the leader of the
Puritans, a person of prodigious reading and doctrine, and the very
treasury of erudition. Dr. Hall, Bishop of Norwich, reports that "he
alone was a well furnished library, full of all faculties, of all
studies, of all learning--the memory and reading of that man were near a
miracle." The King approved the suggestion and commissioned for that
purpose fifty-four of the most learned men in the universities and other
places. There was a "careful selection of revisers made by some unknown
but very competent authority." The translators were divided into six
bands of nine each, and the work of translation was apportioned out to
them. A set of rules was drawn up for their guidance, which has happily
come down to modern times--almost the only record that remains of this
great undertaking. These concise rules have a homogeneity, breadth and
vigour which point to Bacon as their author. Each reviser was to
translate the whole of the original allocated to his company; then they
were to compare their translations together, and, as soon as a company
had completed its part, it was to communicate the result to the other
companies, that nothing might pass without the general consent. If any
company, upon the review of the translation so sent, differed on any
point, they were to note their objection and state their reasons for
disagreement. If the differences could not be adjusted, there was a
committee of arbitration which met weekly, consisting of a
representative from each company, to whom the matter in dispute was
referred. If any point was found to be very obscure, letters were to be
addressed, by authority, to learned persons throughout the land inviting
their judgment. The work was commenced in 1604. Rainoldes belonged to
the company to whom Isaiah and the prophets were assigned. He died in
1607, before the work was completed. During his illness his colleagues
met in his bedroom so that they might retain the benefit of his
learning. Only forty-seven out of the fifty-four names are known. When
the companies had completed their work, one complete copy was made at
Oxford, one at Cambridge, and one at Westminster. Those were sent to
London. Then two members were selected from each company to form a
committee to review and polish the whole. The members met daily at
Stationers' Hall and occupied nine months in their task. Then a final
revision was entrusted to Dr. Thomas Bilson and Dr. Miles Smith, and in
1609 their labours were completed and the result was handed to the King.
Many of the translators have left specimens of their writing in
theological treatises, sermons, and other works. A careful perusal of
all these available justifies the assertion that amongst the whole body
there was not one man who was so great a literary stylist as to be able
to write certain portions of the Authorised Version, which stamp it as
one of the two greatest examples of the English language. Naturally the
interest centres on Dr. Thomas Bilson and Dr. Miles Smith, to whom the
final revision was entrusted. There are some nine or ten theological
works by the former and two sermons by the latter. Unless the theory of
a special divine inspiration for the occasion be admitted, it is clear
that neither Bilson nor Miles Smith could have given the final touches
to the Bible. And now a curious statement has come down to us. In 1609
the translators handed their work to the King, and in 1610 he returned
it to them completed. James was incapable of writing anything to which
the term beautiful could be applied. What had happened to the
translators' work whilst it was left in his hands?
James had an officer of state at that time of whom a contemporary
biographer wrote that "he had the contrivance of all King James his
Designs, until the match with Spain." It will eventually be proved that
the whole scheme of the Authorised Version of the Bible was Francis
Bacon's. He was an ardent student not only of the Bible, but of the
early manuscripts. St. Augustine, St. Jerome, and writers of theological
works, were studied by him with industry. He has left his annotations in
many copies of the Bible and in scores of theological works. The
translation must have been a work in which he took the deepest interest
and which he would follow from stage to stage. When the last stage came
there was only one writer of the period who was capable of turning the
phrases with that matchless style which is the great charm of the
Shakespeare plays. Whoever that stylist was, it was to him that James
handed over the manuscripts which he received from the translators. That
man then made havoc of much of the translation, but he produced a result
which, on its literary merits, is without an equal.
Thirty years ago another revision took place, but, notwithstanding the
advantages which the revisers of 1880 had over their predecessors of
1611, their version has failed to displace the older version, which is
too precious to the hearts of the people for them to abandon it.
Although not one of the translators has left any literary work which
would justify the belief that he was capable of writing the more
beautiful portions of the Bible, fortunately Bacon has left an example
which would rather add lustre to than decrease the high standard of the
Bible if it were incorporated in it. As to the truth of this statement
the reader must judge from the following prayer, which was written after
his fall, and which was described by Addison as resembling the devotion
of an angel rather than a man:--
_Remember, O Lord, how Thy servant hath walked before Thee;
remember what I have first sought, and what been principal in mine
intentions. I have loved Thy assemblies; I have mourned for the
divisions of Thy Church; I have delighted in the brightness of Thy
sanctuary._
_This vine, which Thy right hand hath planted in this nation, I
have ever prayed unto Thee that it might have the first and the
latter rain, and that it might stretch her branches to the seas and
to the floods._
_The state and bread of the poor and oppressed have been precious
in mine eyes. I have hated all cruelty and hardness of heart. I
have, though in a despised weed, procured the good of all men._
_If any have been mine enemies, I thought not of them, neither hath
the sun almost set upon my displeasure; but I have been as a dove,
free from superfluity of maliciousness._
_Thy creatures have been my books, but Thy scriptures much more. I
have sought Thee in the courts, fields, and gardens, but I have
found Thee in Thy temples._
_Thousand have been my sins and ten thousand my transgressions, but
Thy sanctifications have remained with me, and my heart, through
Thy grace, hath been an unquenched coal upon Thine altar._
_O Lord, my strength, I have since my youth met with Thee in all my
ways, by Thy fatherly compassions, by Thy comfortable
chastisements, and by Thy most visible providence. As Thy favours
have increased upon me, so have Thy corrections, so that Thou hast
been ever near me, O Lord; and ever, as Thy worldly blessings were
exalted, so secret darts from Thee have pierced me, and when I have
ascended before men, I have descended in humiliation before Thee._
_And now, when I thought most of peace and honour, Thy hand is
heavy upon me, and hath humbled me according to Thy former
lovingkindness, keeping me still in Thy fatherly school, not as a
bastard but as a child. Just are Thy judgments upon me for my sins,
which are more in number than the sands of the sea, but have no
proportion to Thy mercies; for what are the sands of the sea to the
sea? Earth, heavens, and all these are nothing to Thy mercies._
_Besides my innumerable sins, I confess before Thee that I am
debtor to Thee for the gracious talent of Thy gifts and graces,
which I have neither put into a napkin, nor put it (as I ought) to
exchangers, where it might have made most profit, but misspent it
in things for which I was least fit so that I may truly say my soul
hath been a stranger in the course of my pilgrimage._
_Be merciful unto me, O Lord, for my Saviour's sake, and receive me
into Thy bosom or guide me in Thy ways._
There is another feature about the first editions of the Authorised
Version which arrests attention. In 1611 the first folio edition was
published. The design with archers, dogs and rabbits which is to be
found over the address "To the Christian Reader" which introduces the
genealogies is also to be found in the folio edition of Shakespeare over
the dedication to the most noble and Incomparable paire of Brethren,
over the Catalogue and elsewhere. Except that the mark of query which is
on the head of the right hand pillar in the design in the Bible is
missing in the Shakespeare folio, and the arrow which the archer on the
right hand side is shooting contains a message in the design used in
the Bible and is without one in the Shakespeare folio.
In the 1612 quarto edition of the Authorised Version on the title-page
of the Genealogies are two designs; that at the head of the page is
printed from the identical block which was used on the title-page of the
first edition of "Venus and Adonis," 1593, and the first edition of
"Lucrece," 1594. At the bottom is the design with the light A and dark
A, which is over the dedication to Sir William Cecil in the "Arte of
English Poesie," 1589. An octavo edition, which is now very rare, was
also published in 1612. On the title-page of the Genealogies will be
found the design with the light A and dark A which is used on several of
the Shakespeare quartos and elsewhere. (Figure XXI.)
The selection of these designs was not made by chance. They were
deliberately chosen to create similitudes between certain books, and
mark their connection with each other.
The revised translation of the Bible was undertaken as a national work.
It was carried out under the personal supervision of the King, but every
record of the proceedings has disappeared. The British Museum does not
contain a manuscript connected with the proceedings of the translators.
In the Record Office have been preserved the original documents
referring to important proceedings of that period. The parliamentary,
judicial, and municipal records are, on the whole, in a complete
condition, but ask for any records connected with the Authorised Version
of the Bible and the reply is: "We have none." And yet it is reasonable
to suppose that manuscripts and documents of such importance would be
preserved. Where are they to be found?
CHAPTER XVIII.
HOW BACON MARKED BOOKS WITH THE PUBLICATION OF WHICH HE WAS CONNECTED.
At a very early period in the history of printing, the custom was
introduced of placing on title-pages, at the heads and ends of the
chapters, emblematical designs. In English printed books these are
seldom to be found until the latter half of the 16th century.
An investigation of the books of the period reveals the fact that the
same blocks were used by different printers. Articles have been written
on the migration of printer's blocks, but, so far, no explanation has
been offered as to any object other than decoration for which these
blocks were used.
Among other designs in use between 1576 and 1640 are a number of
variants of a device in which a light A and a dark A form the most
conspicuous points. Camden, in his "Remaines Concerning Britaine," 1614,
commences a chapter on "Impresses," at the head of which the device is
found, thus:--"An Imprese (as the Italians call it) is a device in
picture with his Motto, or Word, borne by noble and learned personages,
to notifie some particular conceit of their owne: as Emblemes (that we
may omitte other differences) doe propound some general instructions to
all." Then follow a number of examples, and amongst them this:--
"Variete and vicissitude of humane things he seemed to shew which
parted his shield, Per Pale, Argent & Sables and counter-changeably
writte in the Argent, Ater and in the Sables Albus."
But even if the light A and dark A are used in the design of the
head-piece to represent Albus and Ater it does not afford any
satisfactory explanation as to why they are so used.
In MDCXVI. was published "Les Emblemes Moraulx et Militaires du Sieur
Jacob De Bruck Angermundt Nouvellement mis en Lumiere A Strasbourg, Par
Jacob de Heyden Graveur."
In Emblem No. 18, now reproduced, the light A and the dark A will be
found in the branch of the tree which the man is about to cut off.
(Figure VI.)[44]
Another Emblem does not contain the light A and dark A, but the bark of
the trunk and branches of the tree on the design exhibit a strong
contrast between the dark and light, which feature is represented in
most of the title-pages of books in which the device is found. (Figure
VII.)
Mr. Charles T. Jacob, Chiswick Press, London, who is the author of
"Books and Printing" (London, 1902), and several works on typography,
referring to an article on the migration of woodblocks, said:--
It is a well-known fact to Bibliographers that the same blocks were
sometimes used by different printers in two places quite far apart,
and at various intervals during the seventeenth and eighteenth
centuries. That the same blocks were employed is apparent from a
comparison of technical defects of impressions taken at different
places, and at two periods. There was no method of duplication in
existence until stereotyping was first invented in 1725; even then
the details were somewhat crude, and the process being new, it met
with much opposition and was practically not adopted until the
early part of the nineteenth century. Electrotyping, which is the
ideal method of reproducing woodblocks, was not introduced until
1836 or thereabouts. Of course, it was quite possible to re-engrave
the same design, but absolute fidelity could not be relied on by
these means, even if executed by the same hand.
The earliest date which appears on a book in which the head-piece,
containing the device of the light A and dark A is found, is 1563. The
book is "De Furtivis Literarum Notis Vulgo. De Ziferis," Ioan. Baptista
Porta Neapolitano Authore. Cum Privilegio Neapoli, apud Ioa. Mariam
Scotum. MDLXIII. (Figure VIII.)
It is only used once--over the dedication Ioanni Soto Philippi Regis.
There is no other head-piece in the book. John Baptist Porta was, with
the exception of Trithemius, whom he quotes, the first writer on
cyphers. At the time at which he wrote cypher-writing was studied in
every Court in Europe. It is significant that this emblematic device is
used in the earliest period in which head-pieces were adopted, in a book
which is descriptive and is in fact a text-book of the art of
concealment. This has, however, now been proved to be a falsely dated
book.
The first edition of this work was published in Naples in 1563 by Ioa.
Marius Scotus, but this does not contain the A A design. In 1591 the
book was published in London by John Wolfe; this reprint was dedicated
to Henry Percy, Earl of Northumberland. After the edition had been
printed off, the title-page was altered to correspond with the 1563
Naples publication. The dedication was taken out, and a reprint of the
original dedication was substituted, and over this was placed the A A
head-piece; then an edition was struck off, and, until to-day, it has
been sold and re-sold as the first edition of Baptista Porta's work. It
is difficult to offer any explanation as to why this fraud was
committed.
The first occasion upon which this device was used appears to be in a
book so rare that no copy of it can be found, either in the British
Museum or the Bodleian Library. Unfortunately, in the copy belonging to
the writer, the title-page and the two first pages are missing. The work
is called "Hebraicum Alphabethum Jo. Bovlaese." It is a Hebrew Grammar,
with proof-sheets added. It is interleaved with sheets of English-made
paper, containing Bacon's handwriting. Bound up with it is another
Hebrew Grammar, similarly interleaved, called "Sive compendium,
quintacunque Ratione fieri potuit amplessimum, Totius linguæ," published
in Paris in 1566. The book ends with the sentence: "Ex collegio
Montis--Acuti 20 Decembris 1576"; then follow two pages in Hebrew, with
the Latin translation over it, headed "Decem Præcepta decalogi Exod."
