The Former Philippines thru Foreign Eyes

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The Former Philippines thru Foreign Eyes

THE FORMER PHILIPPINES THRU FOREIGN EYES

Edited by Austin Craig





Preface

Among the many wrongs done the Filipinos by Spaniards, to be charged
against their undeniably large debt to Spain, one of the greatest,
if not the most frequently mentioned, was taking from them their
good name.

Spanish writers have never been noted for modesty or historical
accuracy. Back in 1589 the printer of the English translation of Padre
Juan Gonzalez de Mendoza's "History of the Great and Mighty Kingdom of
China" felt it necessary to prefix this warning: * * * the Spaniards
(following their ambitious affections) do usually in all their writings
extoll their own actions, even to the setting forth of many untruthes
and incredible things, as in their descriptions of the conquistes of
the east and west Indies, etc., doth more at large appeare.

Of early Spanish historians Doctor Antonio de Morga seems the single
exception, and perhaps even some of his credit comes by contrast,
but in later years the rule apparently has proved invariable. As
the conditions in the successive periods of Spanish influence were
recognized to be indicative of little progress, if not actually
retrogressive, the practice grew up of correspondingly lowering the
current estimates of the capacity of the Filipinos of the conquest, so
that always an apparent advance appeared. This in the closing period,
in order to fabricate a sufficient showing for over three centuries
of pretended progress, led to the practical denial of human attributes
to the Filipinos found here by Legaspi.

Against this denial to his countrymen of virtues as well as
rights, Doctor Rizal opposed two briefs whose English titles
are "The Philippines A Century Hence" and "The Indolence of the
Filipino." Almost every page therein shows the influence of the young
student's early reading of the hereinafter-printed studies by the
German scientist Jagor, friend and counsellor in his maturer years,
and the liberal Spaniard Comyn. Even his acquaintance with Morga,
which eventually led to Rizal's republication of the 1609 history
long lost to Spaniards, probably was owing to Jagor, although the
life-long resolution for that action can be traced to hearing of Sir
John Bowring's visit to his uncle's home and the proposed Hakluyt
Society English translation then mentioned.

The present value and interest of these now rare books has suggested
their republication, to make available to Filipino students a course
of study which their national hero found profitable as well as to
correct the myriad misconceptions of things Philippine in the minds
of those who have taken the accepted Spanish accounts as gospel truths.

Dr. L. V. Schweibs, of Berlin, made the hundreds of corrections,
many reversing the meanings of former readings, which almost
justify calling the revised Jagor translation a new one. Numerous
hitherto-untranslated passages likewise appear. There have been
left out the illustrations, from crude drawings obsolete since
photographic pictures have familiarized the scenes and objects,
and also the consequently superfluous references to these. No other
omission has been allowed, for if one author leaned far to one side in
certain debatable questions the other has been equally partisan for the
opposite side, except a cerement on religion in general and discussion
of the world-wide social evil were eliminated as having no particular
Philippine bearing to excuse their appearance in a popular work.

The early American quotations of course are for comparison with the
numerous American comments of today, and the two magazine extracts
give English accounts a century apart. Virchow's matured views have
been substituted for the pioneer opinions he furnished Professor Jagor
thirty years earlier, and if Rizal's patron in the scientific world
fails at times in his facts his method for research is a safe guide.

Finally, three points should constantly be borne in mind: (1) allowance
must be made for the lessening Spanish influence, surely more foreign
to this seafaring people than the present modified Anglo-Saxon
education, and so more artificial, i.e., less assimilable, as well
as for the removal of the unfavorable environment, before attempting
to from an opinion of the present-day Filipino from his prototype
pictured in those pages; (2) foreign observers are apt to emphasize
what is strange to them in describing other lands than their own and to
leave unnoted points of resemblance which may be much more numerous;
(3) Rizal's judgment that his countrymen were more like backward
Europeans than Orientals was based on scientific studies of Europe's
rural districts and Philippine provincial conditions as well as of
oriental country life, so that it is entitled to more weight than
the commoner opinion to the contrary which though more popular has
been less carefully formed.

University of the Philippines,

Manila, March 11th, 1916.



Contents

Jagor's Travels in the Philippines 1

(The out-of-print 1875 English translation corrected from the original
German text)

State of the Philippines in 1810. By Tomas de Comyn 357

(William Walton's 1821 translation modernized)

Manila and Sulu in 1842. By Com. Chas. Wilkes, U.S.N. 459

(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition 1838-42, Vol. 5)

Manila in 1819. By Lieut. John White, U.S.N. 530

(From the "History of a Voyage to the China Sea")

The Peopling of the Philippines. By Doctor Rudolf Virchow 536

(O. T. Mason's translation; Smithsonian Institution 1899 Report)

People and Prospects of the Philippines. By An English Merchant,
1778, and A Consul, 1878 550

(From Blackwood's and the Cornhill Magazine)

Filipino Merchants of the Early 1890s. By F. Karuth, F.R.G.S. 552




The Former Philippines thru Foreign Eyes

PART I

Jagor's Travels in the Philippines


CHAPTER I


[Difference from European time.] When the clock strikes twelve in
Madrid, [1] it is 8 hours, 18 minutes, and 41 seconds past eight
in the evening at Manila; that is to say, the latter city lies 124°
40' 15'' to the east of the former (7 hours, 54 minutes, 35 seconds
from Paris). Some time ago, however, while the new year was being
celebrated in Madrid, it was only New Year's eve at Manila.

[Magellan's mistake in reckoning.] As Magellan, who discovered the
Philippines in his memorable first circumnavigation of the globe,
was following the sun in its apparent daily path around the world,
every successive degree he compassed on his eastern course added
four minutes to the length of his day; and, when he reached the
Philippines, the difference amounted to sixteen hours. This, however,
apparently escaped his notice, for Elcano, the captain of the only
remaining vessel, was quite unaware, on his return to the longitude
of his departure, why according to his ship's log-book, he was a day
behind the time of the port which he had reached again by continuously
sailing westward. [2] [3]

[Change to the Asian day.] The error remained also unheeded in the
Philippines. It was still, over there the last day of the old year,
while the rest of the world was commencing the new one; and this state
of things continued till the close of 1844, when it was resolved,
with the approval of the archbishop, to pass over New Year's eve for
once altogether. [4] Since that time the Philippines are considered
to lie no longer in the distant west, but in the far east, and are
about eight hours in advance of their mother country. The proper field
for their commerce, however, is what is to Europeans the far west;
they were colonized thence, and for centuries, till 1811, they had
almost no other communication with Europe but the indirect one by
the annual voyage of the galleon between Manila and Acapulco. Now,
however, when the eastern shores of the Pacific are at last beginning
to teem with life, and, with unexampled speed, are pressing forward to
grasp their stupendous future, the Philippines will no longer be able
to remain in their past seclusion. No tropical Asiatic colony is so
favorably situated for communication with the west coast of America,
and it is only in a few matters that the Dutch Indies can compete with
them for the favors of the Australian market. But, [Future in American
and Australian trade.] on the other hand, they will have to abandon
their traffic with China, whose principal emporium Manila originally
was, as well as that with those westward-looking countries of Asia,
Europe's far east, which lie nearest to the Atlantic ports.  [5] [6]

[Commercially in the New World.] When the circumstances mentioned
come to be realized, the Philippines, or, at any rate, the principal
market for their commerce, will finally fall within the limits of
the western hemisphere, to which indeed they were relegated by the
illustrious Spanish geographers at Badajoz.

[The Pope's world-partitive.] The Bull issued by Alexander VI, [7]
on May 4, 1493, which divided the earth into two hemispheres, decreed
that all heathen lands discovered in the eastern half should belong
to the Portuguese; in the western half to the Spaniards. According to
this arrangement, the latter could only claim the Philippines under
the pretext that they were situated in the western hemisphere. The
demarcation line was to run from the north to the south, a hundred
leagues to the south-west of all the so-called Azores and Cape
de Verde Islands. In accordance with the treaty of Tordesillas,
negotiated between Spain and Portugal on June 7, 1494, and approved
by Julius II, in 1506, this line was drawn three hundred and seventy
leagues west of the Cape de Verde Islands.

[Faulty Spanish and Portuguese geography.] At that time Spanish and
Portuguese geographers reckoned seventeen and one-half leagues to a
degree on the equator. In the latitude of the Cape de Verde Islands,
three hundred and seventy leagues made 21° 55'. If to this we add
the longitudinal difference between the westernmost point of the
group and Cadiz, a difference of 18° 48', we get 40° 43' west, and
139° 17' east from Cadiz (in round numbers 47° west and 133° east),
as the limits of the Spanish hemisphere. At that time, however,
the existing means for such calculations were entirely insufficient.

[Extravagant Spanish claims thru ignorance.] The latitude was measured
with imperfect astrolabes, or wooden quadrants, and calculated from
very deficient tables; the variation of the compass, moreover, was
almost unknown, as well as the use of the log. [8] Both method and
instruments were wanting for useful longitudinal calculations. It was
under these circumstances that the Spaniards attempted, at Badajoz,
to prove to the protesting Portuguese that the eastern boundary line
intersected the mouths of the Ganges, and proceeded to lay claim to
the possession of the Spice Islands.

[Spain's error in calculation.] The eastern boundary should, in
reality, have been drawn 46 1/2° further to the east, that is to
say, as much further as it is from Berlin to the coast of Labrador,
or to the lesser Altai; for, in the latitude of Calcutta 46 1/2°
are equivalent to two thousand five hundred and seventy-five nautical
miles. Albo's log-book gives the difference in longitude between the
most eastern islands of the Archipelago and Cape Fermoso (Magellan's
Straits), as 106° 30', while in reality it amounts to 159° 85'.

[Moluccan rights sold to Portugal.] The disputes between the Spaniards
and the Portuguese, occasioned by the uncertainty of the eastern
boundary--Portugal had already founded a settlement in the Spice
Islands--were set at rest by an agreement made in 1529, in which
Charles V. abandoned his pretended rights to the Moluccas in favor
of Portugal, for the sum of 350,000 ducats. The Philippines, at that
time, were of no value.

 * * * * *

[Foreign mail facilities.] The distance from Manila to Hongkong is
six hundred fifty nautical miles, and the course is almost exactly
south-east. The mail steamer running between the two ports makes the
trip in from three to four days. This allows of a fortnightly postal
communication between the colony and the rest of the world. [9]

[Slight share in world commerce.] This small steamer is the only thing
to remind an observer at Hongkong, a port thronged with the ships of
all nations, that an island so specially favored in conditions and
fertility lies in such close proximity.

[Little commerce with Spain.] Although the Philippines belong to Spain,
there is but little commerce between the two countries. Once the
tie which bound them was so close that Manila was wont to celebrate
the arrival of the Spanish mail with Te Deums and bell-ringing, in
honor of the successful achievement of so stupendous a journey. Until
Portugal fell to Spain, the road round Africa to the Philippines was
not open to Spanish vessels. The condition of the overland route
is sufficiently shown by the fact that two Augustinian monks who,
in 1603, were entrusted with an important message for the king,
and who chose the direct line through Goa, Turkey, and Italy, needed
three years for reaching Madrid. [10]

[Former Spanish ships mainly carried foreign goods.] The trade by
Spanish ships, which the merchants were compelled to patronize in
order to avoid paying an additional customs tax, in spite of the
protective duties for Spanish products, was almost exclusively
in foreign goods to the colony and returning the products of the
latter for foreign ports. The traffic with Spain was limited to the
conveyance of officials, priests, and their usual necessaries, such as
provisions, wine and other liquors; and, except a few French novels,
some atrociously dull books, histories of saints, and similar works.

[Manila's fine bay.] The Bay of Manila is large enough to contain the
united fleets of Europe; it has the reputation of being one of the
finest in the world. The aspect of the coast, however, to a stranger
arriving, as did the author, at the close of the dry season, falls
short of the lively descriptions of some travellers. The circular bay,
one hundred twenty nautical miles in circumference, the waters of
which wash the shores of five different provinces, is fringed in the
neighborhood of Manila by a level coast, behind which rises an equally
flat table land. The scanty vegetation in the foreground, consisting
chiefly of bamboos and areca palms, was dried up by the sun; while in
the far distance the dull uniformity of the landscape was broken by
the blue hills of San Mateo. In the rainy season the numerous unwalled
canals overflow their banks and form a series of connected lakes,
which soon, however, change into luxuriant and verdant rice-fields.

[City's appearance mediaeval European.] Manila is situated on both
sides of the river Pasig. The town itself, surrounded with walls and
ramparts, with its low tiled roofs and a few towers, had, in 1859,
the appearance of some ancient European fortress. Four years later
the greater part of it was destroyed by an earthquake.

[The 1863 earthquake.] On June 3, 1863, at thirty-one minutes past
seven in the evening, after a day of tremendous heat while all Manila
was busy in its preparations for the festival of Corpus Christi,
the ground suddenly rocked to and fro with great violence. The
firmest buildings reeled visibly, walls crumbled, and beams snapped
in two. The dreadful shock lasted half a minute; but this little
interval was enough to change the whole town into a mass of ruins,
and to bury alive hundreds of its inhabitants. [11] A letter of
the governor-general, which I have seen, states that the cathedral,
the goverment-house, the barracks, and all the public buildings of
Manila were entirely destroyed, and that the few private houses which
remained standing threatened to fall in. Later accounts speak of
four hundred killed and two thousand injured, and estimate the loss
at eight millions of dollars. Forty-six public and five hundred and
seventy private buildings were thrown down; twenty-eight public and
five hundred twenty-eight private buildings were nearly destroyed,
and all the houses left standing were more or less injured.

[Damage in Cavite.] At the same time, an earthquake of forty seconds'
duration occurred at Cavite, the naval port of the Philippines,
and destroyed many buildings.

[Destruction in walled city.] Three years afterwards, the Duc
d'Alencon (Lucon et Mindanao; Paris, 1870, S. 38) found the traces
of the catastrophe everywhere. Three sides of the principal square
of the city, in which formerly stood the government, or governor's,
palace, the cathedral, and the townhouse, were lying like dust heaps
overgrown with weeds. All the large public edifices were "temporarily"
constructed of wood; but nobody then seemed to plan anything permanent.

[Former heavy shocks.] Manila is very often subject to earthquakes;
the most fatal occurred in 1601; in 1610 (Nov. 30); in 1645 (Nov. 30);
in 1658 (Aug. 20); in 1675; in 1699; in 1796; in 1824; in 1852; and
in 1863. In 1645, six hundred [12], or, according to some accounts,
three thousand [13] persons perished, buried under the ruins of their
houses. Their monastery, the church of the Augustinians, and that of
the Jesuits, were the only public buildings which remained standing.

[Frequent minor disturbances.] Smaller shocks, which suddenly set
the hanging lamps swinging, occur very often and generally remain
unnoticed. The houses are on this account generally of but one story,
and the loose volcanic soil on which they are built may lessen the
violence of the shock. Their heavy tiled roofs, however, appear
very inappropriate under such circumstances. Earthquakes are also
of frequent occurrence in the provinces, but they, as a rule, cause
so little damage, owing to the houses being constructed of timber or
bamboo, that they are never mentioned.

[Scanty data available.] M. Alexis Perrey (Mém. de l'Académie de
Dijon, 1860) has published a list, collected with much diligence from
every accessible source, of the earthquakes which have visited the
Philippines, and particularly Manila. But the accounts, even of the
most important, are very scanty, and the dates of their occurrence very
unreliable. Of the minor shocks, only a few are mentioned, those which
were noticed by scientific observers accidentally present at the time.

[The 1610 catastrophe.] Aduarte (I. 141) mentions a tremendous
earthquake which occurred in 1610. I briefly quote his version of
the details of the catastrophe, as I find them mentioned nowhere else.