Over this is the design containing the light A and the dark A, and the
squirrel and rabbits. (Figure IX.) One thing is certain, that the copy
now referred to was in the possession of Bacon, and that the interleaved
sheets of paper contain his handwriting, in which have been added page
by page the equivalents of the Hebrew in Greek, Chaldæic, Syriac and
Arabic.
In 1577 Christophor Plantin published an edition of Andrea Alciat's
"Emblemata." On page 104 is Emblem No. 45, "In dies meliora." This has
been re-designed for the 1577 edition. It contains at the back the
pillars of Hercules, with a scroll around bearing the motto: "Plus
oltre." These pillars stand on some arches, immediately in front of
which is a mound or pyramid, two sides of which are seen. On one is to
be found the light A and on the other the dark A. The design was
appropriated by Whitney, and appears on page 53 in the 1586 edition of
his Emblems. From this time forth, A A devices are to be found in
numbers of books published in England, and on some published on the
Continent. Amongst the former are the first editions of "Venus and
Adonis," "Lucrece," the "Sonnets," the quarto editions of Shakespeare's
plays, the folio edition (1623) of his works, and the first quarto and
octavo editions (1612) of the Authorised Version of the Bible.
There are fourteen distinct designs, in all of which, varying widely in
other respects, the light A and the dark A constitute the outstanding
figure. The use of the two letters so shaded must have had a special
significance. In nearly every case it will be observed that the letter A
is so drawn as to make the letter C on the inside. Was its significance
of general knowledge amongst printers and readers, or was it an
earmarking device used by one person, or by a Society?
A possible interpretation of the use of the light and dark shading, is
that the book in which it is used contains more than is revealed; that
is to say, the overt and the concealed.
A copy of "Æsopiphrygis vita et fabellæ cum latina interpretatione"
exists, date 1517. The book is annotated by Bacon. On one side is the
Greek text and on the opposite page the Latin translation. On pages 102
and 103 are two initial letters printed from blocks of the letter A.
These are coloured so that the one on the left hand side is a light A,
and that on the opposite page a dark A.
There are other designs which are used apparently as part of a scheme.
The identical block (Figure X.) which was used at the top of the title
page of "Venus and Adonis" (1593) and "Lucrece" (1594) did service on
the title page of the Genealogies in the quarto edition of the
Authorised Version of the Bible, 1612. This design was, so far as can be
traced, only used twice in the intervening nineteen years--on "An
Apologie of the Earl of Essex to Master Anthony Bacon," penned by
himself in 1598, and printed by Richard Bradocke in 1603, and in 1607,
on the "World of Wonders," printed by Richard Field. It was of this book
that Caldecott, the bibliophile and Shakespearean scholar, wrote: "The
phraseology of Shakespeare is better illustrated in this work than in
any other book existing." The design which is found on the title page of
the "Sonnets of Shakespeare," 1609, is found also in the first edition
of Napier's "Mirifici Logarithmorum," 1611, but printed from a
different block. The design with archers shooting at the base of the
central figure is to be found in a large number of the folio editions of
the period. Amongst these are the Authorised Version of the Bible, 1611,
the "Novum Organum," 1620, and the 1623 edition of Shakespeare's works.
There are other designs which are usually found accompanying the light A
and dark A and the other devices before referred to.
These designs were first brought into use from 1576 and practically
cease to appear about 1626. Afterwards they are seldom seen except in
books bearing Bacon's name, and eventually they lapse. The last use of
an A A device is over the life of the author in the second volume of an
edition of Bacon's Essays edited by Dr. William Willymott, published by
Henry Parson in 1720. After an interval of about 60 years a new design
is made, which is not one of those employed by Bacon.
By means of these devices a certain number of books may be identified as
forming a class by themselves.
There is another feature connected with them which is of special
interest. One man appears to have contributed to all the books thus
marked--either the dedication, the preface,[45] or the lines "To the
Reader"; in some cases all three. It may be urged in opposition to this
view that in those days there was a form in which dedications and
prefaces were written, and that this was more or less followed by many
writers, but this contention will not stand investigation. There are
tricks of phrasing and other peculiarities which enable certain literary
productions to be identified as the work of one man. Some of the finest
Elizabethan literature is to be found in the prefaces and dedications
in these books.
The theory now put forth is that Francis Bacon was directing the
production of a great quantity of the Elizabethan literature, and in
every book in the production of which he was interested, he caused to be
inserted one of these devices. He kept the blocks in his own custody; he
sent them out to a printer when a book was approved by him for printing.
On the completion of the work, the printer returned the blocks to Bacon
so that they could be sent elsewhere by him as occasion required.
The most elaborate of the AA designs is Figure XII., and the writer has
only found it in one volume. It is "Le Historie della Citta Di
Fiorenza," by M. Jacopo, published in Lyons by Theobald Ancelin in 1582.
"Exact was his correspondence abroad and at home, constant his Letters,
frequent his Visits, great his obligations," states the contemporary
biographer, speaking of Francis Bacon. It is difficult to arrive at the
exact meaning of these words. There is little correspondence with those
abroad remaining, no record of visits, no particulars of the great
obligations into which he entered. In the dedication of the 1631 edition
of the "Histoire Naturelle" to Monseigneur de Chasteauneuf, the author
speaking of Bacon writes:--"Le Chancelier, qu'on a fait venir tant de
fois en France, n'a point encore quitté l'Angleterre avec tant de
passion de nous découvrir ses merveilles que depuis qu'il a sceu le rang
dont on avoit reconnu vos vertus."
These frequent visits to France are unrecorded elsewhere, but here is
definite testimony that they were made.
There are good grounds for believing that Bacon was throughout his life,
until their deaths, in constant communication with Christophor Plantin
(1514-1589), Aldus Manutius, Henry Stephen (1528-1598), and also with
Robert Stephens the third (1563-1640). All these men were not only
printers, but brilliant scholars and writers. If search be made, it is
quite possible that correspondence or other evidence of their friendship
may come to light. Be that as it may, there were undoubtedly a number of
books published on the continent between 1576 and 1630 which in the
sparta upon them bear testimony to Bacon's association with their
publication.
The following are instances of where the several designs which are
reproduced may be found. They however occur in many other volumes.
Figure IX.--"The Arte of English Poesie," 1589.
" XIII.--"Orlando Furioso," 1607.
" XIV.--Spencer's "Fairie Queen."
" XV.--"Florentine History translation," 1595, and 1636 edition
of Barclay's "Argenis."
" XI.--"Sonnets."
" XVI.--Simon Pateriche's translation of "Discourse against
Machiavel."
" XVII.--Lodge's translation of "Seneca," 1614.
" XVIII.--Shakespeare Folio, 1623.
" XIX.--"Dæmonologie," 1603.
" XX.--Alciat's "Emblems," published in Paris, 1584.
FOOTNOTES:
[44] Plates Nos. VI. to XXI. will be found after the Appendix.
[45] In the "Advancement of Learning" Bacon says that Demosthenes
went so far in regard to the great force that the entrance
and access into a cause had to make a good impression that he
kept in readiness a stock of prefaces.
CHAPTER XIX.
BACON AND EMBLEMATA.
In "Shakespeare and the Emblem Writers" the Rev. Henry Green endeavours
to show the similarities of thought and expression between the great
poet and the authors of Emblemata, but the line of enquiry which he
there opened does not appear to have been followed by subsequent
writers. To-day the Emblemata literature is a _terra incognita_ except
to a very few students, and yet it is full of interest, romance, and
mystery. Emblem literature may be said to have had its origin with
Andrea Alciat, the celebrated Italian jurisconsult, who was famous for
his great knowledge and power of mind. In 1522 he published at Milan an
"Emblematum Libellus," or Little Book of Emblems. Green says: "It
established, if it did not introduce, a new style of emblem literature,
the classical in the place of the simply grotesque and humorous, or of
the heraldic and mythic." The first edition now known to exist was
published at Augsburg in 1531, a small octavo containing eighty-eight
pages with ninety-seven emblems, and as many woodcuts. It was from time
to time augmented, and passed through many editions. For some years the
Emblemata appears to have been produced chiefly by Italians, with a few
Frenchmen. Until the last half of the sixteenth century the output of
books of this character was not large. Thenceforth for the next hundred
years the creation of emblems became a popular form of literary
exercise. The Italians continued to be prolific, but Dutch, French, and
German scholars were but little behind them. There were a few Englishmen
and Spaniards who also practised the art.
In 1905 was published a book called "Letters from the Dead to the Dead,"
by Oliver Lector. In it attention is drawn to the remarkable features of
some of the books on emblems printed during Bacon's life, and to the
evidence that he was in some manner connected with the publication of
many of these volumes. The author claims this to be especially the case
with the "Emblemata Moralia et Bellica," 1615, of Jacob de Bruck, of
Angermundt, and the "Emblemata Ethic Politica" of J. Bornitius.
The emblem pictures for the most part appear to be picture puzzles. In
the "Critique upon the Mythology of the Ancients" Bacon says:--
"It may pass for a farther indication of a concealed and secret
meaning, that some of these fables are so absurd and idle in their
narration as to proclaim and shew an allegory afar off. A fable
that carries probability with it may be supposed invented for
pleasure, or in imitation of history; but, those that would never
be conceived or related in this way, must surely have a different
use."
If this line of reasoning be applied to the illustrations in the emblem
books, it is clear that they conceal some hidden meaning, for they are
apparently unintelligible, and the accompanying letterpress does not
afford any illumination.
Jean Baudoin was the translator of Bacon's "Essaies" into the French
language (1626). Baudoin published in 1638-9 "Recueil D'Emblèmes divers
avec des Discours Moraux, Philos. et Polit." In the preface he says:
"Le grand chancelier Bacon m'ayant fait naître l'envie de travailler
à ces emblèmes ... m'en a fourni les principaux que j'ai tirés de
l'explication ingénieuse qu'il a donnée de quelques fables et de ses
autres ouvrages." Here is definite evidence of Bacon's association with
a book of emblems.
The first volume of Emblemata in which traces of Bacon's hand are to
be found is the 1577 edition of Alciat's "Emblems," published by the
Plantin Press, with notes by Claude Mignault. It is in this edition, in
Emblem No. 45, "In dies meliora," that for the first time the light A
and the dark A is to be found. In previous editions this device is
absent. For this volume a new design has been engraved in which it
appears.
In the emblem books written in Italian Bacon does not appear to have
been concerned, unless an exception be made of Ripa's "Iconologia," a
copy of which contains his handwriting and initials. In some way he had
control of a large number of those written in Latin, and bearing names
of Dutch, French, and some Italian authors, and also of several written
in Dutch and of the English writers. The field is a very wide one, and
only a few of the principal examples can be mentioned.
The most important work is the "Emblemata Moralia et Bellica" of Jacob à
Bruck, of Angermundt, 1615. "Argentorati per Jacobum ab Heyden." With
many of the designs in this volume Oliver Lector has dealt fully in
"Letters from the Dead to the Dead,"[46] before referred to. There is
another volume bearing the name of Jacob à Bruck, published in 1598.
Only one copy of this book is known to be in existence, and that is in
the Royal Library of St. Petersburg.
The "Emblemata Ethico Politica of Jacobus Bornitius, 1659, Moguntiæ," is
remarkable because many of the engravings contain portraits of Bacon,
namely, in Sylloge Prima, Plates Nos. vii., xxiii., xliv., xlv., xlvix.;
and in Sylloge II., Plates ix. and xxxvi. Oliver Lector says: "I have
not met with an earlier edition of Bornitius than 1659. My conjecture,
however, is that the manuscript came into the hands of Gruter with other
of Bacon's published by him in the year 1653."
There are two productions of Janus Jacobus Boissardus in which Bacon's
hand may be recognised--"Emblèmes Latines avec l'Interprétation
Françoise du I. Pierre Ioly Messin. Metis, 1588," and "Emblematum liber.
Ipsa Emblemata ab Auctore delineata: a Theodoro de Bry sculpta et nunc
recens in lucem edita," 1593, Frankfort. Two editions of the latter were
printed in the same year. The title-pages are identical, and the same
plates have been used throughout, but the letterpress is in Latin in the
one, and in French in the other. In both, the dedications are addressed
in French to Madame de Clervent, Baronne de Coppet, etc. The dedication
of the former bears the name Jan Jacques Boissard at the head, and
addresses the lady as "que come estes addonnée à la speculation des
choses qui appartiennent à l'instruction de l'âme." The dedication of
the latter is signed Ioly, who explains that he has translated the
verses into French, so that they may be of more service to the
dedicatee.
Otho Van Veen enjoys the distinction of having had Rubens for a
disciple. A considerable number of emblem books emanated from him. In
1608 were published at Antwerp two editions of his "Amorum Emblemata."
In one copy the verses are in Latin, German, and French, and in the
other in Latin, English, and Italian. There are commendatory verses in
the latter, two of which are by Daniel Heinsius and R. V., who was
Robert Verstegen, the author of "A Restitution of Decayed Intelligence
in Antiquities." The dedication is "To the most honourable and worthie
brothers William Earle of Pembroke, and Phillip Earle of Montgomerie,
patrons of learning and chevalrie," who are "the most noble and
incomparable paire of brethren" to whom the 1623 Shakespeare Folio was
dedicated. In this volume Bacon has left his marks.
"Emblemata door Zacharias Heyns," published in Rotterdam in 1625,
comprises four books bound together. The inscriptions over the plates
are in Latin. The letterpress, which is in Dutch and French, apparently
bears very little reference to the illustrations.
Johannis de Brunes I.C. Emblemata of Sinne-Werck, Amsterdam, 1624, is
written in Dutch. Emblem VIII. contains an indication that the number
1623 is a key.
The "Silenus Alcibiades sive Proteus" was published at Middleburgh in
1618. There is no author's name on the title-page, but the Voor-reden,
written in Dutch, is signed J. Cats. Attached to two of the preliminary
complimentary verses are the names of Daniel Heyns and Josuah Sylvester,
the translator of "Du Bartas." The verses are in Latin, Dutch, and
French. Immediately following the title-page is a preface in Latin,
signed by Majores de Baptis. Over this is the familiar emblem containing
the archers, rabbits, and dogs, with the note of query on the right-hand
side, and the message on the arrow. This volume is one of the most
remarkable of the emblem books. The Latin preface is autobiographical.
If the writer can be identified as the author of "Venus and Adonis," it
becomes one of the most important contributions to his biography.
In 1616, the year of Shakespeare's death, was published at Amsterdam a
book bearing on its title-page the inscription: "Cornelii Giselberti
Plempii Amsterodamum Monogrammon." It contains fifty illustrations, with
Latin verses attached. Emblem I. is reproduced (Fig. V.) On reference to
it, it will be seen that Fortune stands on a globe, and with one hand is
pushing off from the pinnacle of fame a man dressed as a player with a
feather in his hat; with the other hand she is raising up a man who is
wearing the Bacon hat, but whose face is hidden. The prophecy expressed
by the emblem is now being fulfilled. It will be seen that the initial
letters of each word in the sentence of the letterpress--Obscænùmque
nimis crepuit, Fortuna Batavis appellanda--yield F. Bacon. Bacon's
portrait is found in several of the illustrations in this book. Other
emblem writers whose works bear traces of Bacon's co-operation are
G. Rollenhagen, J. Camerius, J. Typotius, D. Hensius.
[Illustration: _Fig. V._
_En Fortuna: manu quos rupem ducit in altam,
Præcipites abigit: carnificina Dea est.
Firma globo imponi voluerunt fata caducam,
Ipsa quoquè ut posset risus, & esse iocus.
Olim unctos Salÿ qui præsilière per utres,
Ridebant caderet si qua puella malè.
O quàm sæpe sales, plausumque merente ruinâ,
Erubuit vitium fors inhonest a suum!
Obscænùmque nimis crepuit, Fortuna Batavis
Appellanda; sono, quo sua curta vocant.
Quoque sono veteres olim sua furta Latini:
Vt nec, Homere, mali nomen odoris ames._
C. PLEMPII.
EMBLEMATA
EMBL. I.]
There yet remain to be mentioned two English emblem writers. A "Choice
of Emblems" by Geffrey Whitney was published in 1586 by Francis
Raphelengius in the house of Christopher Plantin at Leyden. The
dedication is to Robert Earle of Leicester. There are only from fifteen
to twenty original designs out of 166 illustrations. The remainder are
taken from other emblem writers, chiefly from Alciat, Sambucus, Paradin,
and Hadrian Junius. On page 53 is the design headed "In dies meliora"
found in the 1577 edition of Alciat, but the letterpress, which is in
English, is quite different from the Latin verse attached to it in the
Alciat.
The "Minerva Britanna" of Henry Peacham was published in 1612. The
emblem on the title-page[47] represents the great secret of Francis
Bacon's life, and on page ·33 is an emblem in which the name Shakespeare
is represented. The volume is full of devices which will amply repay a
careful study.
Apart from any connection which Bacon may have had with this remarkable
class of books, they are of great interest to the student of the
Elizabethan and Jacobean periods. They contain pictorial representations
full of information as to the habits and customs of the people. With the
exception of Whitney's "Choice of Emblems," a facsimile reprint of which
was published in 1866, edited by the Rev. Henry Green, no reprint of any
of these curious books has been issued. As the original editions of many
of them are very rare, and of none of them plentiful, their study is a
matter of difficulty, and few students find their way to this
fascinating field of research. How close Bacon's connection was with the
writers of these books, or with their publishers, it is difficult to
say, but there is considerable evidence that in some way he was able to
introduce into every one of the books here enumerated, and many others,
some plates illustrative of his inductive philosophy.
FOOTNOTES:
[46] Bernard Quaritch, 1905.
[47] See page 105.
CHAPTER XX.
SHAKESPEARE'S SONNETS.
"Shakespeare's Sonnets never before Imprinted," have afforded
commentators material for many volumes filled with theories which to the
ordinary critical mind appear to have no foundation in fact. Chapters
have been written to prove that Mr. W. H., the only begetter of the
Sonnets, was Henry Wriothesley, Earl of Southampton, and chapters have
been written to prove that he was no such person, but that William
Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, was the man intended to be designated.
Theories have been elaborated to identify the individuals represented by
the Rival Poet and the dark Lady. Not one of these theories is supported
by the vestige of a shred of testimony that would stand investigation.
There has not come down any evidence that Shakspur, of Stratford, knew
either the Earl of Southampton, the Earl of Pembroke or Marie Fitton.
The truth is that Mr. W. H. was _Shakespeare_, who _was_ the only
begetter of the Sonnets, and the proof of this statement will in due
time be forthcoming. It may be well to try and read some of the Sonnets
as they stand and endeavour to realise what is the obvious meaning of
the printed words.
The key to the Sonnets will be found in No. 62. The language in which it
is written is explicit and capable of being understood by any ordinary
intellect.
"Sinne of selfe-love possesseth al mine eie
And all my soule, and al my every part;
And for this sinne there is no remedie,
It is so grounded inward in my heart.
Me thinkes no face so gratious is as mine,
No shape so true, no truth of such account,
And for my selfe mine owne worth do define,
As I all other in all worth's surmount
But when my glasse shewes me my selfe indeed
Beated and chopt with tand antiquitie,
Mine own selfe love quite contrary I read
Selfe, so selfe loving were iniquity.
Tis thee (my-selfe) that for myself I praise
Painting my age with beauty of thy daies."
The writer here states definitely that he is dominated by the sin of
self-love; it possesseth his eye, his soul, and every part of him. There
can be found no remedy for it; it is so grounded in his heart. No face
is so gracious as is his, no shape so true, no truth of such account. He
defines his worth as surmounting that of all others. This is the frank
expression of a man who not only believed that he was, but knew that he
was superior to all his contemporaries, not only in intellectual power,
but in personal appearance. Then comes an arrest in the thought, and he
realises that time has been at work. He has been picturing himself as he
was when a young man. He turns to his glass and sees himself beated and
chopt with tanned antiquity; forty summers have passed over his
brow.[48]
Francis Bacon at forty years of age, or thereabouts, unmarried,
childless, sits down to his table, Hilliard's portrait before him, with
pen in hand, full of self-love, full of admiration for that beautiful
youth on whose counterfeit presentment he is gazing. His intellectual
triumphs pass in review before him, most of them known only to himself
and that youth--his companion through life. That was the Francis Bacon
who controlled him in all his comings and goings--his ideal whom he
worshipped. If he could have a son like that boy! His pen begins to move
on the paper--
"From fairest creatures we desire increase
That thereby beauty's rose might never die,
But as the riper should by time decrease
His tender heire might bear his memory."
The pen stops and the writer's eye wanders to the miniature:--
"But _thou_[49] contracted to thine own bright eyes."
And so the Sonnets flow on, without effort, without the need of
reference to authorities, for the great, fixed and methodical memory
needs none.
How natural are the allusions--
"Thou art thy mother's glasse and she in thee
Calls backe the lovely Aprill of her prime."
* * * * *
"Be as thy presence is, gracious and kind,
Or to thyselfe at least kind hearted prove.
Make thee another self, for love of me
That beauty may still live in thine or thee."
* * * * *
"Let those whom nature hath not made for store,
Harsh, featureless and rude, barrenly perish;
Look, whom she best indow'd she gave the more;
Which bountious guift thou shouldst in bounty cherrish;
She carv'd thee for her seale, and ment therby
Thou shouldst print more, not let that coppy die."
* * * * *
"O that you were yourselfe, but love you are
No longer yours, then you yourselfe here live,
Against this cunning end you should prepare,
And your sweet semblance to some other give
· · · ·
Who lets so faire a house fall to decay
· · · ·
O none but unthrifts, deare my love you know
You had a Father, let your Son say so."
* * * * *
"But wherefore do not you a mightier waie
Make warre uppon this bloodie tirant Time?
And fortifie your selfe in your decay
With meanes more blessed, then my barren rime?
Now stand you on the top of happie houres
And many maiden gardens, yet onset,
With virtuous wish would beare you living flowers
Much liker than your painted counterfeit:
* * * * *
Who will beleeve my verses in time to come
If it were fil'd with your most high deserts?
Though yet heaven knows, it is but as a tombe
_Which hides your life_, and shewes not halfe your parts:
If I could write the beauty of your eyes
And in fresh numbers number all your graces,
The age to come would say this Poet lies,
Such heavenly touches nere toucht earthly faces.
So should my papers (yellowed with their age)
Be scorn'd, like old men of lesse truth than tongue,
And your true rights be termd a Poets rage
And stretched miter of an Antique song.
But were some childe of yours alive that time,
You should live twise, in it and in my rime."
* * * * *
"Yet doe thy worst, ould Time, dispight thy wrong
My love shall in my verse ever live young."
He realises that he no longer answers Ophelia's description:
"The courtier's, soldier's, scholar's eye, tongue, sword:
The expectancy and rose of the fair state
The glass of fashion and the mould of form,
The observed of all observers....
That unmatch'd form and feature of blown youth."
But he cannot forget what he has been, he cannot realise that he is no
longer the brilliant youth whose miniature he has before him, with the
words inscribed around, "Si tabula daretur digna animum mallem"--If
materials could be found worthy to paint his mind ("O could he but have
drawn his wit") and then with a burst of poetic enthusiasm he
exclaims:--
"Tis thee (myselfe) that for myselfe I praise,
Painting my age with beauty of thy daies."
This is the common experience of a man as he advances in life. So long
as he does not see his reflection in a glass, if he tries to visualize
himself, he sees the youth or young man. Only in his most pessimistic
moments does he realise his age.
There is no longer any difficulty in understanding Shakespeare's
Sonnets. They were addressed by "Shakespeare," the poet, to the
marvellous youth who was known under the name of Francis Bacon, and they
were written, with Hilliard's portrait placed on his table before him.
In that age (please God it may be the present age), which is known only
to God and to the fates when the finishing touch shall be given to
Bacon's fame,[50] it will be found that the period of his life from
twelve to thirty-five years of age surpassed all others, not only in
brilliant intellectual achievements, but for the enduring wealth with
which he endowed his countrymen. And yet it was part of his scheme of
life that his connection with the great renaissance in English
literature should lie hidden until posterity should recognise that work
as the fruit of his brain:--"Mente Videbor"--"by the mind I shall be
seen."
How lacking all his modern biographers have been in perception!
Every difficulty in those which are termed the procreation Sonnets
disappears with the application of this key. Only by it can Sonnet 22 be
made intelligible:--
"My glass shall not persuade me I am old,
As long as youth and thou are of one date;
But when in thee time's furrow I behold,
Then look, I death my days would expirate
For all that beauty that doth cover thee
Is but the steady raiment of my heart.
Which in my breast doth live, as thine in me.
How can I then be older than thou art?
O, therefore, love, be of thyself so wary
As I, not for myself, but for thee will;
Bearing thy heart, which I will keep so chary
As tender nurse her babe from faring ill.
Presume not on thy heart when mine is slain;
Thou gavest me thine, not to give back again."
But nearly every Sonnet might be quoted in support of this view.
Especially is it of value in bringing an intelligent and allowable
explanation to Sonnets 40, 41, and 42, which now no longer have an
unsavoury flavour.
Sonnet No. 59 is most noteworthy, because it implies a belief in
re-incarnation. Shakespeare expresses his longing to know what the
ancients would have said of his marvellous intellect. If he could find
his picture in some antique book over 500 years old, see an image of
himself as he then was, and learn what men thought of him!
"If their bee nothing new, but that which is
Hath beene before, how are our braines begulld,
Which laboring for invention, beare amisse
The second burthen of a former child?
Oh that record could with a back-ward looke,
Even of five hundredth courses of the Sunne,
Show me your image in some antique booke,
Since minde at first in carrecter was done,
That I might see what the old world could say
To this composed wonder of your frame;
Whether we are mended, or where better they,
Or whether revolution be the same.
Oh sure I am, the wits of former daies,
To subjects worse have given admiring praise."