"Towards the close of November, 1610, on St. Andrew's Day, a more
violent earthquake than had ever before been witnessed, visited
these Islands; its effects extended from Manila to the extreme end
of the province of Nueva Segovia (the whole northern part of Luzon),
a distance of 200 leagues. It caused great destruction over the entire
area; in the province of Ilocos it buried palm trees, so that only the
tops of their branches were left above the earth's surface; through
the power of the earthquake mountains were pushed against each other;
it threw down many buildings, and killed a great number of people. Its
fury was greatest in Nueva Segovia, where it opened the mountains, and
created new lake basins. The earth threw up immense fountains of sand,
and vibrated so terribly that the people, unable to stand upon it,
laid down and fastened themselves to the ground, as if they had been
on a ship in a stormy sea. In the range inhabited by the Mendayas a
mountain fell in, crushing a village and killing its inhabitants. An
immense portion of the cliff sank into the river; and now, where the
stream was formerly bordered by a range of hills of considerable
altitude, its banks are nearly level with the watercourse. The
commotion was so great in the bed of the river that waves arose like
those of the ocean, or as if the water had been lashed by a furious
wind. Those edifices which were of stone suffered the most damage,
our church and the convent fell in, etc., etc."


CHAPTER II


[Customhouse red tape.] The customs inspection, and the many
formalities which the native minor officials exercised without any
consideration appear all the more wearisome to the new arrival when
contrasted with the easy routine of the English free ports of the
east he has just quitted. The guarantee of a respectable merchant
obtained for me, as a particular favor, permission to disembark after
a detention of sixteen hours; but even then I was not allowed to take
the smallest article of luggage on shore with me.

[Shelter for shipping.] During the south-west monsoon and the stormy
season that accompanies the change of monsoons, the roadstead is
unsafe. Larger vessels are then obliged to seek protection in the
port of Cavite, seven miles further down the coast; but during the
north-east monsoons they can safely anchor half a league from the
coast. All ships under three hundred tons burden pass the breakwater
and enter the Pasig, where, as far as the bridge, they lie in serried
rows, extending from the shore to the middle of the stream, and bear
witness by their numbers, as well as by the bustle and stir going on
amongst them, to the activity of the home trade.

[Silting up of river mouth.] In every rain-monsoon, the Pasig river
sweeps such a quantity of sediment against the breakwater that just
its removal keeps, as it seems, the dredging machine stationed there
entirely occupied.

[Few foreign vessels.] The small number of the vessels in the
roadstead, particularly of those of foreign countries, was the more
remarkable as Manila was the only port in the Archipelago that had any
commerce with foreign countries. It is true that since 1855 three other
ports, to which a fourth may now be added, had gotten this privilege;
but at the time of my arrival, in March, 1859, not one of them had
ever been entered by a foreign vessel, and it was a few weeks after
my visit that the first English ship sailed into Iloilo to take in
a cargo of sugar for Australia. [14]

[Antiquated restrictions on trade.] The reason of this peculiarity
laid partly in the feeble development of agriculture, in spite of the
unexampled fertility of the soil, but chiefly in the antiquated and
artificially limited conditions of trade. The customs duties were
in themselves not very high. They were generally about seven per
cent. upon merchandise conveyed under the Spanish flag, and about
twice as much for that carried in foreign bottoms. When the cargo
was of Spanish production, the duty was three per cent. if carried
in national vessels, eight per cent. if in foreign ships. The latter
were only allowed, as a rule, to enter the port in ballast. [15]

[Discouragements for foreign ships.] As, however, the principal wants
of the colony were imported from England and abroad, these were either
kept back till an opportunity occurred of sending them in Spanish
vessels, which charged nearly a treble freight (from £4 to £5 instead
of from £1 1/2, to £2 per ton), and which only made their appearance
in British ports at rare intervals, or they were sent to Singapore and
Hongkong, where they were transferred to Spanish ships. Tonnage dues
were levied, moreover, upon ships in ballast, and upon others which
merely touched at Manila without unloading or taking in fresh cargo;
and, if a vessel under such circumstances landed even the smallest
parcel, it was no longer rated as a ship in ballast, but charged on the
higher scale. Vessels were therefore forced to enter the port entirely
devoid of cargo, or carrying sufficient to cover the expense of the
increased harbor dues; almost an impossibility for foreign ships,
on account of the differential customs rates, which acted almost as a
complete prohibition. The result was that foreign vessels came there
only in ballast, or when summoned for some particular object.

[Export taxes.] The exports of the colony were almost entirely
limited to its raw produce, which was burdened with an export duty
of three per cent. Exports leaving under the Spanish flag were only
taxed to the amount of one per cent.; but, as scarcely any export
trade existed with Spain, and as Spanish vessels, from their high
rates of freight, were excluded from the carrying trade of the world,
the boon to commerce was a delusive one.  [16]

[Laws drove away trade.] These inept excise laws, hampered with a
hundred suspicious forms, frightened away the whole carrying trade
from the port; and its commission merchants were frequently unable
to dispose of the local produce. So trifling was the carrying trade
that the total yearly average of the harbor dues, calculated from
the returns of ten years, barely reached $10,000.

[Manila's favorable location.] The position of Manila, a central
point betwixt Japan, China, Annam, the English and Dutch ports of
the Archipelago and Australia, is in itself extremely favorable
to the development of a world-wide trade. [17] At the time of the
north-eastern monsoons, during our winter, when vessels for the sake of
shelter pass through the Straits of Gilolo on their way from the Indian
Archipelago to China, they are obliged to pass close to Manila. They
would find it a most convenient station, for the Philippines, as we
have already mentioned, are particularly favorably placed for the
west coast of America.

[The 1869 reform.] A proof that the Spanish Ultramar minister fully
recognizes and appreciates these circumstances appears in his decree,
of April 5, 1869, which is of the highest importance for the future
of the colony. It probably would have been issued earlier had not the
Spanish and colonial shipowners, pampered by the protective system,
obstinately struggled against an innovation which impaired their
former privileges and forced them to greater activity.

[Bettered conditions.] The most noteworthy points of the decree are
the moderation of the differential duties, and their entire extinction
at the expiration of two years; the abrogation of all export duties;
and the consolidation of the more annoying port dues into one single
charge.

[Pre-Spanish foreign commerce.] When the Spaniards landed in the
Philippines they found the inhabitants clad in silks and cotton stuffs,
which were imported by Chinese ships to exchange for gold-dust,
sapan wood, [18] holothurian, edible birds' nests, and skins. The
Islands were also in communication with Japan, Cambodia, Siam, [19]
the Moluccas, and the Malay Archipelago. De Barros mentions that
vessels from Luzon visited Malacca in 1511. [20]

[Early extension under Spain.] The greater order which reigned in
the Philippines after the advent of the Spaniards, and still more the
commerce they opened with America and indirectly with Europe, had the
effect of greatly increasing the Island trade, and of extending it
beyond the Indies to the Persian Gulf. Manila was the great mart for
the products of Eastern Asia, with which it loaded the galleons that,
as early as 1565, sailed to and from New Spain (at first to Navidad,
after 1602 to Acapulco), and brought back silver as their principal
return freight. [21]

[Jealousy of Seville monopolists.] The merchants in New Spain and Peru
found this commerce so advantageous, that the result was very damaging
to the exports from the mother country, whose manufactured goods were
unable to compete with the Indian cottons and the Chinese silks. The
spoilt monopolists of Seville demanded therefore the abandonment of a
colony which required considerable yearly contributions from the home
exchequer, which stood in the way of the mother country's exploiting
her American colonies, and which let the silver of His Majesty's
dominions pass into the hands of the heathen. Since the foundation of
the colony they had continually thrown impediments in its path. [22]
Their demands, however, were vain in face of the ambition of the
throne and the influence of the clergy; rather, responding to the
views of that time the merchants of Peru and New Spain were forced,
in the interests of the mother country, to obtain merchandise from
China, either directly, or through Manila. The inhabitants of the
Philippines were alone permitted to send Chinese goods to America,
but only to the yearly value of $250,000. The return trade was limited
to $500,000. [23]

[Prohibition of China trading.] The first amount was afterwards
increased to $300,000, with a proportionate augmentation of the
return freight; but the Spanish were forbidden to visit China, so
that they were obliged to await the arrival of the junks. Finally,
in 1720, Chinese goods were strictly prohibited throughout the
whole of the Spanish possessions in both hemispheres. A decree of
1734 (amplified in 1769) once more permitted trade with China, and
increased the maximum value of the annual freightage to Acapulco to
$500,000 (silver) and that of the return trade to twice the amount.

[Higher limit on suspension of galleon voyages.] After the galleons to
Acapulco, which had been maintained at the expense of the government
treasury, had stopped their voyages, commerce with America was
handled by merchants who were permitted in 1820, to export goods
up to $750,000 annually from the Philippines and to visit San Blas,
Guayaquil and Callao, besides Acapulco.

[ British occupation inspired new wants.] This concession, however,
was not sufficient to compensate Philippine commerce for the injuries
it suffered through the separation of Mexico from Spain. The possession
of Manila by the English, in 1762, made its inhabitants acquainted with
many industrial products which the imports from China and India were
unable to offer them. To satisfy these new cravings Spanish men-of-war
were sent, towards the close of 1764, to the colony with products of
Spanish industries, such as wine, provisions, hats, cloth, hardware,
and fancy articles.

[Manila oppositions to trade innovations.] The Manila merchants,
accustomed to a lucrative trade with Acapulco, strenuously resisted
this innovation, although it was a considerable source of profit to
them, for the Crown purchased the Indian and Chinese merchandise for
its return freights from Manila at double their original value. In
1784, however, the last of these ships arrived.

[Subterfuges of European traders.] After the English invasion,
European vessels were strictly forbidden to visit Manila; but as
that city did not want to do without Indian merchandise, and could
not import it in its own ships, it was brought there in English and
French bottoms, which assumed a Turkish name, and were provided with
an Indian sham-captain.

[The "Philippine Company" monopoly.] In 1785, the Compañía de Filipinas
obtained a monopoly of the trade between Spain and the colony, but it
was not allowed to interfere with the direct traffic between Acapulco
and Manila. The desire was to acquire large quantities of colonial
produce, silk, indigo, cinnamon, cotton, pepper, etc., in order to
export it somewhat as was done later on by the system of culture in
Java; but as it was unable to obtain compulsory labor, it entirely
failed in its attempted artificial development of agriculture.

[Losses by bad management.] The Compañía suffered great losses through
its erroneous system of operation, and the incapacity of its officials
(it paid, for example, $13.50 for a picul of pepper which cost from
three to four dollars in Sumatra).

[Entrance of foriegn ships and firms.] In 1789 foreign ships were
allowed to import Chinese and Indian produce, but none from Europe. In
1809 an English commercial house obtained permission to establish
itself in Manila. [24] In 1814, after the conclusion of the peace
with France, the same permission, with greater or less restrictions,
was granted to all foreigners.

[Trade free but port charges discriminating.]  In 1820 the direct
trade between the Philippines and Spain was thrown open without any
limitations to the exports of colonial produce, on the condition
that the value of the Indian and Chinese goods in each expedition
should not exceed $50,000. Ever since 1834, when the privileges
of the Compañía expired, free trade has been permitted in Manila;
foreign ships, however, being charged double dues. Four new ports
have been thrown open to general trade since 1855; and in 1869 the
liberal tariff previously alluded to was issued.

[Port's importance lessened under Spain.]  Today, after three centuries
of almost undisturbed Spanish rule, Manila has by no means added to the
importance it possessed shortly after the advent of the Spaniards. The
isolation of Japan and the Indo-Chinese empires, a direct consequence
of the importunities and pretensions of the Catholic missionaries, [25]
the secession of the colonies on the west coast of America, above all
the long continuance of a distrustful commercial and colonial policy--a
policy which exists even at the present day--while important markets,
based on large capital and liberal principles, were being established
in the most favored spots of the British and Dutch Indies; all these
circumstances have contributed to this result and thrown the Chinese
trade into other channels. The cause is as clear as the effect,
yet it might be erroneous to ascribe the policy so long pursued to
short-sightedness. The Spaniards, in their schemes of colonisation,
had partly a religious purpose in view, but the government discovered
a great source of influence in the disposal of the extremely lucrative
colonial appointments. The crown itself, as well as its favorites,
thought of nothing but extracting the most it could from the colony,
and had neither the intention or the power to develop the natural
wealth of the country by agriculture and commerce. Inseparable from
this policy, was the persistent exclusion of foreigners. [26] It seemed
even more necessary in the isolated Philippines than in America to cut
off the natives from all contact with foreigners, if the Spaniards had
any desire to remain in undisturbed possession of the colony. In face,
however, of the developed trade of today and the claims of the world
to the productive powers of such an extraordinarily fruitful soil, the
old restrictions can no longer be maintained, and the lately-introduced
liberal tariff must be hailed as a thoroughly well-timed measure.

 * * * * *

[Galleon story sidelight on colonial history.]  The oft-mentioned
voyages of the galleons betwixt Manila and Acapulco hold such a
prominent position in the history of the Philippines, and afford
such an interesting glimpse into the old colonial system, that their
principal characteristics deserve some description.

[Chinese part in galleon trade.]  In the days of Morga, towards the
close of the sixteenth century, from thirty to forty Chinese junks
were in the habit of annually visiting Manila (generally in March);
towards the end of June a galleon used to sail for Acapulco. The trade
with the latter place, the active operations of which were limited to
the three central months of the year, was so lucrative, easy, and safe,
that the Spaniards scarcely cared to engage in any other undertakings.

[Favoritism in allotment of cargo space.]  As the carrying power of
the annual galleon was by no means proportioned to the demand for
cargo room, the governor divided it as he deemed best; the favorites,
however, to whom he assigned shares in the hold, seldom traded
themselves, but parted with their concessions to the merchants.

[Division of space and character of cargo.] According to De Guignes,
[27] the hold of the vessel was divided into 1,500 parts, of which
the majority were allotted to the priests, and the rest to favored
persons. As a matter of fact, the value of the cargo, which was
officially limited to $600,000, was considerably higher. It chiefly
consisted of Indian and Chinese cottons and silk stuffs (amongst
others fifty thousand pairs of silk stockings from China), and gold
ornaments. The value of the return freight amounted to between two
and three millions of dollars.

[Profit in trade.] Everything in this trade was settled beforehand;
the number, shape, size, and value of the bales, and even their selling
price. As this was usually double the original cost, the permission
to ship goods to a certain amount was equivalent, under ordinary
circumstances, to the bestowal of a present of a like value. These
permissions or licenses (boletas) were, at a later period, usually
granted to pensioners and officers' widows, and to officials, in lieu
of an increase of salary; these favorites were forbidden, however,
to make a direct use of them, for to trade with Acapulco was the
sole right of those members of the Consulado (a kind of chamber of
commerce) who could prove a long residence in the country and the
possession of a capital of at least $8,000.

[Evasion of regulations.] Legentil, the astronomer, gives a full
description of the regulations which prevailed in his day and the
manner in which they were disobeyed. The cargo consisted of a thousand
bales, each composed of four packets, [28] the maximum value of each
packet being fixed at $250. It was impossible to increase the amount of
bales, but they pretty generally consisted of more than four packets,
and their value so far exceeded the prescribed limits, that a boleta
was considered to be worth from $200 to $225. The officials took good
care that no goods should be smuggled on board without a boleta. These
were in such demand, that, at a later period, Comyn [29] saw people
pay $500 for the right to ship goods, the value of which scarcely
amounted to $1,000. The merchants usually borrowed the money for these
undertakings from the obras pias, charitable foundations, which, up
to our own time, fulfil in the Islands the purposes of banks. [30]
In the early days of the trade, the galleon used to leave Cavite in
July and sail with a south-westerly wind beyond the tropics, until
it met with a west wind at the thirty-eighth or [Route outward.]
fortieth parallel. [31] Later on the vessels were ordered to leave
Cavite with the first south-westerly winds to sail along the south
coast of Luzon, through San Bernardino straits, and to continue along
the thirteenth parallel of north latitude [32] as far to the east as
possible, until the north-easterly trade wind compelled them to seek a
north-west breeze in higher latitudes. They were then obliged to try
the thirtieth parallel as long as possible, instead of, as formerly,
the thirty-seventh. The captain of the galleon was not permitted
to sail immediately northward, although to have done so would have
procured him a much quicker and safer passage, and would have enabled
him to reach the rainy zone more rapidly. To effect the last, indeed,
was a matter of the greatest importance to him, for his vessel,
overladen [Water-supply crowded out by cargo.]  with merchandise,
had but little room crowded out for water; and although he had
a crew of from four hundred to six hundred hands to provide for,
he was instructed to depend upon the rain he caught on the voyage;
for which purpose, the galleon was provided with suitable mats and
bamboo pails. [33]

[Length of voyage.] Voyages in these low latitudes were, owing to the
inconstancy of the winds, extremely troublesome, and often lasted five
months and upwards. The fear of exposing the costly, cumbrous vessel
to the powerful and sometimes stormy winds of the higher latitudes,
appears to have been the cause of these sailing orders.