There is the same idea in Sonnet 71, which suggests that in some future
re-incarnation Bacon might read Shakespeare's praises of him.
Conjectures as to who was the rival poet may be dispensed with. The
following rendering of Sonnet No. 80 makes this perfectly clear:--
"O how I (_the poet_) faint when I of you (_F.B._) do write,
Knowing a better spirit (_that of the philosopher_) doth use your name
And in the praise thereof spends all his might
To make me tongue tied, speaking of your fame!
(_Shakespeare never refers to Bacon or vice-versa_)
But since your (_F.B.'s_) worth wide as the ocean is,
The humble as the proudest sail doth bear,
My saucy bark (_that of the poet_) inferior far to his (_that of the
philosopher_),
On your broad main doth wilfully appear.
Your shallowest help will hold me (_the poet_) up afloat
Whilst he (_the philosopher_) upon your soundless deep doth ride."
It is impossible to do justice to this subject in the space here
available. By the aid of this key every line becomes intelligible. The
charm and beauty of the Sonnets are increased tenfold. Every unpleasant
association of them is removed. No longer need Browning say, "If so the
less Shakespeare he."
These are not "Shakespeare's sug'rd[51] Sonnets amongst his private
friends" to which Meres makes reference. They are to be found elsewhere.
If there had been an intelligent study of Elizabethan literature from
original sources the authorship of the Sonnets would have been revealed
long ago. It was a habit of Bacon to speak of himself as some one apart
from the speaker. The opening sentence of _Filum Labyrinthi, Sivo Forma
Inquisitiones_ is an example. _Ad Filios_--"Francis Bacon thought in
this manner." Prefixed to the preface to Gilbert Wats' interpretation of
the "Advancement of Learning" is a chapter commencing, "Francis Lo
Verulam consulted thus: and thus concluded with himselfe. The
publication whereof he conceived did concern the present and future
age."
Nothing that has been written is more perfectly Baconian in style and
temperament than are the Sonnets. They breathe out his hopes, his
aspirations, his ideals, his fears, in every line. He knew he was not
for his time. He knew future generations only would render him the fame
to which his incomparable powers entitled him. He knew how far he
towered above his contemporaries, aye, and his predecessors, in
intellectual power. His hopes were fixed on that day in the distant
future--to-day--when for the first time the meshes which he wove, behind
which his life's work is obscured, are beginning to be unravelled.
The most sanguine Baconian, in his most enthusiastic moments, must fail
adequately to appreciate the achievements of Francis Bacon and the
obligations under which he has placed posterity. But Bacon knew--and he
alone knew--their full value. It was fitting that the greatest poet
which the world had produced should in matchless verse do honour to the
world's greatest intellect. It was a pretty conceit. Only a master mind
would dare to make the attempt. The result has afforded another example
of how his great wit, in being concealed, was revealed.
FOOTNOTES:
[48] Sonnet No. 2.
[49] _'Tis thee myselfe_, Sonnet 62.
[50] See Rawley's Introduction to "Manes Verulamiana."
[51] The expression "sugr'd Sonnets" refers to verses which were written
with coloured ink to which sugar had been added. When dry the writing
shone brightly.
CHAPTER XXI.
BACON'S LIBRARY.
In the "Advancement of Learning" Bacon refers to the annotations of
books as being deficient. There was living at the end of the sixteenth
and beginning of the seventeenth century a scholar through whose hands
at least several thousand books passed. He appears to have made a
practice of annotating in the margins every book he read. The chief
purpose, however, of the notes, apparently, was to aid the memory, for
in some books nearly every name occurring in the text is carried into
the margin without comment. The notes are also accompanied by scrolls,
marks, and brackets, which support the contention that they are the work
of one man. The annotation of books was not a common practice then, nor
has it been since. If a reader takes up a hundred books in a second-hand
book shop he will probably not find more than one containing manuscript
notes, and not one in five hundred in which the annotations have been
systematically carried through. There does not appear to have been any
other scholar living at that time, with the exception of this one, who
was persistently making marginal notes on the books he read.
Spedding writes: "What became of his (Bacon's) books, which were left to
Sir John Constable and must have contained traces of his reading, we do
not know; but very few appear to have survived."
Mrs. Pott, in "Francis Bacon and his Secret Society," draws attention to
the mystery as to the disappearance of Bacon's library. "Which is a
mystery," she adds, "although the world has been content to take it
very apathetically. Where is Bacon's library? Undoubtedly the books
exist and are traceable. We should expect them to be recognisable by
marginal notes; yet those notes, whether in pencil or in ink, may have
been effaced. If annotated, Bacon and his friends would not wish his
books to attract public attention." And further on: "It is probable that
the latter (_i.e._, the books) will seldom or never be found to bear his
name or signature." And again: "Yet it may reasonably be anticipated
that some at least are 'noted in the margin,' or that some will be found
with traces of marks which were guides to the transcriber or amanuensis
as to the portions which were to be copied for future use in Bacon's
collections or book of commonplaces." Mrs. Pott's words were written in
a spirit of true prophecy.
The collecting together of these books originated with that
distinguished Baconian scholar, Mr. W. M. Safford. For years past he has
been steadily engaged in reconstituting Bacon's Library. The writer has
had the privilege of being associated with him in this work during the
past three years. A collection of nearly two thousand volumes has been
gathered together. The annotations on the margins of these books are
unquestionably the work of one man, and that man, or rather boy and man,
was undoubtedly Francis Bacon. The books bear date from 1470 to 1620. It
is impossible to enumerate them all here, but they include the works of
Seneca, Aristotle, Plato, Horace, Alciat, Lucanus, Dionysius, Catullus,
Lactinius, Plutarch, Pliny, Aristophanes, Plautus, Cornelius Agrippa,
Cicero, Vitruvius, Euclid, Virgil, Ovid, Lucretius, Apuleius, Salust,
Tibullus, Isocrates, and hundreds of other classical writers; St.
Augustine, St. Jerome, Calvin, Beza, Beda, Erasmus, Martin Luther, J.
Cammerarius, Sir Thomas Moore, Machiavelli, and other more modern
writers.
The handwriting varies,[52] but there is a particular hand which is
found accompanied by a boy's sketches. There are drawings of full-length
figures, heads of men and women, animals, birds, reptiles, ships,
castles, cathedrals, cities, battles, storms, etc. The writing is a
strong, clerkly student's hand. There is a passage in "Hamlet," Act V.,
scene ii., which is noteworthy. Hamlet, speaking to Horatio, says:--
"I sat me down
Devised a new commission; wrote it fair;
I once did hold it, as our statists do,
A baseness to write fair, and labour'd much
How to forget that learning; but, Sir, now
It did me yeomans service."
The nature of this statement is so personal that it could only have been
written as the result of experience. Hamlet had been taught, when young,
to write a hand so fair that he was capable of producing a fresh
commission which would pass muster as the work of a Court copyist. The
annotation of these books possessed the same qualification. In the
margins of these books are abundant references in handwriting to the
whole range of classical authors.
A copy of the "Grammatice Compendium" of Lactus Pomponius, a very rare
book printed by De Fortis in Venice in 1484, contains on the margins the
boy's scribble and drawings, besides a number of manuscript notes. It
bears traces of his reading probably at eight years of age. A large
folio volume entitled "T. Livii Palvini Latinæ Historiæ Principis
Decades Tres," published by Frobenius in 1535, is a treasure. It is most
copiously annotated and embellished with sketches. The notes are usually
in Latin, but interspersed with Greek and sometimes with English.
Obviously the writer thought in Latin, and the character of the
drawings justifies the assumption that, at the time, his age would be
from ten to fourteen years.
The most remarkable reference to these annotations is to be found in the
"Rape of Lucrece." The fifteenth stanza is as follows:--
"But she that never cop't with straunger eies,
Could picke no meaning from their parling lookes,
_Nor read the subtle shining secrecies
Writ in the glassie margents of such bookes_,
Shee toucht no unknown baits, nor feared no hooks,
Nor could shee moralize his wanton sight
More than his eies were opend to the light."
It would be difficult to conceive a more inappropriate simile for the
lustful looks in Tarquin's eyes than "the subtle shining secrecies, writ
in the glassie margents of such books." That this is lugged in for a
purpose outside the object of the poem is manifest. How many readers of
"Lucrece" would know of such a practice? Nay. If it did exist, was not
its use very rare?
But the margin of the verse itself yields a subtle shining secret! The
initial letters of the lines are B, C, N, W, Sh, N, M. It is only
necessary to supply the vowels--BACoN, W. Sh., NaMe. Sh is on line 103,
which is the numerical value of the word Shakespeare. The numerical
value of Bacon is 33. In view of this the line 33 is significant:--"Why
is Colatine the publisher?" The use of the word _publisher_ here is
quite inappropriate. It is introduced for some reason outside the
purpose of the text.
The "Rape of Lucrece" commences with Bacon's monogram and, as the late
Rev. Walter Begley pointed out, ends with his signature.
The theory now advanced is that when Bacon read a book he made marginal
notes in it--the object being mainly to assist his memory, but the
critical notes are numerous. It does not follow that all these books
constituted his library. He would read a book and it having served his
purpose he would dispose of it. Some books no doubt he would retain and
these would form his library.
The annotations are chiefly in Latin, but some are in Greek, some in
Hebrew, French and Spanish. When these have been examined and translated
the meaning of the phrase that he had taken all knowledge to be his
province will be better understood. Rawley says: "He read much and that
with great judgment and rejection of impertinences incident to many
authors."
The writer having examined annotations, many and varied, of books in his
library, and having enjoyed the privilege of free access to those
collected by Mr. Safford, ventures to assert that much of the ripe
learning of the Shakespeare plays can be traced therein to its proper
origin. Amongst the former is a copy of Alciat's Emblems, 1577, in the
early part profusely annotated. Ben Jonson in his "Discoveries" has
incorporated the translation of a portion of one of the Emblems and _has
also incorporated a portion of the annotations from this very book_.
FOOTNOTES:
[52] Edwin A. Abbot, in his work, "Francis Bacon," p. 447, writes,
"Bacon's style (as a writer) varied almost as much as his handwriting."
CHAPTER XXII.
TWO GERMAN OPINIONS ON SHAKESPEARE AND BACON.
Dr. G. G. Gervinus, the eminent German Historian and Professor
Extraordinary at Heidelberg, published in 1849 his work, "Shakespeare
Commentaries." This was years before any suggestion had been made that
Bacon was in any way connected with the authorship of the Shakespearean
dramas.
In the Prospectus of "The New Shakespeare Society," written in 1873, Dr.
F. J. Furnivall says:--
"The profound and generous 'Commentaries' of Gervinus--an honour to
a German to have written, a pleasure to an Englishman to read--is
still the only book known to me that comes near the true treatment
and the dignity of its subject, or can be put into the hands of the
student who wants to know the mind of Shakespeare."
The book abounds with references to Bacon. From the Preface to the last
chapter Gervinus appears to have Bacon continually suggested to him by
the thoughts and words of Shakespeare.
In the Preface, after speaking of the value accruing to German
literature by naturalizing Shakespeare "even at the risk of casting
our own poets still further in the shade," he says:--
"A similar benefit would it be to our intellectual life if his
famed contemporary, Bacon, were revived in a suitable manner, in
order to counterbalance the idealistic philosophy of Germany. For
both these, the poet as well as the philosopher, having looked
deeply into the history and politics of their people, stand upon
the level ground of reality, notwithstanding the high art of the
one and the speculative notions of the other. By the healthfulness
of their own mind they influence the healthfulness of others, while
in their most ideal and most abstract representations they aim at a
preparation for life _as it is_--for _that_ life which forms the
exclusive subject of all political action."
In the chapter on "His Age," written prior to 1849, the Professor pours
out the results of a profound study of the writings attributed to both
men in the following remarkable sentences:--
"Judge then how natural it was that England, if not the birthplace
of the drama, should be that of dramatic legislature. Yet even this
instance of favourable concentration is not the last. Both in
philosophy and poetry everything conspired, as it were, throughout
this prosperous period, in favour of two great minds, Shakespeare
and Bacon; all competitors vanished from their side, and they could
give forth laws for art and science which it is incumbent even upon
present ages to fulfil. As the revived philosophy, which in the
former century in Germany was divided among many, but in England at
that time was the possession of a single man, so poetry also found
one exclusive heir, compared with whom those later born could claim
but little.
"That Shakespeare's appearance upon a soil so admirably prepared
was neither marvellous nor accidental is evidenced even by the
corresponding appearance of such a contemporary as Bacon. Scarcely
can anything be said of Shakespeare's position generally with
regard to mediæval poetry which does not also bear upon the
position of the renovator Bacon with regard to mediæval philosophy.