[California landfall.] As soon as the galleon had passed the great
Sargasso shoal, it took a southerly course, and touched at the
southern point of the Californian peninsula (San Lucas), where news
and provisions awaited it. [34] In their earlier voyages, however,
they must have sailed much further to the north, somewhere in the
neighborhood of Cape Mendocino, and have been driven southward in sight
of the coast; for Vizcaino, in the voyage of discovery he undertook
in 1603, from Mexico to California, found the principal mountains and
capes, although no European had ever set his foot upon them, already
christened by the galleons, to which they had served as landmarks.
[35]

[Speedy return voyage.] The return voyage to the Philippines was an
easy one, and only occupied from forty to sixty days. [36] The galleon
left Acapulco in February or March, sailed southwards till it fell in
with the trade wind (generally in from 10° to 11° of north latitude),
which carried it easily to the Ladrone Islands, and thence reached
Manila by way of Samar. [37]

[Galleon's size and armament.] A galleon was usually of from twelve
hundred to fifteen hundred tons burden, and carried fifty or sixty
guns. The latter, however, were pretty generally banished to the
hold during the eastward voyage. When the ship's bows were turned
towards home, and there was no longer any press of space, the guns
were remounted.

[Capture of "Santa Anna".] San Augustin says of the Santa Anna, which
Thomas Candish captured and burnt in 1586 off the Californian coast:
"Our people sailed so carelessly that they used their guns for ballast;
.... the pirate's venture was such a fortunate one that he returned
to London with sails of Chinese damask and silken rigging." The cargo
was sold in Acapulco at a profit of 100 per cent., and was paid for
in silver, cochineal, quicksilver, etc. [Value of return freight]
The total value of the return freight amounted perhaps to between
two and three million dollars, [38] of which a quarter of a million,
at least, fell to the king.

[Gambling rather than commerce] The return of a galleon to Manila,
laden with silver dollars and new arrivals, was a great holiday
for the colony. A considerable portion of the riches they had won
as easily as at the gaming table, was soon spent by the crew; when
matters again returned to their usual lethargic state. It was no
unfrequent event, however, for vessels to be lost. They were too
often laden with a total disregard to seaworthiness, and wretchedly
handled. It was favor, not capacity, that determined the patronage
of these lucrative appointments. [39] Many galleons fell into the
hands of English and Dutch cruisers. [40] ["Philippine Company"
and smugglers cause change.] But these tremendous profits gradually
decreased as the Compañía obtained the right to import Indian
cottons, one of the principal articles of trade, into New Spain by
way of Vera Cruz, subject to a customs duty of 6 per cent; and when
English and American adventurers began to smuggle these and other
goods into the country. [41] [Spanish coins in circulation on China
coast.] Finally, it may be mentioned that Spanish dollars found their
way in the galleons to China and the further Indies, where they are
in circulation to this day.



CHAPTER III


[The walled city of Manila.] The city proper of Manila, inhabited by
Spaniards, Creoles, the Filipinos directly connected with them, and
Chinese, lies, surrounded by walls and wide ditches, on the left or
southern bank of the Pasig, looking towards the sea. [42] It is a hot,
dried-up place, full of monasteries, convents, barracks, and government
buildings. Safety, not appearance, was the object of its builders. It
reminds the beholder of a Spanish provincial town, and is, next to Goa,
the oldest city in the Indies. Foreigners reside on the northern bank
of the river; in Binondo, the headquarters of wholesale and retail
commerce, or in the pleasant suburban villages, which blend into
a considerable whole. [Population.] The total population of city
and suburbs has been estimated, perhaps with some exaggeration,
at 200,000. [Bridges.] A handsome old stone bridge of ten arches
serves as the communication between the two banks of the Pasig,
which, more recently, has also been spanned by an iron suspension
bridge. [43] Very little intercourse exists between the inhabitants
of Manila and Binondo. [Friction between classes.] Life in the city
proper cannot be very pleasant; pride, envy, place-hunting, and caste
hatred, are the order of the day; the Spaniards consider themselves
superior to the creoles, who, in their turn, reproach the former with
the taunt that they have only come to the colony to save themselves
from starvation. A similar hatred and envy exists between the whites
and the mestizos. This state of things is to be found in all Spanish
colonies, and is chiefly caused by the colonial policy of Madrid,
which always does its best to sow discord between the different races
and classes of its foreign possessions, under the idea that their
union would imperil the sway of the mother country. [44]

[Few large landowners.] In Manila, moreover, this state of things was
rendered worse by the fact that the planter class, whose large landed
possessions always give it a strong interest in the country of its
inhabitance, was entirely wanting. At the present day, however, the
increasing demand for the produce of the colony seems to be bringing
about a pleasant change in this respect. [Spaniards transient.] The
manner in which the Spanish population of the Islands was affected
by the gambling ventures of the galleons, at one time the only
source of commercial wealth, is thus described by Murillo Velarde
(page 272):--"The Spaniards who settle here look upon these Islands
as a tavern rather than a permanent home. If they marry, it is by the
merest chance; where can a family be found that has been settled here
for several generations? The father amasses wealth, the son spends it,
the grandson is a beggar. The largest capitals are not more stable than
the waves of the ocean, across the crests of which they were gathered."

[Discomforts and the high cost of living.] There is nothing like
the same amount of sociability amongst the foreigners in Binondo as
prevails in English and Dutch colonies; and scarcely any intercourse at
all with the Spaniards, who envy the strangers and almost seem to look
upon the gains the latter make in the country as so many robberies
committed upon themselves, its owners. Besides all this, living is
very expensive, much more so than in Singapore and Batavia. To many,
the mere cost of existence seems greatly out of proportion to their
official salaries. The (European style) houses, which are generally
spacious, are gloomy and ugly, and not well ventilated for such a
climate. Instead of light jalousies, they are fitted with heavy sash
windows, which admit the light through thin oyster shells, forming
small panes scarcely two square inches in area, and held together by
laths an inch thick. The ground floors of the houses are, on account
of the great damp, sensibly enough, generally uninhabited; and are
used as cellars, stables, and servant's offices.

[Native houses comfortable and unchanged.] The unassuming, but for
their purposes very practical houses, of boards, bamboos, and (nipa)
palm leaves, are supported on account of the damp on isolated beams
or props; and the space beneath, which is generally fenced in with
a railing, is used as a stable or a warehouse; such was the case
as early as the days of Magellan. These dwellings [45] are very
lightly put together. La Pérouse estimates the weight of some of them,
furniture and all, at something less than two hundred pounds. Nearly
all these houses, as well as the huts of the natives, are furnished
with an azotea, that is, an uncovered space, on the same level as the
dwelling, which takes the place of yard and balcony. The Spaniards
appear to have copied this useful contrivance from the Moors, but the
natives were acquainted with them before the arrival of the Europeans,
for Morga mentions similar batalanes.

[Neglected river and canals offensive.] In the suburbs nearly every
hut stands in its own garden. The river is often quite covered with
green scum; and dead cats and dogs surrounded with weeds, which look
like cabbage-lettuce, frequently adorn its waters. In the dry season,
the numerous canals of the suburbs are so many stagnant drains,
and at each ebb of the tide the ditches around the town exhibit a
similar spectacle.

[Dreary and unprogressive life.] Manila offers very few opportunities
for amusement. There was no Spanish theatre open during my stay there,
but Tagalog plays (translations) were sometimes represented. The town
possessed no club, and contained no readable books. Never once did
the least excitement enliven its feeble newspapers, for the items
of intelligence, forwarded fortnightly from Hongkong, were sifted by
priestly censors, who left little but the chronicles of the Spanish
and French courts to feed the barren columns of the local sheets. [46]
The pompously celebrated religious festivals were the only events
that sometimes chequered the wearisome monotony.

[Cock-fighting.] The chief amusement of the Filipinos is cock-fighting,
which is carried on with a passionate eagerness that must strike every
stranger. Nearly every man keeps a fighting cock. Many are never seen
out of doors without their favorite in their arms; they pay as much
as $50 and upwards for these pets, and heap the tenderest caresses
on them. The passion for cock-fighting can well be termed a national
vice; but the practice may have been introduced by the Spaniards, or
the Mexicans who accompanied them, as, in a like manner, the habit of
smoking opium among the Chinese, which has become a national curse,
was first introduced by the English. [Probably Malay Custom.] It is,
however, more probable that the Malays brought the custom into the
country. In the eastern portion of the Philippines, cock-fighting
was unknown in the days of Pigafetta. The first cock-fight he met
with was at Palawan. "They keep large cocks, which from a species of
superstition, they never eat, but keep for fighting purposes. Heavy
bets are made on the upshot of the contest, which are paid to the
owner of the winning bird." [47] The sight is one extremely repulsive
to Europeans. [The cockpit.] The ring around the cockpit is crowded
with men, perspiring at every pore, while their countenances bear
the imprint of the ugliest passions. Each bird is armed with a sharp
curved spur, three inches long capable of making deep wounds, and which
always causes the death of one or both birds by the serious injuries it
inflicts. If a cock shows symptoms of fear and declines the encounter,
it is plucked alive. Incredibly large sums, in proportion to the means
of the gamblers, are wagered on the result. [Its bad influence.] It
is very evident that these cock-fights must have a most demoralising
effect upon a people so addicted to idleness and dissipation, and so
accustomed to give way to the impulse of the moment. Their effect
is to make them little able to resist the temptation of procuring
money without working for it. The passion for the game leads many
to borrow at usury, to embezzlement, to theft, and even to  highway
robbery. The land and sea pirates, of whom I shall speak presently,
are principally composed of ruined gamesters. [48]

[Feminine attractiveness.] In the comeliness of the women who
lend animation to its streets Manila surpasses all other towns in
the Indian Archipelago. Mallat describes them in glowing colors. A
charming picture of Manila street life, full of local color, is given
in the very amusing Aventures d'un Gentilhomme Breton. [49]

[Mestizas.] How many of the prettiest Filipinas are of perfectly
unmixed blood, it is, I confess, difficult to decide. Many of them
are very fair and of quite an European type, and are thereby easily
distinguished from their sisters in the outlying provinces. The
immediate environs of Manila can boast many beautiful spots, but
they are not the resort of the local rank and fashion, the object
of whose daily promenade is the display of their toilettes, and not
the enjoyment of nature. In the hot season, all who can afford it
are driven every evening along the [The Luneta.] dusty streets to
a promenade on the beach, which was built a short time back, where
several times a week the band of a native regiment plays fairly good
music, and there walk formally up and down. All the Spaniards [The
Angelas.] are in uniform or in black frock coats. When the bells ring
out for evening prayer, carriages, horsemen, pedestrians, all suddenly
stand motionless; the men take off their hats, and everybody appears
momentarily absorbed in prayer.

[Botanical gardens.] The same governor who laid out the promenade
established a botanical garden. It is true that everything he planted
in it, exposed on a marshy soil to the full heat of a powerful sun,
soon faded away; but its ground was enclosed and laid out, and though
it was overgrown with weeds, it had at least received a name. At
present it is said to be in better condition. [50]

[Pretty girls in gay garments.] The religious festivals in the
neighborhood of Manila are well worth a visit, if only for the sake
of the numerous pretty Filipinas and mestizas in their best clothes
who make their appearance in the evening and promenade up and down
the streets, which are illuminated and profusely decked with flowers
and bright colors. They offer a charming spectacle, particularly
to a stranger lately arrived from Malaysia. The Filipinas are very
beautifully formed. They have luxuriant black hair, and large dark
eyes; the upper part of their bodies is clad in a homespun but often
costly material of transparent fineness and snow-white purity; and,
from their waist downwards, they are wrapped in a brightly-striped
cloth (saya), which falls in broad folds, and which, as far as the
knee, is so tightly compressed with a dark shawl (lapis), closely drawn
around the figure, that the rich variegated folds of the saya burst
out beneath it like the blossoms of a pomegranate. This swathing only
allows the young girls to take very short steps, and this timidity of
gait, in unison with their downcast eyes, gives them a very modest
appearance. On their naked feet they wear embroidered slippers of
such a small size that their little toes protrude for want of room,
and grasp the outside of the sandal. [51]

[Dress of the poorer women.] The poorer women clothe themselves in a
saya and in a so-called chemise, which is so extremely short that it
frequently does not even reach the first fold of the former. In the
more eastern islands grown-up girls and women wear, with the exception
of a Catholic amulet, nothing but these two garments, which are,
particularly after bathing, and before they get dried by the sun,
nearly transparent.

[Men's clothing.] A hat, trousers, and a shirt worn outside them,
both made of coarse Guinara cloth, compose the dress of the men of
the poorer classes. The shirts worn by the wealthy are often made
of an extremely expensive home-made material, woven from the fibers
of the pineapple or the banana. Some of them are ornamented with
silk stripes, some are plain. They are also frequently manufactured
entirely of jusi (Chinese floret silk), in which case they will not
stand washing, and can only be worn once. The hat (salacot), a round
piece of home-made plaiting, is used as both umbrella and sunshade,
and is often adorned with silver ornaments of considerable value. [The
"Principales".] The principalia class enjoy the special privilege
of wearing short jackets above their shirts, and are usually easily
recognizable by their amusing assumption of dignity, and by the faded
cylindrical hats, yellow with age, family heirlooms, constantly
worn. [The dandies.] The native dandies wear patent leather shoes
on their naked feet, tight-fitting trousers of some material striped
with black and white or with some other glaringly-contrasted colors,
a starched plaited shirt of European make, a chimney-pot silk hat,
and carry a cane in their hands. [The servants.] The servants waiting
at dinner in their white starched shirts and trousers are by no means
an agreeable spectacle, and I never realised the full ludicrousness
of European male costume till my eye fell upon its caricature,
exemplified in the person of a "Manila dandy."

[Mestiza costume.] The mestizas dress like the Filipinas, but do not
wear the tapis, and those of them who are married to Europeans are
generally clad in both shoes and stockings. Many of the mestizas are
extremely pretty, but their gait drags a little, from their habit of
wearing slippers. As a rule they are prudent, thrifty, and [Clever
business women.] clever business women, but their conversation is
often awkward and tedious. Their want of education is, however, not
the cause of this latter failing, for Andalusian women who never learn
anything but the elementary doctrines of Christianity, are among the
most charming creatures in the world, in their youth. [Ill at ease
in society.] Its cause lies rather in this equivocal position; they
are haughtily repelled by their white sisters, whilst they themselves
disown their mother's kin. They are wanting in the ease, in the tact,
that the women of Spain show in every relation of existence.

[Mestizos.] The mestizos, particularly those born of Chinese and Tagal
mothers, constitute the richest and the most enterprising portion of
the native population. They are well acquainted with all the good and
bad qualities of the Filipino inhabitants, and use them unscrupulously
for their own purposes.



CHAPTER IV


[Native distrust of Europeans.] A Scotch merchant to whom I brought
a letter of introduction invited me with such cordiality to come
and stay with him, that I found myself unable to refuse. While thus
living under the roof and protection of one of the wealthiest and most
respected men in the city, the cabmen I employed insisted on being
paid beforehand every time I rode in their vehicles. This distrust was
occasioned by the scanty feeling of respect most of the Europeans in
Manila inspired in the minds of the natives. Many later observations
confirmed this impression. What a different state of things exists
in Java and Singapore! The reason, however, is easily explained.

[Dutch and English stand well in their colonies.] The Dutch are as
little able as the English to acclimatize themselves in tropical
countries. They get all they can out of countries in which they are
only temporary sojourners, the former by forced service and monopoly,
the latter by commerce. In both cases, however, the end is accomplished
by comparatively few individuals, whose official position and the
largeness of whose undertakings place them far above the mass of the
population. In Java, moreover, the Europeans constitute the governing
classes, the natives the governed; and even in Singapore where both
races are equal before the law the few white men understand how to mark
the difference of race so distinctively that the natives without demur
surrender to them, though not by means of the law, the privileges of a
higher caste. The difference of religion does but widen the gap; and,
finally, every European there speaks the language of the country, while
the natives are totally ignorant of that spoken by the foreigners.

[Dutch colonials well educated.] The Dutch officials are educated at
home in schools specially devoted to the East Indian service. The art
of managing the natives, the upholding of prestige, which is considered
the secret of the Dutch power over the numerous native populations,
forms an essential particular in their education. The Dutch, therefore,
manage their intercourse with the natives, no matter how much they
intend to get out of them, in strict accordance with customary usage
(adat); they never wound the natives' amor propio and never expose
themselves in their own mutual intercourse, which remains a sealed
book to the inhabitants.

[Spanish officials undesirables.] Things are different in the
Philippines. With the exception of those officials whose stay is
limited by the rules of the service, or by the place-hunting that
ensues at every change in the Spanish ministry, few Spaniards who
have once settled in the colony ever return home. It is forbidden
to the priests, and most of the rest have no means of doing so. A
considerable portion of them consist of subaltern officers, soldiers,
sailors, political delinquents and refugees whom the mother-country
has got rid of; and not seldom of adventurers deficient both in means
and desire for the journey back, for their life in the colony is far
pleasanter than that they were forced to lead in Spain. These latter
arrive without the slightest knowledge of the country and without
being in the least prepared for a sojourn there. Many of them are so
lazy that they won't take the trouble to learn the language even if
they marry a daughter of the soil. Their servants understand Spanish,
and clandestinely watch the conversation and the actions, and become
acquainted with all the secrets, of their indiscreet masters, to
whom the Filipinos remain an enigma which their conceit prevents them
attempting to decipher.

[Spanish lack of prestige deserved.] It is easy to understand how
Filipino respect for Europeans must be diminished by the numbers of
these uneducated, improvident, and extravagant Spaniards, who, no
matter what may have been their position at home, are all determined
to play the master in the colony. [Social Standing of Filipinos thus
enhanced.] The relative standing of the Filipinos naturally profits
by all this and it would be difficult to find a colony in which
the natives, taken all in all, feel more comfortable than in the
Philippines. They have adopted the religion, the manners, and the
customs of their rulers; and though legally not on an equal footing
with the latter, they are by no means separated from them by the
high barriers with which, not to mention Java, the churlish reserve
of the English has surrounded the natives of the other colonies.

[Spanish-Filipino bonds of union.] The same religion, a similar form
of worship, an existence intermixed with that of the indigenous
population, all tend to bring the Europeans and the Indians
together. That they have done so is proved by the existence of the
proportionately very numerous band of mestizos who inhabit the Islands.

[Latin races better for colonists in the tropics.] The Spaniards
and the Portuguese appear, in fact, to be the only Europeans who
take root in tropical countries. They are capable of permanent and
fruitful amalgamation [52] with the natives. [53]

[Initiative and individuality missing.] The want of originality, which
among the mestizos, appears to arise from their equivocal position,
is also to be found among the natives. Distinctly marked national
customs, which one would naturally expect to find in such an isolated
part of the world, are sought for in vain, and again and again the
stranger remarks that everything has been learned and is only a veneer.

[A compromise civilization.] As Spain forcibly expelled the
civilization of the Moors, and in Peru that of the Incas, so in the
Philippines it has understood how to set aside an equally well-founded
one, by appropriating in an incredible manner, in order to take root
itself the more quickly, all existing forms and abuses. [54]

[Imitation instilled and self-respect banished.] The uncivilized
inhabitants of the Philippines quickly adopted the rites, forms,
and ceremonies of the strange religion, and, at the same time, copied
the personal externalities of their new masters, learning to despise
their own manners and customs as heathenish and barbarian. Nowadays,
forsooth, they sing Andalusian songs, and dance Spanish dances; but
in what sort of way? They imitate everything that passes before their
eyes without using their intelligence to appreciate it. It is this
which makes both themselves and their artistic productions wearisome,
devoid of character, and, I may add, unnatural, in spite of the skill
and patience they devote to them. These two peculiarities, moreover,
are invariably to be found amongst nations whose civilization is but
little developed; the patience so much admired is often nothing but
waste of time and breath, quite out of proportion to the end in view,
and the skill is the mere consequence of the backward state of the
division of labor.

[Educated Filipino unnatural.] If I entered the house of a well-to-do
Filipino, who spoke Spanish, I was received with the same phrases his
model, a Spaniard, would employ; but I always had the feeling that it
was out of place. In countries where the native population remains
true to its ancient customs this is not the case; and whenever I
have not been received with proper respect, I have remarked that the
apparent fact proceeded from a difference in social forms, not more
to be wondered at than a difference in weights and measures. In Java,
and particularly in Borneo and the Moluccas, the utensils in daily use
are ornamented with so refined a feeling for form and color, that they
are praised by our artists as patterns of ornamentation and afford
a proof that the labor is one of love, and that it is presided over
by an acute intelligence. [Native art-sense spoiled.] Such a sense
of beauty is seldom to be met with in the Philippines. Everything
there is imitation or careless makeshift. Even the piña embroideries,
which are fabricated with such wonderful patience and skill, and
are so celebrated for the fineness of the work, are, as a rule,
spiritless imitations of Spanish patterns. One is involuntarily
led to these conclusions by a comparison of the art products of the
Spanish-American communities with those of more barbarous races. The
Berlin Ethnographical Museum contains many proofs of the facts I have
just mentioned.

[Indolence from absence of incentive.] The oars used in the
Philippines are usually made of bamboo poles, with a board tied to
their extremities with strips of rattan. If they happen to break, so
much the better; for the fatiguing labor of rowing must necessarily
be suspended till they are mended again.

[Carelessness from lack of responsibility.] In Java the carabao-carts,
which are completely covered in as a protection against the rain,
are ornamented with many tasteful patterns. The roofless wagons used
in the Philippines are roughly put together at the last moment. When
it is necessary to protect their contents from the wet, an old pair
of mats is thrown over them, more for the purpose of appeasing the
prejudices of the "Castilians" than really to keep off the rain.

[Weakened character and want of dignity.] The English and the Dutch are
always looked upon as strangers in the tropics; their influence never
touches the ancient native customs which culminate in the religion of
the country. But the populations whom the Spaniards have converted to
their religion have lost all originality, all sense of nationality;
yet the alien religion has never really penetrated into their inmost
being, they never feel it to be a source of moral support, and it is
no accidental coincidence that they are all more or less stamped with
a want of dignity....

[Spanish rule not benevolent, but beneficial.] With the exception of
this want of national individuality, and the loss of the distinguishing
manners and customs which constitute the chief charm of most eastern
peoples, the Filipino is an interesting study of a type of mankind
existing in the easiest natural conditions. The arbitrary rule of
their chiefs, and the iron shackles of slavery, were abolished by the
Spaniards shortly after their arrival; and peace and security reigned
in the place of war and rapine. The Spanish rule in these Islands was
always a mild one, not because the laws, which treated the natives
like children, were wonderfully gentle, but because the causes did
not exist which caused such scandalous cruelties in Spanish America
and in the colonies of other nations.

[Circumstances have favored the Filipinos.] It was fortunate for
the Filipinos that their islands possessed no wealth in the shape of
precious metals or valuable spices. In the earlier days of maritime
traffic there was little possibility of exporting the numerous
agricultural productions of the colony; and it was scarcely worth
while, therefore, to make the most of the land. The few Spaniards
who resided in the colony found such an easy method of making money
in the commerce with China and Mexico, by means of the galleons,
that they held themselves aloof from all economical enterprises,
which had little attraction for their haughty inclinations, and
would have imposed the severest labor on the Filipinos. Taking into
consideration the wearisome and dangerous navigation of the time,
it was, moreover, impossible for the Spaniards, upon whom their too
large possessions in America already imposed an exhausting man-tax,
to maintain a strong armed force in the Philippines. The subjection,
which had been inaugurated by a dazzling military exploit, was chiefly
accomplished by the assistance of the friar orders, whose missionaries
were taught to employ extreme prudence and patience. The Philippines
were thus principally won by a peaceful conquest.

[Have fared better than the Mexicans.] The taxes laid upon the peoples
were so trifling that they did not suffice for the administration
of the colony. The difference was covered by yearly contributions
from Mexico. The extortions of unconscientious officials were by no
means conspicuous by their absence. Cruelties, however, such as were
practised in the American mining districts, or in the manufactures
of Quito, never occurred in the Philippines.

[A land of opportunity.] Uncultivated land was free, and was at
the service of any one willing to make it productive; if, however,
it remained untilled for two years, it reverted to the crown. [55]

[Low taxes.] The only tax which the Filipinos pay is the poll-tax,
known as the tributo, which originally, three hundred years ago,
amounted to one dollar for every pair of adults, and in a country
where all marry early, and the sexes are equally divided, really
constituted a family-tax. By degrees the tribute has been raised to
two and one-sixteenth dollars. An adult, therefore, male or female,
pays one and one-thirty-second dollar, and that from his sixteenth to
his sixtieth year. Besides this, every man has to give forty days'
labor every year to the State. This vassalage (polos y servicios)
is divided into ordinary and extraordinary services: the first
consists of the duties appertaining to a watchman or messenger, in
cleaning the courts of justice, and in other light labors; the second
in road-making, and similar heavier kinds of work, for the benefit
of villages and provinces. The little use, however, that is made of
these services, is shown by the fact that any one can obtain a release
from them for a sum which at most is not more than three dollars. No
personal service is required of women. A little further on, important
details about the tax from official sources, which were placed at my
disposal in the colonial office, appear in a short special chapter.

[Fortunate factors.] In other countries, with an equally mild climate,
and an equally fertile soil, the natives, unless they had reached a
higher degree of civilization than that of the Philippine Islanders,
would have been ground down by native princes, or ruthlessly plundered
and destroyed by foreigners. In these isolated Islands, so richly
endowed by nature, where pressure from above, impulse from within,
and every stimulus from the outside are wanting, the satisfaction
of a few trifling wants is sufficient for an existence with ample
comfort. Of all countries in the world, the Philippines have the
greatest claim to be considered a lotos-eating Utopia. The traveller,
whose knowledge of the dolce far niente is derived from Naples,
has no real appreciation of it; it only blossoms under the shade of
palm-trees. These notes of travel will contain plenty of examples to
support this. One trip across the Pasig gives a foretaste of life
in the interior of the country. Low wooden cabins and bamboo huts,
surmounted with green foliage and blossoming flowers, are picturesquely
grouped with areca palms, and tall, feather-headed bamboos, upon its
banks. Sometimes the enclosures run down into the stream itself, some
of them being duck-grounds, and others bathing-places. The shore is
fringed with canoes, nets, rafts, and fishing apparatus. Heavily-laden
boats float down the stream, and small canoes ply from bank to bank
between the groups of bathers. The most lively traffic is to be seen
in the tiendas, large sheds, corresponding to the Javanese harongs,
which open upon the river, the great channel for traffic.

[River resorts.] They are a source of great attraction to the
passing sailors, who resort to them for eating, drinking, and other
convivialities; and while away the time there in gambling, betel
chewing, and smoking, with idle companions of both sexes.

[Sleeping pilots.] At times somebody may be seen floating down
the stream asleep on a heap of coconuts. If the nuts run ashore,
the sleeper rouses himself, pushes off with a long bamboo, and
contentedly relapses into slumber, as his eccentric raft regains
the current of the river. One cut of his bolo-knife easily detaches
sufficient of the husk of the nuts to allow of their being fastened
together; in this way a kind of wreath is formed which encircles and
holds together the loose nuts piled up in the middle.

[Labor-saving conditions.] The arduous labors of many centuries
have left as their legacy a perfect system of transport; but in
these Islands man can obtain many of his requirements direct with
proportionately trifling labor, and a large amount of comfort for
himself.

[Easy food.] Off the Island of Talim, in the great Lagoon of Bay, my
boatmen bought for a few cuartos several dozens of fish quite twelve
inches long; and those which they couldn't eat were split open, salted,
and dried by a few hours' exposure to the heat of the sun on the roof
of the boat. When the fishermen had parted with their contemplated
breakfast, they stooped down and filled their cooking-vessels with
sand-mussels (paludina costata, 2.a G.), first throwing away the
dead ones from the handfuls they picked up from the bottom of the
shallow water.

[River's importance.] Nearly all the dwellings are built by the water's
edge. The river is a natural self-maintaining highway, on which loads
can be carried to the foot of the mountains. The huts of the people,
built upon piles, are to be seen thickly scattered about its banks,
and particularly about its broad mouths. The appropriateness of
their position is evident, for the stream is at once the very
center of activity and the most convenient spot for the pursuit
of their callings. At each tide the takes of fish are more or less
plentiful, and at low-water the women and children may be seen picking
up shell-fish with their toes, for practice has enabled them to use
their toes as deftly as their fingers, or gathering in the sand-crabs
and eatable seaweed.

[Riverside gaiety.]  The riverside is a pretty sight when men, women,
and children are bathing and frolicking in the shade of the palm-trees;
and others are filling their water-vessels, large bamboos, which they
carry on their shoulders, or jars, which they bear on their heads;
and when the boys are standing upright on the broad backs of the
carabaos and riding triumphantly into the water.

[Coco-palms.] It is here too that the coco-palm most flourishes, a tree
that supplies not only their food and drink, but also every material
necessary for the construction of huts and the manufacture of the
various articles which they use. While the greatest care is necessary
to make those growing further inland bear even a little fruit, the
palm-trees close to the shore, even when planted on wretched soil,
grow plentiful crops without the slightest trouble. Has a palm-tree
ever been made to blossom in a hothouse? Thomson [56] mentions that
coco-trees growing by the sea-side are wont to incline their stems over
the ocean, the waters of which bear their fruit to desert shores and
islands, and render them habitable for mankind. Thus the coco-tree
would seem to play an essential part in the ocean vagabondage of
Malaysia and Polynesia.

[Nipa-palms.] Close to the coco-trees grow clumps of the stunted
nipa-palms, which only flourish in brackish waters; [57] their
leaves furnish the best roof-thatching. Sugar, brandy, and vinegar
are manufactured from their sap. Three hundred and fifty years ago
Pigafetta found these manufactures in full swing, but nowadays
they seem to be limited to the Philippines. Besides these, the
pandanus-tree, from the leaves of which the softest mats are woven,
is always found in near proximity to the shore.

[Fertile fields.] Towards the interior the landscape is covered with
rice-fields, which yearly receive a fresh layer of fertile soil,
washed down from the mountains by the river, and spread over their
surface by the overflowing of its waters; and which in consequence
never require any fertilizer. [The carabao.] The carabao, the favorite
domestic animal of the Malays, and which they keep especially for
agricultural purposes, prefers these regions to all others. It loves
to wallow in the mud, and is not fit for work unless permitted to
frequent the water.

[Bamboo.] Bamboos with luxuriant leafy tops grow plentifully by the
huts in the rice-fields which fringe the banks of the river. In my
former sketches of travel I have endeavored to describe how much
this gigantic plant contributes to the comfort and convenience of
tropical life. Since then I have become acquainted with many curious
purposes to which it is turned, but to describe them here would be
out of place.  [58] I may be allowed, however, to briefly cite a
few examples showing what numerous results are obtained from simple
means. Nature has endowed these splendid plants, which perhaps surpass
all others in beauty, with so many useful qualities, and delivered
them into the hands of mankind so ready for immediate use, that a
few sharp cuts suffice to convert them into all kinds of various
utensils. [Strength.] The bamboo possesses, in proportion to its
lightness, an extraordinary strength; the result of its round shape,
and the regularity of the joints in its stem. The parallel position and
toughness of its fibers render it easy to split, and, when split, its
pieces are of extraordinary pliability and elasticity. To the gravelly
soil on which it grows it owes its durability, and its firm, even,
and always clean surface, the brilliancy and color of which improve by
use. [Convenience.] And finally, it is a great thing for a population
with such limited means of conveyance that the bamboo is to be found
in such abundance in all kinds of localities and of all dimensions,
from a few millimeters to ten or fifteen centimeters in diameter,
even sometimes to twice this amount; and that, on account of its
unsurpassed floating power, it is pre-eminently fitted for locomotion
in a country poor in roads but rich in watercourses. A blow with a bolo
is generally enough to cut down a strong stem. [Usefulness.] If the
thin joints are taken away, hollow stems of different thicknesses can
be slid into one another like the parts of a telescope. From bamboos
split in half, gutters, troughs, and roofing tiles can be made. Split
into several slats, which can be again divided into small strips and
fibers for the manufacture of baskets, ropes, mats, and fine plaiting
work, they can be made into frames and stands. Two cuts in the same
place make a round hole through which a stem of corresponding diameter
can be firmly introduced. If a similar opening is made in a second
upright, the horizontal stem can be run through both. Gates, closing
perpendicularly or horizontally in frames moving without friction on
a perpendicular or horizontal axis, can be made in this way.