Neither knew nor mentioned the other, although Bacon was almost
called upon to have done so in his remarks upon the theatre of his
day. It may be presumed that Shakespeare liked Bacon but little, if
he knew his writings and life; that he liked not his ostentation,
which, without on the whole interfering with his modesty, recurred
too often in many instances; that he liked not the fault-finding
which his ill-health might have caused, nor the narrow-mindedness
with which he pronounced the histrionic art to be infamous,
although he allowed that the ancients regarded the drama as a
school for virtue; nor the theoretic precepts of worldly wisdom
which he gave forth; nor, lastly, the practical career which he
lived. Before his mind, however, if he had fathomed it, he must
have bent in reverence. For just as Shakespeare was an interpreter
of the secrets of history and of human nature, Bacon was an
interpreter of lifeless nature. Just as Shakespeare went from
instance to instance in his judgment of moral actions, and never
founded a law on single experience, so did Bacon in natural science
avoid leaping from one experience of the senses to general
principles; he spoke of this with blame as anticipating nature; and
Shakespeare, in the same way, would have called the
conventionalities in the poetry of the Southern races an
anticipation of human nature. In the scholastic science of the
middle ages, as in the chivalric poetry of the romantic period,
approbation and not truth was sought for, and with one accord
Shakespeare's poetry and Bacon's science were equally opposed to
this. As Shakespeare balanced the one-sided errors of the
imagination by reason, reality, and nature, so Bacon led philosophy
away from the one-sided errors of reason to experience; both with
one stroke, renovated the two branches of science and poetry by
this renewed bond with nature; both, disregarding all by-ways,
staked everything upon this 'victory in the race between art and
nature.' Just as Bacon with his new philosophy is linked with the
natural science of Greece and Rome, and then with the latter period
of philosophy in western Europe, so Shakespeare's drama stands in
relation to the comedies of Plautus and to the stage of his own
day; between the two there lay a vast wilderness of time, as
unfruitful for the drama as for philosophy. But while they thus led
back to nature, Bacon was yet as little of an empiric, in the
common sense, as Shakespeare was a poet of nature. Bacon prophesied
that if hereafter his commendation of experience should prevail,
great danger to science would arise from the other extreme, and
Shakespeare even in his own day could perceive the same with
respect to his poetry; Bacon, therefore, insisted on the closest
union between experience and reason, just as Shakespeare effected
that between reality and imagination. While they thus bid adieu to
the formalities of ancient art and science, Shakespeare to conceits
and taffeta-phrases, Bacon to logic and syllogisms, yet at times it
occurred that the one fell back into the subtleties of the old
school, and the other into the constrained wit of the Italian
style. Bacon felt himself quite an original in that which was his
peculiar merit, and so was Shakespeare; the one in the method of
science he had laid down, and in his suggestions for its execution,
the other in the poetical works he had executed, and in the
suggestions of their new law. Bacon, looking back to the waymarks
he had left for others, said with pride that his words required a
century for their demonstration and several for their execution;
and so too it has demanded two centuries to understand Shakespeare,
but very little has ever been executed in his sense. And at the
same time we have mentioned what deep modesty was interwoven in
both with their self-reliance, so that the words which Bacon liked
to quote hold good for the two works:--'The kingdom of God cometh
not with observation.' Both reached this height from the one
starting point, that Shakespeare despised the million, and Bacon
feared with Phocion the applause of the multitude. Both are alike
in the rare impartiality with which they avoided everything
one-sided; in Bacon we find, indeed, youthful exercises in which he
endeavoured in severe contrasts to contemplate a series of things
from two points of view. Both, therefore, have an equal hatred of
sects and parties; Bacon of sophists and dogmatic philosophers,
Shakespeare of Puritans and zealots. Both, therefore, are equally
free from prejudices, and from astrological superstition in dreams
and omens. Bacon says of the alchemists and magicians in natural
science that they stand in similar relation to true knowledge as
the deeds of Amadis to those of Cæsar, and so does Shakespeare's
true poetry stand in relation to the fantastic romance of Amadis.
Just as Bacon banished religion from science, so did Shakespeare
from Art; and when the former complained that the teachers of
religion were against natural philosophy, they were equally against
the stage. From Bacon's example it seems clear that Shakespeare
left religious matters unnoticed on the same grounds as himself,
and took the path of morality in worldly things; in both this has
been equally misconstrued, and Le Maistre has proved Bacon's lack
of Christianity, as Birch has done that of Shakespeare. Shakespeare
would, perhaps, have looked down just as contemptuously on the
ancients and their arts as Bacon did on their philosophy and
natural science, and both on the same grounds; they boasted of the
greater age of the world, of more enlarged knowledge of heaven,
earth, and mankind. Neither stooped before authorities, and an
injustice similar to that which Bacon committed against Aristotle,
Shakespeare _perhaps_ has done to Homer. In both a similar
combination of different mental powers was at work; and as
Shakespeare was often involuntarily philosophical in his
profoundness, Bacon was not seldom surprised into the imagination
of the poet. Just as Bacon, although he declared knowledge in
itself to be much more valuable than the use of invention, insisted
throughout generally and dispassionately upon the practical use of
philosophy, so Shakespeare's poetry, independent as was his sense
of art, aimed throughout at bearing upon the moral life. Bacon
himself was of the same opinion; he was not far from declaring
history to be the best teacher of politics, and poetry the best
instructor in morals. Both were alike deeply moved by the picture
of a ruling Nemesis, whom they saw, grand and powerful, striding
through history and life, dragging the mightiest and most
prosperous as a sacrifice to her altar, as the victims of their own
inward nature and destiny. In Bacon's works we find a multitude of
moral sayings and maxims of experience, from which the most
striking mottoes might be drawn for every Shakespearian play, aye,
for every one of his principal characters (we have already brought
forward not a few proofs of this), testifying to a remarkable
harmony in their mutual comprehension of human nature. Both, in
their systems of morality rendering homage to Aristotle, whose
ethics Shakespeare, from a passage in Troilus, may have read,
arrived at the same end as he did--that virtue lies in a just
medium between two extremes. Shakespeare would also have agreed
with _him_ in this, that Bacon declared excess to be 'the fault of
youth, as defect is of age;' he accounted 'defect the worst,
because excess contains some sparks of magnanimity, and, like a
bird, claims kindred of the heavens, while defect, only like a base
worm, crawls upon the earth.' In these maxims lie at once, as it
were, the whole theory of Shakespeare's dramatic forms and of his
moral philosophy."
DR. KUNO FISCHER, the distinguished German critic and historian of
philosophy, in a volume on Bacon, published in 1856, writes:--
The same affinity for the Roman mind, and the same want of sympathy with
the Greek, we again find in Bacon's greatest contemporary, whose
imagination took as broad and comprehensive a view as Bacon's intellect.
Indeed, how could a Bacon attain that position with respect to Greek
poetry that was unattainable by the mighty imagination of a Shakspeare?
For in Shakspeare, at any rate, the imagination of the Greek antiquity
could be met by a homogeneous power of the same rank as itself; and, as
the old adage says, "like comes to like." But the age, the spirit of the
nation--in a word, all those forces of which the genius of an individual
man is composed, and which, moreover, genius is least able to
resist--had here placed an obstacle, impenetrable both to the poet and
the philosopher. Shakspeare was no more able to exhibit Greek characters
than Bacon to expound Greek poetry. Like Bacon, Shakspeare had in his
turn of mind something that was Roman, and not at all akin to the Greek.
He could appropriate to himself a Coriolanus and a Brutus, a Cæsar and
an Antony; he could succeed with the Roman heroes of Plutarch, but not
with the Greek heroes of Homer. The latter he could only parody, but his
parody was as infelicitous as Bacon's explanation of the "Wisdom of the
Ancients." Those must be dazzled critics indeed who can persuade
themselves that the heroes of the Iliad are excelled by the caricatures
in "Troilus and Cressida." The success of such a parody was poetically
impossible; indeed, he that attempts to parody Homer shows thereby that
he has not understood him. For the simple and the naïve do not admit of
a parody, and these have found in Homer their eternal and inimitable
expression. Just as well might caricatures be made of the statues of
Phidias. Where the creative imagination never ceases to be simple and
naïve, where it never distorts itself by the affected or the unnatural,
there is the consecrated land of poetry, in which there is no place for
the parodist. On the other hand, where there is a palpable want of
simplicity and nature, parody is perfectly conceivable; nay, may even be
felt as a poetical necessity. Thus Euripides, who, often enough, was
neither simple nor naïve, could be parodied, and Aristophanes has shown
us with what felicity. Even Æschylus, who was not always as simple as he
was grand, does not completely escape the parodising test. But Homer is
safe. To parody Homer is to mistake him, and to stand so far beyond his
scope that the truth and magic of his poetry can no longer be felt; and
this is the position of Shakespeare and Bacon. The imagination of Homer,
and all that could be contemplated and felt by that imagination, namely,
the classical antiquity of the Greeks, are to them utterly foreign. We
cannot understand Aristotle without Plato; nay, I maintain that we
cannot contemplate with a sympathetic mind the Platonic world of ideas,
if we have not previously sympathised with the world of the Homeric
gods. Be it understood, I speak of the _form_ of the Platonic mind, not
of its logical matter; in point of doctrine, the Homeric faith was no
more that of Plato than of Phidias. But these doctrinal or logical
differences are far less than the formal and æsthetical affinity. The
conceptions of Plato are of Homeric origin.
This want of ability to take an historical survey of the world is to be
found alike in Bacon and Shakspeare, together with many excellencies
likewise common to them both. To the parallel between them--which
Gervinus, with his peculiar talent for combination, has drawn in the
concluding remarks to his "Shakespeare," and has illustrated by a series
of appropriate instances--belongs the similar relation of both to
antiquity, their affinity to the Roman mind, and their diversity from
the Greek. Both possessed to an eminent degree that faculty for a
knowledge of human nature that at once pre-supposes and calls forth an
interest in practical life and historical reality. To this interest
corresponds the stage, on which the Roman characters moved; and here
Bacon and Shakspeare met, brought together by a common interest in these
objects, and the attempt to depict and copy them. This point of
agreement, more than any other argument, explains their affinity. At the
same time there is no evidence that one ever came into actual contact
with the other. Bacon does not even mention Shakspeare when he
discourses of dramatic poetry, but passes over this department of poetry
with a general and superficial remark that relates less to the subject
itself than to the stage and its uses. As far as his own age is
concerned, he sets down the moral value of the stage as exceedingly
trifling. But the affinity of Bacon to Shakspeare is to be sought in his
moral and psychological, not in his æsthetical views, which are too much
regulated by material interests and utilitarian prepossessions to be
applicable to art itself, considered with reference to its own
independent value. However, even in these there is nothing to prevent
Bacon's manner of judging mankind, and apprehending characters from
agreeing perfectly with that of Shakspeare; so that human life, the
subject-matter of all dramatic art, appeared to him much as it appeared
to the great artist himself, who, in giving form to this matter,
excelled all others. Is not the inexhaustible theme of Shakspeare's
poetry the history and course of human passion? In the treatment of this
especial theme is not Shakspeare the greatest of all poets--nay, is he
not unique among them all? And it is this very theme that is proposed by
Bacon as the chief problem of moral philosophy. He blames Aristotle for
treating of the passions in his rhetoric rather than his ethics; for
regarding the artificial means of exciting them rather than their
natural history. It is to the natural history of the human passions that
Bacon directs the attention of philosophy. He does not find any
knowledge of them among the sciences of his time. "The poets and writers
of histories," he says, "are the best doctors of this knowledge; where
we may find painted forth with great life how passions are kindled and
incited; and how pacified and refrained; and how again contained from
act and further degree; how they disclose themselves; how they work; how
they vary; how they gather and fortify; how they are inwrapped one
within another; and how they do fight and encounter one with another;
and other the like particularities."[53] Such a lively description is
required by Bacon from moral philosophy. That is to say, he desired
nothing less than a natural history of the passions--the very thing that
Shakspeare has produced. Indeed, what poet could have excelled
Shakspeare in this respect? Who, to use a Baconian expression, could
have depicted man and all his passions more _ad vivum_? According to
Bacon, the poets and historians give us copies of characters; and the
outlines of these images--the simple strokes that determine
characters--are the proper objects of ethical science. Just as physical
science requires a dissection of bodies, that their hidden qualities and
parts may be discovered, so should ethics penetrate the various minds of
men, in order to find out the eternal basis of them all. And not only
this foundation, but likewise those external conditions which give a
stamp to human character--all those peculiarities that "are imposed upon
the mind by the sex, by the age, by the region, by health and sickness,
by beauty and deformity, and the like, which are inherent and not
external; and, again, those which are caused by external
fortune"[54]--should come within the scope of ethical philosophy. In a
word, Bacon would have man studied in his individuality as a product of
nature and history, in every respect determined by natural and
historical influences, by internal and external conditions. And exactly
in the same spirit has Shakespeare understood man and his destiny;
regarding character as the result of a certain natural temperament and a
certain historical position, and destiny as a result of character.
FOOTNOTES:
[53] "Advancement of Learning," II. "De Augment. Scient.," VII. 3.
[54] "Advancement of Learning," II. For the whole passage compare "De
Augment. Scient.," VII. 3.
CHAPTER XXIII.
THE TESTIMONY OF BACON'S CONTEMPORARIES.
A distinguished member of the Bench in a recent post-prandial address
referred to Bacon as "a shady lawyer." Irresponsible newspaper
correspondents, when attacking the Baconian theory, indulge in epithets
of this kind, but it is amazing that any man occupying a position so
responsible as that of an English judge should, either through ignorance
or with a desire to be considered a wit, make use of such a term.