Two deep cuts give an angular shape to the stem; and when its two sides
are wide enough apart to admit of a cross-stem being placed between
them, they can be employed as roof-ridges or for the framework of
tables and chairs; a quantity of flat split pieces of bamboo being
fastened on top of them with chair-cane. These split pieces then
form the seats of the chairs and the tops of the tables, instead of
the boards and large bamboo laths used at other times. It is equally
easy to make an oblong opening in a large bamboo in which to fit the
laths of a stand.

A couple of cuts are almost enough to make a fork, a pair of tongs
or a hook.

If one makes a hole as big as the end of one's finger in a large
bamboo close under a joint, one obtains by fastening a small piece of
cloth to the open end, a syphon or a filter. If a piece of bamboo is
split down to the joint in strips, and the strips be bound together
with others horizontally interlaced, it makes a conical basket. If
the strips are cut shorter, it makes a peddler's pack basket. If
a long handle is added, and it is filled with tar, it can be used
as a signal torch. If shallower baskets of the same dimensions,
but with their bottoms cut off or punched out, are placed inside
these conical ones, the two together make capital snare baskets for
crabs and fish. If a bamboo stem be cut off just below the joint,
and its lower edge be split up into a cogged rim, it makes, when the
partition of the joint is punched out, an earth-auger, a fountain-pipe,
and many things of the kind.

 * * * * *

[Pleasures of travel.] Strangers travelling in the interior have
daily fresh opportunities of enjoying the hospitality of nature. The
atmosphere is so equitably warm that one would gladly dispense with
all clothing except a sun-hat and a pair of light shoes. Should one
be tempted to pass the night in the open air, the construction of a
hut from the leaves of the palm and the fern is the work of a few
minutes; [Village rest houses.] but in even the smallest village
the traveller finds a "common house" (casa real), in which he can
take up his quarters and be supplied with the necessaries of life
at the market price. There too he will always meet with semaneros
(those who perform menial duties) ready to serve him as messengers
or porters for the most trifling remuneration. But long practice
has taught me that their services principally consist in doing
nothing. On one occasion I wanted to send a man who was playing
cards and drinking tuba (fresh or weakly-fermented palm-sap) with his
companions, on an errand. [Pleasant prison life.] Without stopping his
game the fellow excused himself on the ground of being a prisoner,
and one of his guardians proceeded in the midst of the intense heat
to carry my troublesome message. Prisoners have certainly little
cause to grumble. [Frequent floggings little regarded.] The only
inconvenience to which they are exposed are the floggings which the
local authorities very liberally dispense by the dozens for the most
trifling offences. Except the momentary bodily pain, however, these
appear in most cases to make little impression on a people who have
been accustomed to corporal punishment from their youth upwards. Their
acquaintances stand round the sufferers, while the blows are being
inflicted, and mockingly ask them how it tastes.

[Change from Malayan character.] A long residence amongst the earnest,
quiet, and dignified Malays, who are most anxious for their honor,
while most submissive to their superiors, makes the contrast in
character exhibited by the natives of the Philippines, who yet belong
to the Malay race, all the more striking. The change in their nature
appears to be a natural consequence of the Spanish rule, for the same
characteristics may be observed in the natives of Spanish America. The
class distinctions and the despotic oppression prevalent under their
former chiefs doubtless rendered the Filipinos of the past more like
the Malays of today.


CHAPTER V


[The familiar field for travellers.] The environs of Manila, the Pasig,
and the Lagoon of Bay, which are visited by every fresh arrival in the
colony, have been so often described that I have restricted myself
to a few short notes upon these parts of the country, and intend to
relate in detail only my excursions into the south-eastern provinces
of Luzon, Camarines, and Albay, and the islands which lie to the east
of them, Samar and Leyte. Before doing this, however, it will not be
out of place to glance at the map and give some slight description
of their geographical conditions.

[Archipelago's great extent.] The Philippine Archipelago lies between
Borneo and Formosa, and separates the northern Pacific Ocean from the
China Sea. It covers fourteen and one-half degrees of latitude, and
extends from the Sulu Islands in the south, in the fifth parallel of
north latitude, to the Babuyans in the north in latitude 19° 30'. If,
however, the Bashee or Batanes Islands be included, its area may be
said to extend to the twenty-first parallel of north latitude. But
neither southwards or northwards does Spanish rule extend to these
extreme limits, nor, in fact, does it always reach the far interior
of the larger islands. From the eastern to the western extremity of
the Philippines the distance is about nine degrees of longitude. Two
islands, Luzon, with an area of two thousand, and Mindanao, with one of
more than one thousand five hundred square miles, are together larger
than all the rest. The seven next largest islands are Palawan, Samar,
Panay, Mindoro, Leyte, Negros, and Cebu; of which the first measures
about two hundred and fifty, and the last about one hundred square
miles. Then come Bohol and Masbate, each about half the size of Cebu;
twenty smaller islands, still of some importance; and numerous tiny
islets, rocks, and reefs.

[Favored by position and conditions.] The Philippines are extremely
favored by their position and conditions. Their extension from
north to south, over 16° of latitude, obtains for them a variety of
climate which the Dutch Indies, whose largest diameter, their extent
in latitude north and south of the equator being but trifling, runs
from the east to the west, by no means enjoy. The advantages accruing
from their neighborhood to the equator are added to those acquired
from the natural variety of their climate; and the produce of both the
torrid and temperate zones, the palm-tree and the fir, the pine-apple,
the corn ear and the potato, flourish side by side upon their shores.

[Harbors and water highways.] The larger islands contain vast inland
seas, considerable navigable rivers, and many creeks running far
into the interior; they are rich, too, in safe harbors and countless
natural ports of refuge for ships in distress. Another attribute
which, though not to be realized by a glance at the map, is yet one
of the most fortunate the Islands possess, is the countless number
of small streams which pour down from the inland hills, and open out,
ere they reach the ocean, into broad estuaries; up these watercourses
coasting vessels of shallow draught can sail to the very foot of the
mountains and take in their cargo. [Soil and sea alike productive.] The
fertility of the soil is unsurpassed; both the sea around the coasts
and the inland lakes swarm with fish and shell-fish, while in the whole
archipelago there is scarcely a wild beast to be found. It seems that
only two civets happen to appear: Miro (paradoxurus philippinensis
Tem.) and galong (viverra tangalunga Gray). Luzon surpasses all the
other islands, not only in size, but in importance; and its fertility
and other natural superiority well entitle it to be called, as it is
by Crawfurd, "the most beautiful spot in the tropics."

[Luzon.] The mainland of the isle of Luzon stretches itself in a
compact long quadrangle, twenty-five miles broad, from 18° 40' north
latitude to the Bay of Manila (14° 30'); and then projects, amid
large lakes and deep creeks, a rugged promontory to the east, joined
to the main continent by but two narrow isthmuses which stretch east
and west of the large inland Lagoon of Bay. Many traces of recent
upheavals betoken that the two portions were once separated and
formed two distinct islands. The large eastern promontory, well-nigh
as long as the northern portion, is nearly cut in half by two deep
bays, which, starting from opposite points on the south-eastern
and north-western coasts, almost merge their waters in the center
of the peninsula; the Bay of Ragay, and the Bay of Sogod. In fact,
the southern portion of Luzon may be better described as two small
peninsulas lying next to one another in parallel positions, and joined
together by a narrow neck of land scarcely three miles broad. Two small
streams which rise nearly in the same spot and pour themselves into
the two opposite gulfs, make the separation almost complete, and form
at the same time the boundary between the province of Tayabas on the
west, and that of Camarines on the east. The western portion, indeed,
consists almost entirely of the first-named district, and the eastern
is divided into the provinces of North Camarines, South Camarines,
and Albay. The first of these three is divided from Tayabas by the
boundary already mentioned, and from South Camarines by a line drawn
from the southern shore of the Bay of San Miguel on the north to the
opposite coast. The eastern extremity of the peninsula forms the
province of Albay; separated from South Camarines by a line which
runs from Donzol, on the south coast, northwards across the volcano
of Mayon, and which then, inclining to the west, reaches the northern
shore. A look at the map will make these explanations clearer.

[The monsoons.] There are two seasons in the Philippines, the wet and
the dry. The south-west monsoon brings the rainy season, at the time of
our summer, to the provinces which lie exposed to the south and west
winds. On the northern and eastern coasts the heaviest downpours take
place (in our winter months) during the north-eastern monsoons. The
ruggedness of the country and its numerous mountains cause, in
certain districts, many variations in these normal meteorological
conditions. The dry season lasts in Manila from November till June
(duration of the north-east monsoon); rain prevails during the
remaining months (duration of the south-west monsoon). The heaviest
rainfall occurs in September; March and April are frequently free from
rain. From October to February inclusively the weather is cool and dry
(prevalence of N.W., N., and N.E. winds); March, April, and May are
warm and dry (prevalence of E.N.E., E., and E.S.E. winds); and from
June till the end of September it is humid and moderately warm.

There has been an observatory for many years past in Manila under
the management of the Jesuits. The following is an epitome of the
yearly meteorological report for 1867, for which I am indebted to
Professor Dove:

Barometrical readings.--The average height of the mercury was, in 1867,
755.5; in 1865, 754.57; and in 1866, 753.37 millimeters.

In 1867 the difference between the highest and lowest barometrical
readings was not more than 13.96 millimetres, and would have been
much less if the mercury had not been much depressed by storms in July
and September. The hourly variations amounted to very few millimeters.

Daily reading of the barometer.--The mercury rises in the early morning
till about 9 a.m., it then falls up to 3 or 4 p.m., from then it rises
again till 9 p.m., and then again falls till towards day-break. Both
the principal atmospheric currents prevalent in Manila exercise
a great influence over the mercury in the barometer; the northern
current causes it to rise (to an average height of 756 millimeters),
the southern causes it to fall (to about 753 millimeters).

Temperature.--The heat increases from January till the end of May,
and then decreases till December. Average yearly temperature, 27.9°
C. The highest temperature ever recorded (on the 15th of April at 3
p.m.) was 37.7° C.; the lowest (on the 14th of December and on the
30th of January at 6 a.m.), 19.4° C. Difference, 18.3° C. [59]

Thermometrical variations.--The differences between the highest
and lowest readings of the thermometer were, in January, 13.9°;
in February, 14.2°; in March, 15°; in April, 14.6°; in May, 11.1°;
in June, 9.9°; in July, 9°; in August, 9°; in September, 10°; in
October, 11.9°; in November, 11.8°; and in December, 11.7°.

Coolest months.--November, December and January, with northerly winds.

Hottest months.--April and May. Their high temperature is caused by
the change of monsoon from the north-east to the south-west. The
state of the temperature is most normal from June to September;
the variations are least marked during this period owing to the
uninterrupted rainfall and the clouded atmosphere.

Daily variations of the thermometer.--The coolest portion of the day
is from 6 to 7 a.m.; the heat gradually increases, reaches its maximum
about 2 or 3 p.m., and then again gradually decreases. During some
hours of the night the temperature remains unchanged, but towards
morning it falls rapidly.

[Winds.] The direction of the wind is very regular at all seasons
of the year, even when local causes make it vary a little. In the
course of a twelvemonth the wind goes around the whole compass. In
January and February north winds prevail; in March and April they blow
from the south-east; and in May, June, July, August, and September,
from the south-west. In the beginning of October they vary between
south-east and south-west, and settle down towards the close of the
month in the north-east, in which quarter they remain tolerably fixed
during the two following months. The two changes of monsoon always
take place in April and May, and in October. As a rule, the direction
of both monsoons preserves its equilibrium; but in Manila, which is
protected towards the north by a high range of hills, the north-east
monsoon is often diverted to the south-east and north-west. The same
cause gives greater force to the south-west wind.

[Sunshine and rain.] The sky is generally partially clouded; entirely
sunny days are of rare occurrence, in fact, they only occur from
January to April during the north-east monsoons. Number of rainy days
in the year, 168. The most continuous and heaviest rain falls from
June till the end of October. During this period the rain comes down
in torrents; in September alone the rainfall amounted to 1.5 meters,
nearly as much as falls in Berlin in the course of the whole year,
3,072.8 millimeters of rain fell in the twelve month; but this is
rather more than the average.

The evaporation only amounted to 2,307.3 millimeters; in ordinary
years it is generally about equal to the downfall, taking the early
averages, not those of single months.

The average daily evaporation was about 6.3 millimeters.

[Storms.] The changes of monsoons are often accompanied with tremendous
storms; during one of these, which occurred in September, the velocity
of the wind was as much as thirty-seven or thirty-eight meters per
second. An official report of the English vice-consul mentions a
typhoon which visited the Islands on September 27, 1865, and which
did much damage at Manila, driving seventeen vessels ashore.

 * * * * *

[Provinces and districts.] The Philippines are divided into provinces
(P), and districts (D), each of which is administered by an alcalde of
the 1st (A1), 2nd (A2), or 3rd class (A3) (de termino, de ascenso, de
entrada); by a political and military governor (G), or by a commandant
(C). In some provinces an alcalde of the 3rd class is appointed as
coadjutor to the governor. These divisions are frequently changed.

[Population.] The population is estimated approximately at about
five millions.

[Language and dialects.] In spite of the long possessions of the
Islands by the Spaniards their language has scarcely acquired any
footing there. A great diversity of languages and dialects prevails;
amongst them the Bisayan, Tagalog, Ilocano, Bicol, Pangasinan, and
Pampangan are the most important.

[Luzon Provinces and their languages and populations.]

Island of Luzon

Rank of     Rank of     Name            Prevailing  Population  Pueblos
Official    District                    Dialect

G.          P.          Abra            Ilocano         34,337        5
A1.         P.          Albay           Bicol          330,121       34
A2.         P.          Bataan          Tagalog,
                                        Pampangan       44,794       10
A1.         P.          Batangas        Tagalog        280,100
            D.          Benguet         Igorot,
                                        Ilocano,
                                        Pangasinan       8,465
            D.          Bontoc          Suflin,
                                        Ilocano,
                                        Igorot           7,052
A1.         P.          Bulacan         Tagalog        240,341       23
A1.         P.          Cagayan         Ibanag,
                                        Itanes,
                                        Idayan,
                                        Gaddan,
                                        Ilocano,
                                        Dadaya,
                                        Apayao,
                                        Malaneg         64,437       16
A2.         P.          Camarines Norte Tagalog,
                                        Bicol           25,372        7
A2(?)       P.          Camarines Sur   Bicol           81,047       31
A3.         P.          Cavite          Spanish,
                                        Tagalog        109,501       17
A1.         P.          Ilocos Norte    Ilocano,
                                        Tinguian       134,767       12
A1.         P.          Ilocos Sur      Ilocano        105,251       18
C.          D.          Infanta         Tagalog          7,813        2
G.          P.          Isabela         Ibanag,
                                        Gaddan,
                                        Tagalog         29,200        9
A1.         P.          Laguna          Tagalog,
                                        Spanish        121,251       25
            D.          Lepanto         Igorot,
                                        Ilocano          8,851       48
3A1.        P.          Manila          Tagalog,
                                        Spanish,
                                        Chinese        323,683       23
C.          D.          Morong          Tagalog         44,239       12
A2.         P.          Nueva Ecija     Tagalog,
                                        Pangasinan,
                                        Pampangan,
                                        Ilocano         84,520       12
A3.         P.          Nueva Vizcaya   Gaddan,
                                        Ifugao,
                                        Ibilao,
                                        Ilongote        32,961        8
A1.         P.          Pampanga        Pampangan,
                                        Ilocano        193,423       24
A1.         P.          Pangasinan      Pangasinan,
                                        Ilocano        253,472       25
            D.          Porac           Pampangan        6,950        1
C.          D.          Principe        Tagalog,
                                        Ilocano,
                                        Ilongote         3,609        3
            D.          Saltan          Gaddan           6,540
A2.         P.          Tayabas         Tagalog,
                                        Bicol           93,918       17
            D.          Tiagan          Different
                                        Igorot
                                        dialects         5,723
G.          P.          Union           Ilocano         88,024       11
A2.         P.          Zambales        Zambal,
                                        Ilocano,
                                        Acta,
                                        Pampangan,
                                        Tagalog,
                                        Pangasinan      72,936       16


[Bisayas.]

Islands between Luzon and Mindanao

G a3.       P.          Antique (Panay) Bisayan         88,874       13
G a3.       P.          Bohol           Bisayan        187,327       26
            C.          Burias          Bicol            1,786        1
G a3.       P.          Capiz (Panay)   Bisayan        206,288       26
G a2.       P.          Cebu            Bisayan        318,715       44
G a3.       P.          Iloilo (Panay)  Bisayan        565,500       35
G a3.       P.          Leyte           Bisayan        170,591       28
            D.          Masbate, Ticao  Bisayan         12,457        9
A2.         P.          Mindoro         Tagalog         23,050       10
G a3.       P.          Negros          Cebuan,
                                        Panayan,
                                        Bisayan        144,923       31
            D.          Romblon         Bisayan         21,579        4
G a3.       P.          Samar           Bisayan        146,539       28


[Mindanao.]

Mindanao
            D.          Cotabato        Spanish,
                                        Manobo           1,103        1
G a3.       D.          Misamis (J)     Bisayan         63,639       14
G a3.       D.          Surigao (J)                     24,104       12
            D.          Zamboanga (J)   Mandaya,
                                        Spanish          9,608        2
G a3.       D.          Davao           Bisayan          1,537


[Outlying Islands.]

Distant Islands

G a3.       P.          Batanes         Ibanag           8,381        6
G a3.       P.          Calamianes      Coyuvo,
                                        Agutaino Calamiano 17,703     5
G.          P.          Marianas        Chamorro, Carolino 5,940      6


[Unreliability of government reports.] The statistics of the above
table are taken from a small work, by Sr. [Vicente] Barrantes,
the Secretary-General of the Philippines; but I have arranged
them differently to render them more easily intelligible to the
eye. Although Sr. Barrantes had the best official materials at his
disposal, too much value must not be attributed to his figures,
for the sources from which he drew them are tainted with errors
to an extent that can hardly be realized in Europe. For example,
he derives the following contradictory statements from his official
sources:--The population of Cavite is set down as 115,300 and 65,225;
that of Mindoro as 45,630, and 23,054; that of Manila as 230,443,
and 323,683; and that of Capiz as 788,947, and 191,818.



CHAPTER VI


[To Bulacan by steamer.]  My first excursion was to the province of
Bulacan, on the northern shore of the Bay of Manila. A couple of
hours brought the steamer to the bar of Binuanga (not Bincanga as
it is called in Coello's map), and a third to Bulacan, the capital
of the province, situated on the flat banks of an influent of the
Pampanga delta. I was the only European passenger, the others were
composed of Tagalogs, mestizos, and a few Chinese; the first more
particularly were represented by women, who are generally charged with
the management of all business affairs, for which they are much better
fitted than the men. As a consequence, there are usually more women
than men seen in the streets, and it appears to be an admitted fact
that the female births are more numerous than the male. According,
however, to the church-record which I looked through, the reverse was,
at any rate in the eastern provinces, formerly the case.

[Carromatas.]  At the landing-place a number of carromatas were waiting
for us,--brightly painted, shallow, two-wheeled boxes, provided with
an awning, and harnessed to a couple of horses, in which strangers
with money to spend are quickly driven anywhere they may desire.

[Town of Bulacan.]  The town of Bulacan contains from 11,000 to 12,000
inhabitants; but a month before my arrival, the whole of it, with the
exception of the church and a few stone houses, had been burnt to the
ground. All were therefore occupied in building themselves new houses,
which, oddly enough, but very practically, were commenced at the roof,
like houses in a drawing. Long rows of roofs composed of palm-leaves
and bamboos were laid in readiness on the ground, and in the meantime
were used as tents.

[Frequence of fires.]  Similar destructive fires are very common. The
houses, which with few exceptions are built of bamboo and wood, become
perfectly parched in the hot season, dried into so much touchwood by
the heat of the sun. Their inhabitants are extremely careless about
fire, and there are no means whatever of extinguishing it. If anything
catches fire on a windy day, the entire village, as a rule, is utterly
done for. During my stay in Bulacan, the whole suburb of San Miguel,
in the neighborhood of Manila, was burnt down, with the exception of
the house of a Swiss friend of mine, which owed its safety to the
vigorous use of a private fire-engine, and the intermediation of a
small garden full of bananas, whose stems full of sap stopped the
progress of the flames.

[To Calumpit by carriage.]  I travelled to Calumpit, a distance of
three leagues, in the handsome carriage of an hospitable friend. The
roads were good, and were continuously shaded by fruit-trees, coco and
areca palms. The aspect of this fruitful province reminded me of the
richest districts of Java; but the pueblos here exhibited more comfort
than the desas there. The houses were more substantial; numerous roomy
constructions of wood, in many cases, even, of stone, denoted in every
island the residence of official and local magnates. But while even
the poorer Javanese always give their wicker huts a smart appearance,
border the roads of their villages with blooming hedges, and display
everywhere a sense of neatness and cleanliness, there were here far
fewer evidences of taste to be met with. I missed too the alun-alun,
that pretty and carefully tended open square, which, shaded by waringa
trees, is to be met with in every village in Java. And the quantity
and variety of the fruit trees, under whose leaves the desas of Java
are almost hidden, were by no means as great in this province, although
it is the garden of the Philippines, as in its Dutch prototype.

[Calumpit.]  I reached Calumpit towards evening, just as a procession,
resplendent with flags and torches, and melodious with song, was
marching round the stately church, whose worthy priest, on the strength
of a letter of introduction from Madrid, gave me a most hospitable
reception. Calumpit, a prosperous place of 12,250 inhabitants, is
situated at the junction of the Quingua and Pampanga rivers, in an
extremely fruitful plain, fertilized by the frequent overflowing of
the two streams.

[Mt. Arayat.]  About six leagues to the north-west of Calumpit,
Mount Arayat, a lofty, isolated, conical hill, lifts its head. Seen
from Calumpit, its western slope meets the horizon at an angle of 20°,
its eastern at one of 25°; and the profile of its summit has a gentle
inclination of from 4° to 5°.

[Picking fish.]  At Calumpit I saw some Chinese catching fish in a
peculiar fashion. Across the lower end of the bed of a brook which
was nearly dried up, and in which there were only a few rivulets
left running, they had fastened a hurdle of bamboo, and thrown up a
shallow dam behind it. The water which collected was thrown over the
dam with a long-handled winnowing shovel. The shovel was tied to a
bamboo frame work ten feet high, the elasticity of which made the
work much easier. As soon as the pool was emptied, the fisherman
was easily able to pick out of the mud a quantity of small fish
(Ophiocephalus vagus). These fishes, which are provided with peculiar
organisms to facilitate respiration, at any rate, enabling them to
remain for some considerable time on dry land, are in the wet season
so numerous in the ditches, ponds, and rice-fields, that they can
be killed with a stick. When the water sinks they also retire, or,
according to Professor Semper, bore deeply into the ooze at the bottom
of the watercourses, where, protected by a hard crust of earth from
the persecutions of mankind, they sleep away the winter. This Chinese
method of fishing seems well adapted to the habits of the fish. The
circumstances that the dam is only constructed at the lower end of
the watercourse, and that it is there that the fish are to be met
with in the greatest numbers, seem to indicate that they can travel
in the ooze, and that as the brooks and ditches get dried up, they
seek the larger water channels.

[To Baliwag.]  Following the Quingua in its upward and eastward
course as it meandered through a well-cultivated and luxuriantly
fertile country, past stone-built churches and chapels which grouped
themselves with the surrounding palm-trees and bamboo-bushes into
sylvan vignettes, Father Llano's four-horsed carriage brought me to
the important town of Baliwag, the industry of which is celebrated
beyond the limits of the province.

[Board houses and their furniture.]  I visited several families and
received a friendly reception from all of them. The houses were built
of boards and were placed upon piles elevated five feet above the
ground. Each consisted of a spacious dwelling apartment which opened on
one side into the kitchen, and on the other on to an open space, the
azotea; a lofty roof of palm-trees spread itself above the dwelling,
the entrance to which was through the azotea. The latter was half
covered by the roof I have just mentioned. The floor was composed
of slats an inch in width, laid half that distance apart. Chairs,
tables, benches, a cupboard, a few small ornaments, a mirror, and some
lithographs in frames, composed the furniture of the interior. The
cleanliness of the house and the arrangement of its contents testified
to the existence of order and prosperity.

[Tapis weaving.]  I found the women in almost all the houses occupied
in weaving tapis, which have a great reputation in the Manila
market. They are narrow, thickly-woven silk scarves, six varas in
length, with oblique white stripes on a dark-brown ground. They are
worn above the sarong.

[Petaca cigar cases.]  Baliwag is also especially famous for its
petaca [60]cigar-cases, which surpass all others in delicacy of
workmanship. They are not made of straw, but of fine strips of Spanish
cane, and particularly from the lower ends of the leaf-stalks of the
calamusart, which is said to grow only in the province of Nueva Ecija.

[Preparation of material.]  A bundle of a hundred selected stalks,
a couple of feet long, costs about six reals. When these stalks have
been split lengthways into four or five pieces, the inner wood is
removed, till nothing but the outer part remains. The thin strips
thus obtained are drawn by the hand between a convex block and a
knife fixed in a sloping position, and between a couple of steel
blades which nearly meet.

[Costly weaving.]  It is a task requiring much patience and
practice. In the first operation, as a rule, quite one-half of the
stems are broken, and in the second more than half, so that scarcely
twenty per cent of the stalks survive the final process. In very fine
matting the proportionate loss is still greater. The plaiting is done
on wooden cylinders. A case of average workmanship, which costs two
dollars on the spot, can be manufactured in six days' uninterrupted
labor. Cigar-cases of exceptionally intricate workmanship, made to
order for a connoisseur, frequently cost upwards of fifty dollars.

[Volcanic stone quarries.]  Following the Quingua from Baliwag up its
stream, we passed several quarries, where we saw the thickly-packed
strata of volcanic stone which is used as a building material. The
banks of the river are thickly studded with prickly bamboos from
ten to twelve feet high. The water overflows in the rainy season,
and floods the plain for a great distance. Hence the many shells of
large freshwater mussels which are to be seen lying on the earth which
covers the volcanic deposit. The country begins to get hilly in the
neighborhood of Tobog, a small place with no church of its own, and
dependent for its services upon the priest of the next parish. The
gentle slopes of the hills are, as in Java, cut into terraces and
used for the cultivation of rice. Except at Lucban I have never
observed similar sawas anywhere else in the Philippines. Several small
sugar-fields, which, however, the people do not as yet understand
how to manage properly, show that the rudiments of agricultural
prosperity are already in existence. The roads are partly covered
with awnings, beneath which benches are placed affording repose to
the weary traveller. I never saw these out of this province. One
might fancy oneself in one of the most fertile and thickly-populated
districts of Java.

[A convento and the parish priest.] I passed the night in a convento,
as the dwelling of the parish priest is called in the Philippines. It
was extremely dirty, and the priest, an Augustinian, was full of
proselytish ardor. I had to undergo a long geographical examination
about the difference between Prussia and Russia; was asked whether
the great city of Nuremberg was the capital of the grand-duchy or of
the empire of Russia; learnt that the English were on the point of
returning to the bosom of the Catholic Church, and that the "others"
would soon follow, and was, in short, in spite of the particular
recommendation of Father Llanos, very badly received. Some little time
afterwards I fell into the hands of two young Capuchins, who tried to
convert me, but who, with the exception of this little impertinence,
treated me capitally. They gave me pâtés de foie gras boiled in water,
which I quickly recognized by the truffles swimming about in the
grease. To punish them for their importunity I refrained from telling
my hosts the right way to cook the pâtés, which I had the pleasure of
afterwards eating in the forest, as I easily persuaded them to sell
me the tins they had left. These are the only two occasions on which
I was subjected to this kind of annoyance during my eighteen months'
residence in the Philippines.

[Arrangements for travellers.] The traveller who is provided
with a passport is, however, by no means obliged to rely upon
priestly hospitality, as he needs must do in many isolated parts of
Europe. Every village, every hamlet, has its commonhouse, called casa
real or tribunal, in which he can take up his quarters and be supplied
with provisions at the market price, a circumstance that I was not
acquainted with on the occasion of my first trip. The traveller is
therefore in this respect perfectly independent, at least in theory,
though in practice he will often scarcely be able to avoid putting
up at the conventos in the more isolated parts of the country. In
these the priest, perhaps the only white man for miles around, is
with difficulty persuaded to miss the opportunity of housing such
a rare guest, to whom he is only too anxious to give up the best
bedroom in his dwelling, and to offer everything that his kitchen
and cellar can afford. Everything is placed before the guest in such
a spirit of sincere and undisguised friendliness, that he feels no
obligation, but on the contrary easily persuades himself that he is
doing his host a favor by prolonging his stay. Upon one occasion,
when I had determined, in spite of an invitation from the padre,
to occupy the casa real, just as I was beginning to instal myself,
the priest appeared upon the scene with the municipal officials and a
band of music which was in the neighborhood pending the preparations
for a religious festival. He made them lift me up, chair and all,
and with music and general rejoicing carried me off to his own house.

[Kupang iron-foundry.] On the following day I paid a visit to Kupang,
an iron-foundry lying to the N.N.E of Angat, escorted by two armed
men, whose services I was pressed to accept, as the district had a bad
reputation for robberies. After travelling three or four miles in a
northerly direction, we crossed the Banauon, at that time a mere brook
meandering through shingle, but in the rainy season an impetuous stream
more than a hundred feet broad; and in a couple of hours we reached the
iron-works, an immense shed lying in the middle of the forest, with
a couple of wings at each end, in which the manager, an Englishman,
who had been wrecked some years before in Samar, lived with his wife,
a pretty mestiza. If I laid down my handkerchief, my pencil, or any
other object, the wife immediately locked them up to protect them from
the kleptomania of her servants. These poor people, whose enterprise
was not a very successful one, had to lead a wretched life. Two years
before my visit a band of twenty-seven robbers burst into the place,
sacked the house, and threw its mistress, who was alone with her
maid at the time, out of the window. She fortunately alighted without
receiving any serious hurt, but the maid, whom terror caused to jump
out of the window also, died of the injuries she received. The robbers,
who turned out to be miners and residents in Angat, were easily caught,
and, when I was there, had already spent a couple of years in prison
awaiting their trial.

[A negrito family.] I met a negrito family here who had friendly
relations with the people in the iron-works, and were in the habit
of exchanging the produce of the forest with them for provisions. The
father of this family accompanied me on a hunting expedition. He was
armed with a bow and a couple of arrows. The arrows had spear-shaped
iron points a couple of inches long; one of them had been dipped
into arrow-poison, a mixture that looked like black tar. The women
had guitars (tabaua) similar to those used by the Mintras in the
Malay peninsula. They were made of pieces of bamboo a foot long,
to which strings of split chair-cane were fastened. [61]

[Unwelcome hospitality.] Upon my return, to avoid spending the night
at the wretched convento where I had left my servant with my luggage,
I took the advice of my friends at the iron-works and started late,
in order to arrive at the priest's after ten o'clock at night; for
I knew that the padre shut up his house at ten, and that I could
therefore sleep, without offending him, beneath the roof of a wealthy
mestizo, an acquaintance of theirs. About half-past ten I reached
the latter's house, and sat down to table with the merry women of
the family, who were just having their supper. Suddenly my friend the
parson made his appearance from an inner room, where with a couple of
Augustinian friars, he had been playing cards with the master of the
house. He immediately began to compliment me upon my good fortune,
"for had you been but one minute later," said he, "you certainly
wouldn't have got into the convento."