Whatever may have been Francis Bacon's faults, one fact must stand
unchallenged--that amongst those of his contemporaries who knew him
there was a consensus of opinion that his virtues overshadowed any
failings to which he might be subject.
The following testimonies establish this fact:--
Let BEN JONSON speak first:
"Yet there happened in my time one noble speaker, who was full of
gravity in his speaking. His language (where he could spare or pass
a jest) was nobly censorious. No man ever spake more neatly, more
pressly, more weightily, or suffered less emptiness, less idleness,
in what he uttered. No member of his speech, but consisted of his
own graces. His hearers could not cough, or look aside from him,
without loss. He commanded where he spoke; and had his judges angry
and pleased at his devotion. No man had their affections more in his
power. The fear of every man that heard him was, lest he should make
an end," and, after referring to Lord Ellesmere, Jonson
continues:--
"But his learned and able (though unfortunate) successor, (_i.e._,
Bacon) is he who hath filled up all numbers, and performed that in
our tongue, which may be compared or preferred either to insolent
Greece, or haughty Rome. In short, within his view, and about his
times, were all the wits born, that could honour a language, or help
study. Now things daily fall, wits grow downward, and eloquence
grows backward: so that he may be named, and stand as the mark and
[Greek: akôê] of our language.
"My conceit of his person was never increased toward him by his
place, or honours: but I have and do reverence him, for the
greatness that was only proper to himself, in that he seemed to me
ever, by his work, one of the greatest men, and most worthy of
admiration, that had been in many ages. In his adversity I ever
prayed God would give him strength; for greatness he could not want.
Neither could I condole in a word or syllable for him, as knowing no
accident could do harm to virtue, but rather help to make it
manifest."
SIR TOBY MATTHEW describes Francis Bacon as
"A friend unalterable to his friends;
A man most sweet in his conversation and ways";
and adds:
"It is not his greatness that I admire, but his virtue."
THOMAS BUSHEL, his servant, in a letter to Mr. John Eliot, printed in
1628, in a volume called "The First Part of Youth's Errors," says:
"Yet lest the calumnious tongues of men might extenuate the good
opinion you had of his worth and merit, I must ingenuously confess
that my selfe and others of his servants were the occasion of
exhaling his vertues into a darke exlipse; which God knowes would
have long endured both for the honour of his King and the good of
the Commonaltie; had not we whom his bountie nursed, laid on his
guiltlesse shoulders our base and execrable deeds to be scand and
censured by the whole senate of a state, where no sooner sentence
was given, but most of us forsoke him, which makes us bear the badge
of Jewes to this day. Yet I am confident there were some Godly
Daniels amongst us.... As for myselfe, with shame I must acquit the
title, and pleade guilty; which grieves my very soule, that so
matchlesse a Peer should be lost by such insinuating caterpillars,
who in his owne nature scorn'd the least thought of any base,
unworthy, or ignoble act, though subject to infirmites as ordained
to the wisest."
In FULLER'S "Worthies" it is written:
"He was a rich Cabinet filled with Judgment, Wit, Fancy and Memory,
and had the golden Key, Elocution, to open it. He was singular in
singulis, in every Science and Art, and being In-at-all came off
with Credit. He was too Bountifull to his Servants, and either too
confident of their Honesty, or too conniving at their Falsehood.
'Tis said he had 2 Servants, one in all Causes Patron to the
Plaintiff, the other to the Defendant, but taking bribes of both,
with this Condition, to restore the Mony received, if the Cause went
against them. Such practices, tho' unknown to their Master, cost him
the loss of his Office."
In "The Lives of Statesmen and Favourites of Elizabeth's Reign" it is
said:--
"His religion was rational and sober, his spirit publick, his love
to relations tender, to Friends faithful, to the hopeful liberal, to
men universal, to his very Enemies civil. He left the best pattern
of Government in his actions under one king and the best principles
of it in the Life of the other."
The following is a translation from the discourse on the life of Mr.
Francis Bacon which is prefixed to the "Histoire Naturelle," by PIERE
AMBOISE, published in Paris in 1631:
"Among so many virtues that made this great man commendable,
prudence, as the first of all the moral virtues, and that most
necessary to those of his profession, was that which shone in him
the most brightly. His profound wisdom can be most readily seen in
his books, and his matchless fidelity in the signal services that he
continuously rendered to his Prince. Never was there man who so
loved equity, or so enthusiastically worked for the public good as
he; so that I may aver that he would have been much better suited to
a Republic than to a Monarchy, where frequently the convenience of
the Prince is more thought of than that of his people. And I do not
doubt that had he lived in a Republic he would have acquired as much
glory from the citizens as formerly did Aristides and Cato, the one
in Athens, the other in Rome. Innocence oppressed found always in
his protection a sure refuge, and the position of the great gave
them no vantage ground before the Chancellor when suing for justice.
"Vanity, avarice, and ambition, vices that too often attach
themselves to great honours, were to him quite unknown, and if he
did a good action it was not from the desire of fame, but simply
because he could not do otherwise. His good qualities were entirely
pure, without being clouded by the admixture of any imperfections,
and the passions that form usually the defects in great men in him
only served to bring out his virtues; if he felt hatred and rage it
was only against evil-doers, to shew his detestation of their
crimes, and success or failure in the affairs of his country brought
to him the greater part of his joys or his sorrows. He was as truly
a good man as he was an upright judge, and by the example of his
life corrected vice and bad living as much as by pains and
penalties. And, in a word, it seemed that Nature had exempted from
the ordinary frailities of men him whom she had marked out to deal
with their crimes. All these good qualities made him the darling of
the people and prized by the great ones of the State. But when it
seemed that nothing could destroy his position, Fortune made clear
that she did not yet wish to abandon her character for instability,
and that Bacon had too much worth to remain so long prosperous. It
thus came about that amongst the great number of officials such as a
man of his position must have in his house, there was one who was
accused before Parliament of exaction, and of having sold the
influence that he might have with his master. And though the probity
of Mr. Bacon was entirely exempt from censure, nevertheless he was
declared guilty of the crime of his servant and was deprived of the
power that he had so long exercised with so much honour and glory.
In this I see the working of monstrous ingratitude and unparalleled
cruelty--to say that a man who could mark the years of his life
rather by the signal services that he had rendered to the State than
by times or seasons, should have received such hard usage for the
punishment of a crime which he never committed; England, indeed,
teaches us by this that the sea that surrounds her shores imparts to
her inhabitants somewhat of its restless inconstancy. This storm did
not at all surprise him, and he received the news of his disgrace
with a countenance so undisturbed that it was easy to see that he
thought but little of the sweets of life since the loss of them
caused him discomfort so slight." Thus ended this great man whom
England could place alone as the equal of the best of all the
previous centuries."
PETER BOENER, who was private apothecary to Bacon for a time, wrote in
1647 a Life, of portions of which the following are translations:--
"But how runneth man's future. He who seemed to occupy the highest
rank is alas! by envious tongues near King and Parliament deposed
from all his offices and chancellorship, little considering what
treasure was being cast in the mire, as afterwards the issue and
result thereof have shown in that country. But he always comforted
himself with the words of Scripture--nihil est novi; that means
'there is nothing new.' Because so is Cicero by Octavianus;
Calisthenes by Alexander; Seneca (all his former teachers) by Nero;
yea, Ovid, Lucanus, Statius (together with many others), for a small
cause very unthankfully the one banished, the other killed, the
third thrown to the lions. But even as for such men banishment is
freedom--death their life, so is for this author his deposition a
memory to greater honour and fame, and to such a sage no harm can
come.
* * * * *
"Whilst his fortunes were so changed, I never saw him--either in
mien, word or acts--changed or disturbed towards whomsoever; _ira
enim hominis non implet justitiam Dei_, he was ever one and the
same, both in sorrow and in joy, as becometh a philosopher; always
with a benevolent allocution--_manus nostræ sunt oculatæ, credunt
quod vident_.... A noteworthy example and pattern for everyone of
all virtue, gentleness, peacefulness, and patience."
FRANCIS OSBORN, in his "Advice to a Son," writes:--
"And my memory neither doth nor (I believe possible ever) can direct
me towards an example more splendid in this kind, than the Lord
Bacon Earl of St. Albans, who in all companies did appear a good
Proficient, if not a Master in those Arts entertained for the
Subject of every ones discourse. So as I dare maintain, without the
least affectation of Flattery or Hyperbole, That his most casual
talk deserveth to be written, As I have been told his first or
foulest Copys required no great Labour to render them competent for
the nicest judgments. A high perfection, attainable only by use, and
treating with every man in his respective profession, and what he
was most vers'd in. So as I have heard him entertain a Country Lord
in the proper terms relating to Hawks and Dogs. And at another time
out-Cant a London Chirurgeon. Thus he did not only learn himself,
but gratifie such as taught him; who looked upon their Callings as
honoured through his Notice; Nor did an easie falling into Arguments
(not unjustly taken for a blemish in the most) appear less than an
ornament in Him: The ears of the hearers receiving more
gratification, than trouble; And (so) no less sorry when he came to
conclude, than displeased with any did interrupt him. Now this
general Knowledge he had in all things, husbanded by his wit, and
dignifi'd by so Majestical a carriage he was known to own, strook
such an awful reverence in those he question'd, that they durst not
conceal the most intrinsick part of their Mysteries from him, for
fear of appearing Ignorant, or Saucy. All which rendered him no less
Necessary, than admirable at the Council Table, where in reference
to Impositions, Monopolies, &c. the meanest Manufacturers were an
usual Argument: And, as I have heard, did in this Baffle, the Earl
of Middlesex, that was born and bred a Citizen &c. Yet without any
great (if at all) interrupting his other Studies, as is not hard to
be Imagined of a quick Apprehension, in which he was Admirable."
CHAPTER XXIV.
THE MISSING FOURTH PART OF "THE GREAT INSTAURATION."
It has been urged by critics that Bacon, whilst professing to take all
knowledge for his province, ignored one-half of it--that half which was
a knowledge of himself; that to him the external world was everything,
the internal nothing. All that Nature revealed was external; nothing
that was internal was of much importance.
It must be remembered that all that we have of Bacon's was written as he
was passing into the "vale of life." Of his early productions nothing
has come down to the present times under his own name. The following
extracts from his acknowledged works establish two facts:--(1) That the
foregoing criticism is unfounded, for he placed the study of man's mind
and character above all other enquiries. (2) That he had prepared
examples, being "actual types and models, by which the entire process of
the mind and the whole fabric and order of invention from the beginning
to the end in certain subjects and those various and remarkable should
be set, as it were, before the eyes." Where are these works to be found?
Bacon never tires of quoting from the Roman poet the line--
"Omne tulit punctum qui miscuit utile dulci,"
which, in an Elizabethan handwriting, may be seen in a contemporary
volume thus rendered--
"He of all others fittest is to write
Which with some profit allso ioynes delight."
He repeats in different forms, until the reiteration becomes almost
tedious, the following incident:--
"And as Alexander Borgia was wont to say, of the expedition of the
French for Naples, that they came with chalk in their hands to
marke up their lodgings not with weapons to fight; so we like
better, that entry of truth, which comes peaceably where the Mindes
of men, capable to lodge so great a guest, are signed, as it were,
with chalke; than that which comes with Pugnacity, and forceth
itselfe a way by contentions and controversies."
The same idea is embodied in the following example of the antitheta:--
"A witty conceit is oftentimes a convoy of a Truth which otherwise
could not so handsomely have been ferried over."
In the "Advancement of Learning," Lib. II., again the same view is
insisted on:--
"Besides in all wise humane Government, they that sit at the helme,
doe more happily bring their purposes about, and insinuate more
easily things fit for the people, by pretexts, and oblique courses;
than by downe-right dealing. Nay (which perchance may seem very
strange) in things meerely naturall, you may sooner deceive nature,
than force her; so improper, and selfe impeaching are open direct
proceedings; whereas on the other side, an oblique and an insinuing
way, gently glides along and compasseth the intended effect."
One other fact must be realised before the full import of the quotations
about to be made can be appreciated. In the "Distributio Operis"
prefixed to the "Novum Organum" the following significant passage
occurs[55]:--
"For as often as I have occasion to report anything as deficient,
the nature of which is at all obscure, so that men may not perhaps
easily understand what I mean or what the work is which I have in
my head, I shall always (provided it be a matter of any worth) take
care to subjoin either directions for the execution of such work,
or else a portion of the work itself executed by myself as a sample
of the whole: thus giving assistance in every case either by work
or by counsel."
In the "Advancement of Learning," Book II., chap. i., it is written:
"That is the truest Partition of humane Learning, which hath
reference to the three Faculties of Man's soule, which is the feat
of Learning. History is referred to Memory, Poesy to the
Imagination, Philosophy to Reason. By Poesy, in this place, we
understand nothing else, but feigned History, or Fables. As for
Verse, that is only a style of expression, and pertaines to the Art
of Elocution, of which in due place."