CHAPTER VII


[The Lagoon of Bay.] My second trip took me up the Pasig to the great
Lagoon of Bay. I left Manila at night in a banca, a boat hollowed out
of a tree-trunk, with a vaulted roof made of bamboo and so low that it
was almost impossible to sit upright under it, which posture, indeed,
the banca-builder appeared to have neglected to consider. A bamboo
hurdle placed at the bottom of the boat protects the traveller from
the water and serves him as a couch. Jurien de la Gravière [62]
compares the banca to a cigar-box, in which the traveller is so
tightly packed that he would have little chance of saving his life
if it happened to upset. The crew was composed of four rowers and
a helmsman; their daily pay was five reals apiece, in all nearly
seven pesos, high wages for such lazy fellows in comparison with
the price of provisions, for the rice that a hard-working man ate in
a day seldom cost more than seven centavos (in the provinces often
scarcely six), and the rest of his food (fish and vegetables), only
one centavo. We passed several villages and tiendas on the banks in
which food was exposed for sale. My crew, after trying to interrupt
the journey under all sorts of pretences, left the boat as we came to
a village, saying that they were going to fetch some sails; but they
forgot to return. At last, with the assistance of the night watchman
I succeeded in hauling them out of some of their friends' houses,
where they had concealed themselves. After running aground several
times upon the sandbanks, we entered the land and hill-locked Lagoon
of Bay, and reached Jalajala early in the morning.

[The Pasig.] The Pasig forms a natural canal, about six leagues long,
between the Bay of Manila and the Lagoon of Bay, a fresh water lake,
thirty-five leagues in circumference, that washes the shores of three
fertile provinces, Manila, Laguna and Cavite. Formerly large vessels
full of cargo used to be able to sail right up to the borders of the
lake; now they are prevented by sandbanks. Even flat-bottomed boats
frequently run aground on the Napindan and Taguig banks. [63] Were
the banks removed, and the stone bridge joining Manila to Binondo
replaced by a swing bridge, or a canal made round it, the coasting
vessels would be able to ship the produce of the lagoon provinces
at the very foot of the fields in which they grow. The traffic would
be very profitable, the waters would shrink, and the shallows along
the shore might be turned into rice and sugar fields. A scheme of
this kind was approved more than thirty years ago in Madrid, but it
was never carried into execution. The sanding up of the river has,
on the contrary, been increased by a quantity of fish reels, the
erection of which has been favored by the Colonial Waterways Board
because it reaped a small tax from them.

[A famous plantation.] Jalajala, an estate which occupies the eastern
of the two peninsulas which run southward into the lake, is one of
the first places visited by strangers. It owes this preference to
its beautiful position and nearness to Manila, and to the fantastic
description of it by a former owner, De la Gironnière. The soil
of the peninsula is volcanic; its range of hills is very rugged,
and the watercourses bring down annually a quantity of soil from the
mountains, which increases the deposits at their base. The shore-line,
overgrown with grass and prickly sensitive-plants quite eight feet
high, makes capital pasture for carabaos. Behind it broad fields of
rice and sugar extend themselves up to the base of the hills. Towards
the north the estate is bounded by the thickly-wooded Sembrano,
the highest mountain in the peninsula; on the remaining sides it
is surrounded with water. With the exception of the flat shore, the
whole place is hilly and overgrown with grass and clumps of trees,
capital pasture for its numerous herds--a thousand carabaos, one
thousand five hundred to two thousand bullocks, and from six to seven
hundred nearly wild horses. As we were descending one of the hills,
we were suddenly surrounded by half-a-dozen armed men, who took us
for cattle-thieves, but who, to their disappointment, were obliged
to forego their expected chance of a reward.

[Los Baños hot springs.] Beyond Jalajala, on the south coast of
the Lagoon of Bay, lies the hamlet of Los Baños, so called from a
hot spring at the foot of the Makiling volcano. Even prior to the
arrival of the Spaniards, the natives used its waters as a remedy,
[64] but they are now very little patronized. The shore of the lake is
at this point, and indeed all round its circumference, so flat that it
is impossible to land with dry feet from the shallowest canoe. It is
quite covered with sand mussels. North-west of Los Baños there lies
a small volcanic lake fringed with thick woods, called Dagatan (the
enchanted lagoon of travellers), to distinguish it from Dagât, as the
Tagals call the great Lagoon of Bay. I saw nothing of the crocodiles
which are supposed to infest it, but we flushed several flocks of wild
fowl, disturbed by our invasion of their solitude. From Los Baños I had
intended to go to Lupang Puti (white earth), where, judging from the
samples shown me, there is a deposit of fine white silicious earth,
which is purified in Manila and used as paint. I did not reach the
place, as the guide whom I had with difficulty obtained, pretended,
after a couple of miles, to be dead beat. From the inquiries I made,
however, I apprehend that it is a kind of solfatara. Several deposits
of it appear to exist at the foot of the Makiling. [65]

[Talim island.] On my return I paid a visit to the Island of
Talim, which, with the exception of a clearing occupied by a few
miserable huts, is uninhabited and thickly overgrown with forest and
undergrowth. In the center of the Island is the Susong-Dalaga (maiden's
bosom), a dolerite hill with a beautifully formed crest. Upon the
shore, on a bare rock, I found four eggs containing fully developed
young crocodiles. When I broke the shells the little reptiles made off.

[M. de la Gironnière.] Although the south-west monsoons generally occur
later in Jalajala than in Manila, it was already raining so hard that
I decided to go to Calauan, on the southern shore of the lake, which
is protected by Mount Makiling, and does not experience the effect of
the rainy monsoons till later in the season. I met M. de la Gironnière
in Calauan, the "gentilhomme Breton" who is so well known for telling
the most terrible adventures. He had lately returned from Europe to
establish a large sugar manufactory. His enterprise, however, was a
failure. The house of the lively old gentleman, whose eccentricity
had led him to adopt the dress and the frugal habits of the natives,
was neither clean or well kept, although he had a couple of friends
to assist him in the business, a Scotchman, and a young Frenchman
who had lived in the most refined Parisian society.

[Llanura de Imuc.] There were several small lakes and a few empty
volcanic basins on the estate. To the south-west, not very far
from the house, and to the left of the road leading to San Pablo,
lies the Llanura de Imuc, a valley of dolerite more than a hundred
feet deep. Large blocks of basalt enable one to climb down into the
valley, the bottom of which is covered with dense growths. The center
of the basin is occupied by a neglected coffee plantation laid out
by a former proprietor. The density of the vegetation prevented my
taking more precise observations. There is another shallower volcanic
crater to the north of it. Its soil was marshy and covered with cane
and grass, but even in the rainy season it does not collect sufficient
water to turn it into a lake. It might, therefore, be easily drained
and cultivated. To the south-west of this basin, and to the right
of the road to San Pablo, lies the [Tigui-mere.] Tigui-mere. From a
plain of whitish-grey soil, covered with concentric shells as large
as a nut, rises a circular embankment with gently-sloping sides,
intersected only by a small cleft which serves as an entrance, and
which shows, on its edges denuded of vegetation, the loose rapilli of
which the embankment is formed. The sides of this natural amphitheatre
tower more than a hundred feet above its flat base. A path runs east
and west right through the center. The northern half is studded with
cocopalm trees and cultivated plants; the southern portion is full of
water nearly covered with green weeds and slime. The ground consists
of black rapilli.

[Leaf imprints in lava.]  From the Tigui-mere I returned to the
hacienda a bank formed of volcanic lava two feet in thickness
and covered with indistinct impressions of leaves. Their state of
preservation did not allow me to distinguish their species, but they
certainly belonged to some tropical genus, and are, according to
Professor A. Braun, of the same kind as those now growing there.

There are two more small lakes half a league to the south-east. The
road leading to them is composed of volcanic remains which cover the
soil, and large blocks of lava lie in the bed of the stream.

[Maycap Lake.]  The first of the two, the Maycap Lake, is entirely
embanked with the exception of a small opening fitted with sluices
to supply water to a canal; and from its northern side, which alone
admits of an open view, the southern peak of San Cristobal may
be seen, about 73° to the north-east. Its banks, which are about
eighty feet high, rise with a gentle slope in a westerly direction,
till they join Mount Maiba, a hill about 500 feet high. The soil,
like that of the embankments of the other volcanic lakes, consists
of rapilli and lava, and is thickly wooded.

[Lake Palakpakan.]  Close by is another lake, Palakpakan, of nearly
the same circumference, and formed in a similar manner (of black
sand and rapilli). Its banks are from thirty to one hundred feet
high. From its north-western edge San Cristobal lifts its head 70° to
the northeast. Its waters are easily reached, and are much frequented
by fishermen.

[Palm brandy.]  About nine o'clock, a.m., I rode from Calauan to Pila,
and thence in a northeasterly direction to Santa Cruz, over even,
broad, and well-kept roads, through a palm-grove a mile long and a
mile and a half broad, which extends down to the very edge of the
lagoons. The products of these palm trees generally are not used
for the production of oil but for the manufacture of brandy. Their
fruit is not allowed to come to maturity; but the buds are slit open,
and the sweet sap is collected  as it drips from them. It is then
allowed to ferment, and subjected to distillation. [66] As the sap
is collected twice a day, and as the blossoms, situated at the top
of the tree, are forty or fifty feet above the ground, bamboos are
fastened horizontally, one above the other, from one tree to another,
to facilitate the necessary ascent and descent. The sap collector
stands on the lower cross-piece while he holds on to the upper.

[Bought by government.] The sale of palm-brandy was at the time of my
visit the monopoly of the government, which retailed it in the Estanco
(government sale rooms) with cigars, stamped paper, and religious
indulgences. The manufacture was carried on by private individuals;
but the whole of the brandy was of necessity disposed of to the
administration, which, however, paid such a high price for it that
the contractors made large profits.

[Profit in manufacture.] I afterwards met a Spaniard in Camarines who,
according to his own account, must have made considerable and easy
gains from these contracts. He had bought palm-trees at an average
price of five reals apiece (they usually cost more, though they can
be sometimes purchased for two reals). Thirty-five palms will furnish
daily at least thirty-six quarts of tuba (sugar-containing sap), from
which, after fermentation and distillation, six quarts of brandy of
the prescribed strength can be manufactured. One man is sufficient to
attend to them, and receives for his trouble half the proceeds. The
administration pays six cuartos for a quart of brandy. My friend the
contractor was in annual receipt, therefore, from every thirty-five
of his trees, of 360 × 1/2 × 5 cuartos = $40.50. As the thirty-five
trees only cost him $21.875, his invested capital brought him in
about 200 per cent.

[Wine and liquor monopoly a failure.]  The proceeds of this monopoly
(wines and liquors) were rated at $1,622,810 in the colonial budget for
1861; but its collection was so difficult, and so disproportionately
expensive, that it nearly swallowed up the whole profit. It caused
espionage, robberies of all sorts, embezzlement, and bribery on a
large scale. The retail of the brandy by officials, who are paid by a
percentage on the consumption, did a good deal to injure the popular
respect for the government. Moreover, the imposition of this improper
tax on the most important industry of the country not only crippled
the free trade in palms, but also the manufacture of raw sugar;
for the government, to favor their own monopoly, had forbidden the
sugar manufacturers to make rum from their molasses, which became
in consequence so valueless that in Manila they gave it to their
horses. The complaints of the manufacturers at last stirred up the
administration to allow the manufacture of rum; but the palm-brandy
monopoly remained intact. The Filipinos now drank nothing but rum,
so that at last, in self-defence, the government entirely abandoned
the monopoly (January, 1864). Since that, the rum manufacturers pay
taxes according to the amount of their sale, but not upon the amount
of their raw produce. In order to cover the deficit occasioned by
the abandonment of the brandy monopoly, the government has made a
small increase in the poll-tax. The practice of drinking brandy has
naturally much increased; it is, however, a very old habit. [67] With
this exception, the measure has had the most favorable consequences.

[Santa Cruz.]  Santa Cruz is a lively, prosperous place (in 1865 it
contained 11,385 inhabitants), through the center of which runs a
river. As the day on which we passed through it was Sunday, the stream
was full of bathers, amongst them several women, their luxuriant hair
covered with broad-brimmed hats to shade them from the sun. From the
ford the road takes a sharp turn and inclines first to the east and
then to the south-east, till it reaches Magdalena, between which and
Majaijai the country becomes hilly. Just outside the latter, a viaduct
takes the road across a deep ravine full of magnificent ferns, which
remind the traveller of the height--more than 600 feet--above the sea
level to which he has attained. The spacious convento at Majaijai,
built by the Jesuits, is celebrated for its splendid situation. The
Lagoon of Bay is seen to extend far to the north-east; in the distance
the Peninsula of Jalajala and the Island of Talim, from which rises
the Susong-Dalaga volcano, terminate the vista. From the convento to
the lake stretches an endless grove of coco-trees, while towards the
south the slope of the distant high ground grows suddenly steeper,
and forms an abruptly precipitous conical hill, intersected by deep
ravines. This is the Banajao or Majaijai volcano, and beside it Mount
San Cristobal rears its bell-shaped summit.

[Scenery along Lucban-Maubon road.] As everybody was occupied with
the preparations for an ensuing religious festival, I betook myself,
through Lucban on the eastern shore, to Mauban, situated amidst
deep ravines and masses of lava at the foot of Mount Majaijai. The
vegetation was of indescribable beauty, and the miserable road
was enlivened with cheerful knots of pedestrians hastening to the
festival. [68]

[Lucban.] I reached Lucban in three hours; it is a prosperous place
of 13,000 inhabitants, to the north-east of Majaijai. A year after my
visit it burnt to the ground. The agricultural produce of the district
is not very important, owing to the mountainous nature of the country;
but considerable industrial activity prevails there. The inhabitants
weave fine straw hats from the fibre of the leaf of the buri palm-tree
(corypha sp.), manufacture pandanus mats, and carry on a profitable
trade at Mauban with the placer miners of North Camarines. The entire
breadth of the road is covered with cement, and along its center flows,
in an open channel, a sparkling rivulet.

[Java-like rice fields.] The road from Lucban to Mauban, which is
situated on the bay of Lamon, opposite to the Island of Alabat, winds
along the narrow watercourse of the Mapon river, through deep ravines
with perpendicular cliffs of clay. I observed several terrace-formed
rice-fields similar to those so prevalent in Java, an infrequent
sight in the Philippines. Presently the path led us into the very
thick of the forest. Nearly all the trees were covered with aroides
and creeping ferns; amongst them I noticed the angiopteris, pandanus,
and several large specimens of the fan palm.

[Mapon river.]  Three leagues from Lucban the river flows under a rock
supported on prismatically shaped pillars, and then runs through a
bed of round pebbles, composed of volcanic stone and white lime, as
hard as marble, in which impressions of shell-fish and coral can be
traced. Further up the river the volcanic rubble disappears, and the
containing strata then consist of the marble-like pebbles cemented
together with calcareous spar. These strata alternate with banks of
clay and coarse-grained soil, which contain scanty and badly preserved
imprints of leaves and mussel-fish. Amongst them, however, I observed
a flattened but still recognizable specimen of the fossil melania. The
river-bed must be quite five hundred feet above the level of the sea.

[Bamboo raft ferry.] About a league beyond Mauban, as it was getting
dusk, we crossed the river, then tolerably broad, on a wretched leaking
bamboo raft, which sank at least six inches beneath the water under
the weight of our horses, and ran helplessly aground in the mud on
the opposite side.