"Poesy, in that sense we have expounded it, is likewise of
Individuals, fancied to the similitude of those things which in
true History are recorded, yet so as often it exceeds measure; and
those things which in Nature would never meet, nor come to passe,
Poesy composeth and introduceth at pleasure, even as Painting doth:
which indeed is the work of the Imagination."
And in the same book, Chapter XIII.:--
"Drammaticall, or Representative Poesy, which brings the World upon
the stage, is of excellent use, if it were not abused. For the
Instructions, and Corruptions, of the Stage, may be great; but the
corruptions in this kind abound, the Discipline is altogether
neglected in our times. For although in moderne Commonwealths,
Stage-plaies be but estimed a sport or pastime, unlesse it draw
from the Satyre, and be mordant; yet the care of the Ancients was,
that it should instruct the minds of men unto virtue. Nay, wise
men and great Philosophers, have accounted it, as the Archet, or
musicall Bow of the Mind. And certainly it is most true, and as it
were, a secret of nature, that the minds of men are more patent to
affections, and impressions, Congregate, than solitary."
The third chapter of Book VII. of the "De Augmentis" is devoted to
emphasising the importance of a knowledge of the internal working of the
mind and of the disposition and character of men. The following extracts
are of special moment:--
"Some are naturally formed for contemplation, others for business,
others for war, others for advancement of fortune, others for love,
others for the arts, others for a varied kind of life; so among the
poets (heroic, satiric, tragic, comic) are everywhere interspersed,
representations of characters, though generally exaggerated and
surpassing the truth. And this argument touching the different
characters of dispositions is one of those subjects in which the
common discourse of men (as sometimes, though very rarely, happens)
is wiser than books."
The drama as the only vehicle through which this can be accomplished at
once suggests itself to the reader. But in order to emphasize this point
he proceeds--
"But far the best provision and material for this treatise is to
be gained from the wiser sort of historians, not only from the
commemorations which they commonly add on recording the deaths of
illustrious persons, but much more from the entire body of history
as often as such a person enters upon the stage."
Bacon becomes still more explicit. He continues:--
"Wherefore out of these materials (which are surely rich and
abundant) let a full and careful treatise be constructed. Not,
however, that I would have their characters presented in ethics (as
we find them in history, or poetry, or even in common discourse) in
the shape of complete individual portraits, but rather the several
features and simple lineaments of which they are composed, and by
the various combinations and arrangements of which all characters
whatever are made up, showing how many, and of what nature these
are, and how connected and subordinated one to another; that so we
may have a scientific and accurate dissection of minds and
characters, and the secret dispositions of particular men may be
revealed; and that from a knowledge thereof better rules may be
framed for the treatment of the mind. And not only should the
characters of dispositions which are impressed by nature be
received into this treatise, but those also which are imposed upon
the mind by sex, by age, by region, by health and sickness, by
beauty and deformity and the like; and again, those which are
caused by fortune, as sovereignty, nobility, obscure birth, riches,
want, magistracy, privateness, prosperity, adversity and the like."
Shortly after follows this remarkable pronouncement.
"But to speak the truth the poets and writers of history are the
best doctors of this knowledge,[56] where we may find painted forth
with great life and dissected, how affections are kindled and
excited, and how pacified and restrained, and how again contained
from act and further degree; how they disclose themselves, though
repressed and concealed; how they work; how they vary; how they are
enwrapped one within another; how they fight and encounter one with
another; and many more particulars of this kind; amongst which this
last is of special use in moral and civil matters; how, I say, to
set affection against affection, and to use the aid of one to
master another; like hunters and fowlers who use to hunt beast with
beast, and catch bird with bird, which otherwise perhaps without
their aid man of himself could not so easily contrive; upon which
foundation is erected that excellent and general use in civil
government of reward and punishment, whereon commonwealths lean;
seeing these predominant affections of fear and hope suppress and
bridle all the rest. For as in the government of States it is
sometimes necessary to bridle one faction with another, so is it in
the internal government of the mind."
In his "Distributio Operis" Bacon thus describes the missing fourth part
of his "Instauratio Magna":--
"Of these the first is to set forth examples of inquiry and
invention[57] according to my method exhibited by anticipation in
some particular subjects; choosing such subjects as are at once the
most noble in themselves among those under enquiry, and most
different one from another, that there may be an example in every
kind. I do not speak of these precepts and rules by way of
illustration (for of these I have given plenty in the second part
of the work); but I mean actual types and models, by which the
entire process of the mind and the whole fabric and order of
invention from the beginning to the end in certain subjects, and
those various and remarkable, should be set as it were before the
eyes. For I remember that in the mathematics it is easy to follow
the demonstration when you have a machine beside you, whereas,
without that help, all appears involved and more subtle than it
really is. To examples of this kind--being, in fact, nothing more
than an application of the second part in detail and at large--the
fourth part of the work is devoted."
The late Mr. Edwin Reed has, in his "Francis Bacon our Shakespeare,"
page 126, drawn attention to a remarkable circumstance. In 1607 Bacon
had written his "Cogitata et Visa," which was the forerunner of his
"Novum Organum." It was not published until twenty-seven years after his
death, namely, in 1653, by Isaac Gruter, at Leyden. In 1857 Mr. Spedding
found a manuscript copy of the "Cogitata" in the library of Queen's
College at Oxford. This manuscript had been corrected in Bacon's own
handwriting. It contained passages which were omitted from Gruter's
print. Spedding did not realise the importance of the omitted passages,
but Mr. Edwin Reed has made this manifest. The following extract is
specially noteworthy, the portion printed in italics having been omitted
by Gruter:--
"... So he thought best, after long considering the subject and
weighing it carefully, first of all to prepare _Tabulæ Inveniendi_
or regular forms of inquiry; in other words, a mass of particulars
arranged for the understanding, and to serve, as it were, for an
example and almost visible representation of the matter. For
nothing else can be devised that would place in a clearer light
what is true and what is false, or show more plainly that what is
presented is more than words, and must be avoided by anyone who
either has no confidence in his own scheme or may wish to have his
scheme taken for more than it is worth.
"_But when these Tabulæ Inveniendi have been put forth and seen, he
does not doubt that the more timid wits will shrink almost in
despair from imitating them with similar productions with other
materials or on other subjects; and they will take so much delight
in the specimen given that they will miss the precepts in it.
Still, many persons will be led to inquire into the real meaning
and highest use of these writings, and to find the key to their
interpretation, and thus more ardently desire, in some degree at
least, to acquire the new aspect of nature which such a key will
reveal. But he intends, yielding neither to his own personal
aspirations nor to the wishes of others, but keeping steadily in
view the success of his undertaking, having shared these writings
with some, to withhold the rest until the treatise intended for the
people shall be published._"
Now what conclusions may be drawn from the foregoing extracts? Bacon
attached the greatest importance to the consideration of the internal
life of man. He affirms that dramaticall or representative poesy, which
brings the world upon the stage, is of excellent use if it be not
abused. The discipline of the stage was neglected in his time, but the
care of the ancients was that it should instruct the minds of men unto
virtue, and wise men and great philosophers accounted it as the musical
bow of the mind. He has devoted the fourth part of his "Instauratio
Magna" to setting forth examples of inquiry and invention, choosing such
subjects as are at once the most noble in themselves and the most
different one from another, that there may be an example in every kind.
He is not speaking of precepts and rules by way of interpretation, but
actual types and models by which the entire process of the mind, and the
whole fabric and order of invention, should be set, as it were, before
the eyes.
Not only should the characters of dispositions which are impressed by
nature be received into this treatise, but those also which are imposed
upon the mind by sex, by age, by region, by health and sickness, by
beauty and deformity, and the like; and, again, those that are caused by
fortune, as sovereignty, nobility, obscure birth, riches, want,
magistracy, privateness, prosperity, adversity, and the like.
_The fourth part of Bacon's "Great Instauration" is missing._ The above
requirements are met in the Shakespeare plays. Could the dramas be more
accurately described than in the foregoing extracts?
From a study of the plays let a list be made out of the qualifications
which the author must have possessed. It will be found that the only
person in whom every qualification will be found who has lived in any
age of any country was Francis Bacon. Any investigator who will devote
the time and trouble requisite for an exhaustive examination of the
subject can come to no other conclusion.
One cannot without feeling deep regret recognise that we have to turn to
a foreigner to give "reasons for the faith which we English have in
Shakespeare." It was a German, Schlegel, who discovered the great
dramatist, and to-day we must turn to his "Lectures on the Drama" for
the most penetrating description of his plays. The following is a
translation of a passage which in describing the plays almost adopts the
words Bacon uses in the foregoing passages as to the scope and object of
the fourth part of his "Great Instauration."
"Never, perhaps, was there so comprehensive a talent for the delineation
of character as Shakespeare's. It not only grasps the diversities of
rank, sex, and age, down to the dawnings of infancy; not only do the
king and the beggar, the hero and the pickpocket, the sage and the idiot
speak and act with equal truth; not only does he transport himself to
distant ages and foreign nations, and portray in the most accurate
manner, with only a few apparent violations of costume, the spirit of
the ancient Romans, of the French in their wars with the English, of the
English themselves during a great part of their history, of the Southern
Europeans (in the serious part of many comedies), the cultivated society
of that time, and the former rude and barbarous state of the North; his
human characters have not only such depth and precision that they cannot
be arranged under classes, and are inexhaustible, even in conception;
no, this Prometheus not merely forms men, he opens the gates of the
magical world of spirits, calls up the midnight ghost, exhibits before
us his witches amidst their unhallowed mysteries, peoples the air with
sportive fairies and sylphs; and these beings, existing only in
imagination, possess such truth and consistency that even when deformed
monsters like Caliban, he extorts the conviction that if there should be
such beings they would so conduct themselves. In a word, as he carries
with him the most fruitful and daring fancy into the kingdom of nature;
on the other hand, he carries nature into the regions of fancy, lying
beyond the confines of reality. We are lost in astonishment at seeing
the extraordinary, the wonderful, and the unheard of in such intimate
nearness."
"If Shakespeare deserves our admiration for his characters he is equally
deserving of it for his exhibition of passion, taking this word in its
widest signification, as including every mental condition, every tone
from indifference or familiar mirth to the wildest rage and despair. He
gives us the history of minds, he lays open to us in a single word a
whole series of preceding conditions. His passions do not at first stand
displayed to us in all their height, as is the case with so many tragic
poets who, in the language of Lessing, are thorough masters of the legal
style of love. He paints, in a most inimitable manner, the gradual
progress from the first origin. 'He gives,' as Lessing says, 'a living
picture of all the most minute and secret artifices by which a feeling
steals into our souls; of all the imperceptible advantages which it
there gains, of all the stratagems by which every other passion is made
subservient to it, till it becomes the sole tyrant of our desires and
our aversions.' Of all poets, perhaps, he alone has portrayed the mental
diseases--melancholy, delirium, lunacy--with such inexpressible, and in
every respect definite truth, that the physician may enrich his
observations from them in the same manner as from real cases."
FOOTNOTES:
[55] A Translation by Spedding, "Works," Vol. IV., p. 23.
[56] The knowledge touching the affections and perturbations which are
the diseases of the mind.
[57] Tabulæ inveniendi.
CHAPTER XXV.
THE PHILOSOPHY OF BACON.
To attempt anything of the nature of a review of Bacon's acknowledged
works is a task far too great for the scope of the present volume. To
attempt a survey of the whole of his works would require years of
diligent study, and would necessitate a perusal of nearly every book
published in England between 1576 and 1630. Not that it is suggested
that all the literature of this period was the product of his pen or was
produced under his supervision, but each book published should be read
and considered with attention to arrive at a selection.
There has been no abler judgment of the acknowledged works than that
which will be found in William Hazlitt's "Lectures on the Literature of
the Age of Elizabeth." Lecture VII. commences with an account of the
"Character of Bacon's Works."
It may not, however, be out of place here to try and make plain in what
sense Bacon was a philosopher.
In Chapter CXVI. of the "Novum Organum" he makes his position clear in
the following words:--
"First then I must request men not to suppose that after the
fashion of ancient Greeks, and of certain moderns, as Telesius,
Patricius, Severinus, I wish to found a new sect in philosophy. For
this is not what I am about; nor do I think that it matters much to
the fortunes of men what abstract notions one may entertain
concerning nature and the principles of things; and no doubt many
old theories of this kind can be revived, and many new ones
introduced; just as many theories of the heavens may be supposed
which agree well enough with the phenomena and yet differ with
each other.
"For my part, I do not trouble myself with any such speculative and
withal unprofitable matters. My purpose on the contrary, is to try
whether I cannot in very fact lay more firmly the foundations and
extend more widely the limits of the power and greatness of man ...
I have no entire or universal theory to propound."
So the idea that there was what is termed a system of philosophy
constructed by Bacon must be abandoned. What justification is there for
calling him the father of the Inductive Philosophy?
It is difficult to answer this question. Spedding admits that Bacon was
not the first to break down the dominion of Aristotle. That followed the
awakening throughout the intellectual world which was brought about by
the Reformation and the revival of learning. Sir John Herschel justifies
the application to Bacon of the term "The great Reformer of Philosophy"
not on the ground that he introduced inductive reasoning, but because of
his "keen perception and his broad and spirit-stirring, almost
enthusiastic announcement of its paramount importance, as the Alpha and
Omega of science, as the grand and only chain for linking together of
physical truths and the eventual key to every discovery and
application."
Bacon was 60 years of age when his "Novum Organum" was published. It was
founded on a tract he had written in 1607, which he called "Cogitata et
Visa," not printed until long after his death. He had previously
published a portion of his Essays, the two books on "The Advancement of
Learning" and "The Wisdom of the Ancients." Just at the end of his life
he gave to the world the "Novum Organum," accompanied by "The
Parasceve." Certainly it was not understood in his time. Coke described
it as only fit to freight the Ship of Fools, and the King likened it
"to the peace of God which passeth all understanding." It is admittedly
incomplete, and Bacon made no attempt in subsequent years to complete
it. It is a book that if read and re-read becomes fascinating. Taine
describes it as "a string of aphorisms, a collection as it were of
scientific decrees as of an oracle who foresees the future and reveals
the truth." "It is intuition not reasoning," he adds. The wisdom
contained in its pages is profound. An understanding of the
interpretation of the Idols and the Instances has so far evaded all
commentators. Who can explain the "Latent Process"? But the book
contains no scheme of arrangement. Therein is found a series of
desultory discourses--full of wisdom, rich in analogies, abundant in
observation and profound in comprehension. From here and there in it
with the help of the "Parasceve" one can grasp the intention of the
great philosopher.
In Chapter LXI. he says:--"But the course I propose for the discovery of
sciences is such as leaves but little to the acuteness and strength of
wits, but places all wits and understandings on a level." How was this
to be accomplished? By the systemization of labour expended on
scientific research. A catalogue of the particulars of histories which
were to be prepared is appended to the "Parasceve." It embraces every
subject conceivable. In Chapter CXI. he says, "I plainly confess that a
collection of history, natural and experimental, such as I conceive it,
and as it ought to be, is a great, I may say a royal work, and of much
labour and expense."
In the "Parasceve" he says:--"If all the wits of all the ages had met or
shall hereafter meet together; if the whole human race had applied or
shall hereafter apply themselves to philosophy, and the whole earth had
been or shall be nothing but academies and colleges and schools of
learned men; still without a natural and experimental history such as I
am going to prescribe, no progress worthy of the human race could have
been made or can be made in philosophy and the sciences. Whereas on the
other hand let such a history be once provided and well set forth and
let there be added to it such auxiliary and light-giving experiments as
in the very course of interpretation will present themselves or will
have to be found out; and the investigation of nature and of all
sciences will be the work of a few years. This therefore must be done or
the business given up."
To carry out this work an army of workers was required. In the
preparation of each history some were to make a rough and general
collection of facts. Their work was to be handed over to others who
would arrange the facts in order for reference. This accomplished,
others would examine to get rid of superfluities. Then would be brought
in those who would re-arrange that which was left and the history would
be completed.
From Chapter CIII. it is clear that Bacon contemplated that eventually
all the experiments of all the arts, collected and digested, _should be
brought within one man's knowledge and judgment_. This man, having a
supreme view of the whole range of subjects, would transfer experiments
of one art to another and so lead "to the discovery of many new things
of service to the life and state of man."
Nearly three hundred years have passed since Bacon propounded his
scheme. The arts and sciences have been greatly advanced. They might
have proceeded more rapidly had the histories been prepared, but since
his time there has arisen no man who has taken "all knowledge to be his
province"--no man who could occupy the position Bacon contemplated.
The method by which the induction was to be followed is described in
Chapter CV. There must be an analysis of nature by proper rejections
and exclusions, and then, after a sufficient number of negatives, a
conclusion should be arrived at from the affirmative instances. "It is
in this induction," Bacon adds, "that our chief hope lies."
Bacon's new organ has never been constructed, and all wits and
understandings have not yet been placed on a level.
We come back to the mystery of Francis Bacon, the possessor of the most
exquisite intellect that was ever bestowed on any of the children of
men. As an historian, he gives us a taste of his quality in "Henry VII."
In the Essays and the "Novum Organum," sayings which have the effect of
axioms are at once striking and self-evident. But he is always
desultory. In perceiving analogies between things which have nothing in
common he never had an equal, and this characteristic, to quote
Macaulay, "occasionally obtained the mastery over all his other
faculties and led him into absurdities into which no dull man could have
fallen." His memory was so stored with materials, and these so diverse,
that in similitude or with comparison he passed from subject to subject.
In the "Advancement of Learning" are enumerated the deficiencies which
Bacon observed, _nearly the whole of which were supplied during his
lifetime_.
The "Sylva Sylvarum" is the most extraordinary jumble of facts and
observations that has ever been brought together. It is a literary
curiosity. The "New Atlantis" and other short works in quantity amount
to very little. Bacon's life has hitherto remained unaccounted for. In
the foregoing pages an attempt has been made to offer an intelligible
explanation of the work to which he devoted his life, namely, to supply
the deficiencies which he had himself pointed out and which retarded the
advancement of learning.
Hallam has said of Bacon: "If we compare what may be found in the sixth,
seventh, and eighth books of the 'De Augmentis,' and the various short
treatises contained in his works on moral and political wisdom and on
human nature, with the rhetoric, ethics, and politics of Aristotle, or
with the historians most celebrated for their deep insight into civil
society and human character--with Thucydides, Tacitus, Phillipe de
Comines, Machiavel, David Hume--we shall, I think, find that one man may
almost be compared with all of these together."
Pope wrote: "Lord Bacon was the greatest genius that England, or perhaps
any other country, ever produced." If an examination, more thorough than
has hitherto been made, of the records and literature of his age
establishes beyond doubt the truth of the suggestions which have now
been put forward, what more can be said? This at any rate, that to him
shall be given that title to which he aspired and for which he was
willing to renounce his own name. He shall be called "The Benefactor of
Mankind."
APPENDIX.
Sir Thomas Bodley left behind him a short history of his life which is
of a fragmentary description. One-fourth of it is devoted to a record of
how much he suffered in permitting Essex to urge his advancement in the
State. The following is the passage:--
"Now here I can not choose but in making report of the principall
accidents that have fallen unto me in the course of my life, but
record among the rest, that from the very first day I had no man
more to friend among the Lords of the Councell, than was the Lord
Treasurer Burleigh: for when occasion had beene offered of
declaring his conceit as touching my service, he would alwaies tell
the Queen (which I received from her selfe and some other
ear-witnesses) that there was not any man in _England_ so meet as
myselfe to undergoe the office of the Secretary. And sithence his
sonne, the present Lord Treasurer, hath signified unto me in
private conference, that when his father first intended to advance
him to that place, his purpose was withall to make me his
Colleague. But the case stood thus in my behalf: before such time
as I returned from the Provinces united, which was in the yeare
1597, and likewise after my returne, the then Earle of _Essex_ did
use me so kindly both by letters and messages, and other great
tokens of his inward favours to me, that although I had no meaning,
but to settle in my mind my chiefest desire and dependance upon the
Lord _Burleigh_, as one that I reputed to be both the best able,
and therewithall the most willing to worke my advancement with the
Queene, yet I know not how, the Earle, who fought by all devices to
divert her love and liking both from the Father and the Son (but
from the Sonne in speciall) to withdraw my affection from the one
and the other, and to winne mee altogether to depend upon himselfe,
did so often take occasion to entertaine the Queene with some
prodigall speeches of my sufficiency for a Secretary, which were
ever accompanied with words of disgrace against the present Lord
Treasurer, as neither she her selfe, of whose favour before I was
thoroughly assured, took any great pleasure to preferre me the
sooner, (for she hated his ambition, and would give little
countenance to any of his followers) and both the Lord _Burleigh_
and his Sonne waxed jealous of my courses, as if under hand I had
beene induced by the cunning and kindnesse of the Earle of _Essex_,
to oppose my selfe against their dealings. And though in very truth
they had no solid ground at all of the least alteration in my
disposition towards either of them both, (for I did greatly respect
their persons and places, with a settled resolution to doe them any
service, as also in my heart I detested to be held of any faction
whatsoever) yet the now Lord Treasurer, upon occasion of some
talke, that I have since had with him, of the Earle and his
actions, hath freely confessed of his owne accord unto me, that his
daily provocations were so bitter and sharpe against him, and his
comparisons so odious, when he put us in a ballance, as he thought
thereupon he had very great reason to use his best meanes, to put
any man out of hope of raising his fortune, whom the Earle with
such violence, to his extreame prejudice, had endeavoured to
dignifie. And this, as he affirmed, was all the motive he had to
set himselfe against me, in whatsoever might redound to the
bettering of my estate, or increasing of my credit and countenance
with the Queene. When I hae thoroughly now bethought me, first in
the Earle, of the slender hold-fast that he had in the favour of
the Queene, of an endlesse opposition of the cheifest of our
Statesmen like still to waite upon him, of his perillous, and
feeble, and uncertain advice, as well in his owne, as in all the
causes of his friends: and when moreover for my selfe I had fully
considered how very untowardly these two Counsellours were affected
unto me, (upon whom before in cogitation I had framed all the
fabrique of my future prosperity) how ill it did concurre with my
naturall disposition, to become, or to be counted either a stickler
or partaker in any publique faction, how well I was able, by God's
good blessing, to live of my selfe, if I could be content with a
competent livelyhood; how short time of further life I was then to
expect by the common course of nature: when I had, I say, in this
manner represented to my thoughts my particular estate, together
with the Earles, I resolved thereupon to possesse my soule in peace
all the residue of my daies, to take my full farewell of State
imployments, to satisfie my mind with that mediocrity of worldly
living that I had of my owne, and so to retire me from the Court,
which was the epilogue and end of all my actions and endeavours of
any important note, till I came to the age of fifty-three."
The experience of Bodley and Bacon appears to have been identical. It
certainly materially strengthens the case of those who contend that
Bacon's conduct to Essex was not deserving of censure on the ground of
ingratitude for favours received from him.
The words which Robert Cecil addressed to Bodley, namely, that "he had
very great reason to use his best meanes, to put any man out of hope of
raising his fortune whom the Earle with such violence, to his extreame
prejudice had endeavoured to dignifie," would with equal force have been
applied to Bacon's case. The drift of Bodley's account of the matter
points to his feeling that Essex's conduct had not been of a
disinterested character, and suggests that he felt the Earle had been
making a tool of him.
The effect of this was that Bodley adopted the course which Bacon
threatened to adopt when refused the office of Attorney-General,
solicited for him by Essex--he took a farewell of State employments and
retired from the Court to devote himself to the service of his "Reverend
Mother, the University of Oxford," and to the advancement of her good.
To this end he became a collector of books, whereas Bacon would have
become "some sorry book-maker or a true pioner in that mine of truth
which Anaxagoras said lay so deep."
ROBERT BANKS AND SON, RACQUET COURT, FLEET STREET.
[Illustration:_ Figure VI._]
[Illustration: _Figure VII._]
[Illustration: _Figure VIII._]
[Illustration: _Figure IX._]
[Illustration: _Figure XX._]
[Illustration: THE XXXVIII. BOOKE.
THE ARGVMENT
_Marfisa doth present herselfe before
King Charles, and in his presence is baptized:
Astolfo doth Senapos sight restore,
By whom such hardie feats are enterprised,
That Agramant therewith molested sore
Is by Sobrino finally aduised,
To make a challenge on Rogeros hed,
To end the troubles that the warre had bred._
_Figure XIII._
_Figure XIV._]
[Illustration: _Figure X._]
[Illustration: _Figure XV._]
[Illustration: _Figure XI._]
[Illustration: _Figure XII._]
[Illustration: _Figure XXI._
THE GENEALOGIES RECORDED IN THE SACRED SCRIPTVRES,
ACcording to euery FAMILY and TRIBE.
WITH
The Line of our Sauiour IESVS CHRIST obserued from _Adam_
to the blessed VIRGIN MARY.
_By_
I. S.
CVM PRIVILEGIO.]
[Illustration: _Figure XVI._]
[Illustration: _Figure XVII._]
[Illustration: _Figure XVIII._]
[Illustration: _Figure XIX._]
* * * * *
TRANSCRIBER'S NOTES
1. Passages in italics are surrounded by _underscores_.
2. Passages in bold are indicated by =bold=.
3. Long "s" has been modernized.
4. Images have been moved from the middle of a paragraph to the closest
paragraph break.
5. Footnotes have been renumbered and moved to the end of the chapters
in which they are referenced.
6. The original text includes Greek characters. For this text version
these letters have been replaced with transliterations.
7. Certain words use oe ligature in the original.
8. The following misprints have been corrected:
"obain" corrected to "obtain" (page 27)
"Shakespere" corrected to "Shakespeare" (page 39)
"Bodly" corrected to "Bodley" (page 85)
"Shakepeare's" corrected to "Shakespeare's" (page 107)
"commenceed" corrected to "commenced" (page 108)
"Proecepta" corrected to "Præcepta" (page 135)
"deficiences" corrected to "deficiencies" (page 191)
"numercial" corrected to "numerical" (footnote 35)
9. Other than the corrections listed above, printer's inconsistencies in
spelling, hyphenation, and ligature usage have been retained.