[Visitors to festival.] The tribunal or common-house was crowded with
people who had come to attend the festival which was to take place
on the following day. The cabezas wore, in token of their dignity,
a short jacket above their shirts. A quantity of brightly decorated
tables laden with fruit and pastry stood against the walls, and in
the middle of the principal room a dining-table was laid out for
forty persons.

[Hospitality of tribunal.] A European who travels without a
servant--mine had run away with some wages I had rashly paid
him in advance--is put down as a beggar, and I was overwhelmed
with impertinent questions on the subject, which, however, I left
unanswered. As I hadn't had the supper I stood considerably in need of,
I took the liberty of taking a few savory morsels from the meatpot,
which I ate in the midst of a little knot of wondering spectators;
I then laid myself down to sleep on the bench beside the table, to
which a second set of diners were already sitting down. When I awoke
on the following morning there were already so many people stirring
that I had no opportunity of performing my toilet. I therefore betook
myself in my dirty travelling dress to the residence of a Spaniard who
had settled in the pueblo, and who received me in the most hospitable
manner as soon as the description in my passport satisfied him that
I was worthy of a confidence not inspired by my appearance.

[Trade in molaze.] My friendly host carried on no trifling
business. Two English ships were at that moment in the harbor, which
he was about to send to China laden with molave, a species of wood
akin to teak.

[Butucan waterfall.] On my return I visited the fine waterfall of
Butucan, between Mauban and Lucban, a little apart from the high
road. A powerful stream flows between two high banks of rocky
soil thickly covered with vegetation, and, leaping from a ledge
of volcanic rock suddenly plunges into a ravine, said to be three
hundred and sixty feet in depth, along the bottom of which it is
hurried away. The channel, however, is so narrow, and the vegetation
so dense, that an observer looking at it from above can not follow
its course. This waterfall has a great similarity to that which falls
from the Semeru in Java. Here, as there, a volcanic stream flowing over
vast rocky deposits forms a horizontal watercourse, which in its turn
is overshadowed with immense masses of rock. The water easily forces
its way between these till it reaches the solid lava, when it leaves
its high, narrow, and thickly-wooded banks, and plunges into the deep
chasm it has itself worn away. The pouring rain unfortunately prevented
me from sketching this fine fall. It was raining when I reached the
convento of Majaijai, and it was still raining when I left it three
days later, nor was there any hope of improvement in the weather for
another month to come. "The wet season lasts for eight or nine months
in Majaijai, and during the whole period scarcely a day passes without
the rain falling in torrents."--Estado geograph.

[Majaijai.] To ascend the volcano was under such circumstances
impracticable. According to some notes written by the Majaijai
priest, an ascent and survey of Mount Banajao was made on the 22nd
of April, 1858, by Senors Roldan and Montero, two able Spanish naval
officers, specially charged with the revision of the marine chart
of the archipelago. From its summit they took observations of Manila
cathedral, of Mayon, another volcano in Albay, and of the Island of
Polillo. They estimated the altitude of Banajao to be seven thousand
and twenty Spanish feet, and the depth of its crater to be seven
hundred. The crater formerly contained a lake, but the last eruption
made a chasm in its southern side through which the water flowed
away. [69]

[Calauan.] I reached Calauan in the pouring rain, wading through the
soft spongy clay upon wretched, half-starved ponies, and found I must
put off my water journey to Manila till the following day, as there
was no boat on the lake at this point. The next morning there were no
horses to be found; and it was not till the afternoon that I procured
a cart and a couple of carabaos to take me to Santa Cruz, whence in the
evening the market-vessel started for Manila. One carabao was harnessed
in front; the other was fastened behind the cart in order that I might
have a change of animals when the first became tired. Carabao number
one wouldn't draw, and number two acted as a drag--rather useless
apparatus on a level road--so I changed them. As soon as number two
felt the load it laid down. A few blows persuaded it to pick itself up,
when it deliberately walked to the nearest pool and dropped into it. It
was with the greatest trouble that we unharnessed the cart and pushed
it back on to the road, while our two considerate beasts took a mud
bath. At last we reloaded the baggage, the carabaos were reharnessed in
the original positions, and the driver, leaning his whole weight upon
the nose-rope of the leading beast, pulled with might and main. To my
great delight the animal condescended to slowly advance with the cart
and its contents. [Pila.] At Pila I managed to get a better team, with
which late in the evening, in the midst of a pouring rain, I reached
a little hamlet opposite Santa Cruz. The market-vessel had left; our
attempts to get a boat to take us across to the village only led to
barefaced attempts at extortion, so I entered one of the largest of the
hamlet's houses, which was occupied by a widow and her daughter. After
some delay my request for a night's lodging was granted. I sent for
some oil, to give me a little light, and something to eat. The women
brought in some of their relations, who helped to prepare the food
and stopped in the house to protect its owners. The next morning
I crossed the river, teeming with joyous bathers, to Santa Cruz,
and hired a boat there to take me across the lake to Pasig, and from
thence to Manila. A contrary wind, however, forced us to land on the
promontory of Jalajala, and there wait for the calm that accompanies
the dawn. [Earthquake evidences.] Betwixt the extreme southern point
of the land and the houses I saw, in several places, banks of mussels
projecting at least fifteen feet above the surface of the water,
similar to those which are so frequently found on the sea-coast;--a
proof that earthquakes have taken place in this neighborhood.



CHAPTER VIII


[To Albay by schooner.] Towards the end of August I started from
Manila for Albay in a schooner which had brought a cargo of hemp and
was returning in ballast. It was fine when we set sail; but on the
following day the signs of a coming storm increased so rapidly that
the captain resolved to return and seek protection in the small but
secure harbor of Mariveles, a creek on the southern shore of Bataan,
the province forming the western boundary of Manila bay. We reached
it about two o'clock in the night after cruising about for fourteen
hours before the entrance; and we were obliged to remain here at anchor
for a fortnight, as it rained and stormed continuously for that period.

[Mariveles.] The weather obliged me to limit my excursions to the
immediate neighborhood of Mariveles. Unfortunately it was not till the
close of our stay that I learnt that there was a colony of negritos in
the mountains; and it was not till just before my departure that I got
a chance of seeing and sketching a couple of them, male and female. The
inhabitants of Mariveles have not a very good reputation. The place
is only visited by ships which run in there in bad weather, when
their idle crews spend the time in drinking and gambling. Some of
the young girls were of striking beauty and of quite a light color;
often being in reality of mixed race, though they passed as of pure
Tagal blood. This is a circumstance I have observed in many seaports,
and in the neighborhood of Manila; but, in the districts which are
almost entirely unvisited by the Spaniards, the natives are much
darker and of purer race.

[Storm-bound shipping.] The number of ships which were seeking
protection from the weather in this port amounted to ten, of which
three were schooners. Every morning regularly a small pontin [70]
used to attempt to set sail; but it scarcely got a look at the
open sea before it returned, when it was saluted with the jeers and
laughter of the others. It was hunger that made them so bold. The
crew, who had taken some of their own produce to Manila, had spent
the proceeds of their venture, and had started on their return voyage
scantily provided with provisions, with the hope and intention of soon
reaching their home, which they could have done with any favorable
wind. Such cases frequently occur. A few natives unite to charter
a small vessel, and load it with the produce of their own fields,
which they set off to sell in Manila.

[The straits.] The straits between the Islands resemble beautiful
wide rivers with charming spots upon the banks inhabited by small
colonies; and the sailors generally find the weather gets squally
towards evening, and anchor till the morning breaks.

[Filipino hospitality.] The hospitable coast supplies them with fish,
crabs, plenty of mussels, and frequently unprotected coconuts. If it
is inhabited, so much the better. Filipino hospitality is ample, and
much more comprehensive than that practised in Europe. The crews are
accommodated in the different huts. After a repast shared in common,
and washed down by copious draughts of palm-wine, mats are streched
on the floor; the lamps--large shells, fitted with rush wicks--are
extinguished, and the occupants of the hut fall asleep together. Once,
as I was sailing into the bay of Manila after a five day's cruise, we
overtook a craft which had sailed from the same port as we had with a
cargo of coconut oil for Manila, and which had spent six months upon
its trip. It is by no means uncommon for a crew which makes a long
stay in the capital to squander the whole proceeds of their cargo,
if they have not done it before reaching town.

[Coasting Luzon.] At last one evening, when the storm had quite passed
away, we sailed out of Mariveles. A small, volcanic, pillar-shaped
rock, bearing a striking resemblance to the Island of the Cyclops,
off the coast of Sicily, lies in front of the harbor--like there, a
sharp pyramid and a small, flat island. We sailed along the coast of
Cavite till we reached Point Santiago, the southwestern extremity of
Luzon, and then turned to the east, through the fine straits that lie
between Luzon to the north and the Bisayan islands to the south. As
the sun rose, a beautiful spectacle presented itself. To the north
was the peak of the Taal volcano, towering above the flat plains of
Batangas; and to the south the thickly-wooded, but rock-bound coast
of Mindoro, the iron line of which was broken by the harbor of Porto
Galera, protected from the fury of the waves by a small islet lying
immediately before it. The waters around us were thickly studded with
vessels which had taken refuge from the storm in the Bisayan ports,
and were now returning to Manila.

[Importance of straits.] These straits, which extend from the
south-east to the northwest, are the great commercial highway of
the Archipelago, and remain navigable during the whole year, being
protected from the fury of the north-easterly winds by the sheltering
peninsula of Luzon, which projects to the south-east, and by Samar,
which extends in a parallel direction; while the Bisayan islands
shield them from the blasts that blow from the south-west. The
Islands of Mindoro, Panay, Negros, Cebu and Bohol, which Nature has
placed in close succession to each other, form the southern borders
of the straits; and the narrow cross channels between them form as
many outlets to the Sea of Mindoro, which is bounded on the west
by Palawan, on the east by Mindanao, and on the south by the Sulu
group. The eastern waters of the straits wash the coasts of Samar
and Leyte, and penetrate through three small channels only to the
great ocean; the narrow straits of San Bernardino, of San Juanico,
and of Surigao. Several considerable, and innumerable smaller islets,
lie within the area of these cursorily explained outlines.

[Batangas coast.] A couple of bays on the south coast of Batangas
offer a road-stead, though but little real protection, to passing
vessels, which in stormy weather make for Porto Galera, in the Island
of Mindoro, which lies directly opposite. A river, a league and a
half in length, joins Taal, the principal port of the province, to
the great inland sea of Taal, or Bombon. This stream was formerly
navigable; but it has now become so sanded up that it is passable
only at flood tides, and then only by very small vessels.

[Batangas exports.] The province of Batangas supplies Manila with
its best cattle, and exports sugar and coffee.

A hilly range bounds the horizon on the Luzon side; the striking
outlines of which enable one to conjecture its volcanic origin. Most
of the smaller islands to the south appear to consist of superimposed
mountainous ranges, terminating seaward in precipitous cliffs. The
lofty and symmetrical peak of Mount Mayon is the highest point in the
panoramic landscape. Towards evening we sighted Mount Bulusan, in the
south-eastern extremity of Luzon; and presently we turned northwards,
and sailed up the Straits of San Bernardino, which separate Luzon
from Samar.

[Bulusan like Vesuvius.] The Bulusan volcano, "which appears to have
been for a long time extinct, but which again began to erupt in 1852,"
[71] is surprisingly like Vesuvius in outline. It has, like its
prototype, a couple of peaks. The western one, a bell-shaped summit,
is the eruption cone. The eastern apex is a tall, rugged mound,
probably the remains of a huge circular crater. As in Vesuvius, the
present crater is in the center of the extinct one. The intervals
between them are considerably larger and more uneven than the Atrio
del Cavallo of the Italian volcano.

[San Bernardino current.] The current is so powerful in the Straits
of San Bernardino that we were obliged to anchor twice to avoid
being carried back again. To our left we had continually in view the
magnificent Bulusan volcano, with a hamlet of the same name nestling at
the foot of its eastern slope in a grove of coco-trees, close to the
sea. Struggling with difficulty against the force of the current, we
succeeded, with the assistance of light and fickle winds, in reaching
Legaspi, the port of Albay, on the following evening. Our skipper, a
Spaniard, had determined to accomplish the trip as rapidly as possible.

[A native captain.] On my return voyage, however, I fell into the hands
of a native captain; and, as my cruise under his auspices presented
many peculiarities, I may quote a few passages relating to it from
my diary.... The skipper intended to have taken a stock of vegetables
for my use, but he had forgotten them. He therefore landed on a small
island, and presently made his reappearance with a huge palm cabbage,
which, in the absence of its owner, he had picked from a tree he
cut down for the purpose.... On another occasion the crew made a
descent upon a hamlet on the north-western coast of Leyte to purchase
provisions. Instead of laying in a stock for the voyage at Tacloban,
the sailors preferred doing so at some smaller village on the shores
of the straits, where food is cheaper, and where their landing gave
them a pretext to run about the country. The straits of San Juanico,
never more than a mile, and often only eight hundred feet broad,
are about twenty miles in length: yet it often takes a vessel a week
to sail up them; for contrary winds and an adverse current force it
to anchor frequently and to lie to for whole nights in the narrower
places. Towards evening our captain thought that the sky appeared
very threatening, so he made for the bay of Navo, of Masbate. [An
intermittent voyage.] There he anchored, and a part of the crew went
on shore. The next day was a Sunday; the captain thought "the sky
still appeared very threatening;" and besides he wanted to make some
purchases. So we anchored again off Magdalena, where we passed the
night. On Monday a favorable wind took us, at a quicker rate, past
Marinduque and the rocky islet of Elefante, which lies in front of
it. Elefante appears to be an extinct volcano; it looks somewhat like
the Iriga, but is not so lofty. It is covered with capital pasture,
and its ravines are dotted with clumps of trees. Nearly a thousand
head of half-wild cattle were grazing on it. They cost four dollars
a-piece; and their freight to Manila is as much more, where they sell
for sixteen dollars. They are badly tended, and many are stolen by
the passing sailors. My friend the captain was full of regret that the
favorable wind gave him no opportunity of landing; perhaps I was the
real obstacle. "They were splendid beasts! How easy it would be to put
a couple on board! They could scarcely be said to have any real owners;
the nominal proprietors were quite unaware how many they possessed,
and the herd was continually multiplying without any addition from its
masters. A man lands with a little money in his pocket. If he meets a
herdsman, he gives him a dollar, and the poor creature thinks himself
a lucky fellow. If not, so much the better. He can do the business
himself; a barrel of shot or a sling suffices to settle the matter."

[Plunder.] As we sailed along we saw coming towards us another vessel,
the Luisa, which suddenly executed a very extraordinary tack; and in a
minute or two its crew sent up a loud shout of joy, having succeeded
in stealing a fishbox which the fishermen of Marinduque had sunk in
the sea. They had lowered a hook, and been clever enough to grapple
the rope of the floating buoy. Our captain was beside himself with
envy of their prize.

[Legaspi.] Legaspi is the principal port of the province of Albay. Its
road-stead, however, is very unsafe, and, being exposed to the
north-easterly storms, is perfectly useless during the winter. The
north-east wind is the prevailing one on this coast; the south-west
breeze only blows in June and July. The heaviest storms occur between
October and January. They generally set in with a gentle westerly wind,
accompanied with rain. The gale presently veers round to the north
or the south, and attains the height of its fury when it reaches
the north-east or the south-east. After the storm a calm generally
reigns, succeeded by the usual wind of the prevailing monsoon. The
lightly-built elastic houses of the country are capitally suited
to withstand these storms; but roofs and defective houses are
frequently carried away. The traffic between Manila and Legaspi is
at its height between January and October; but during the autumn
months all communication by water ceases. The letter-post, which
arrives pretty regularly every week, is then the only link between
the two places. At this season heavy packages can be sent only by
a circuitous and expensive route along the south coast, and thence
by water to Manila. Much more favorably situated for navigation is
the port of [Sorsogon.] Sorsogon, the mouth of which opens to the
west, and is protected by the Island of Bagalao, which lies in front
of it. Besides its security as a harbor, it has the advantage of a
rapid and unbroken communication with the capital of the archipelago,
while vessels sailing from Legaspi, even at the most favorable time
of the year, are obliged to go round the eastern peninsula of Luzon,
and meet the principal current of the Straits of San Bernardino,
frequently a very difficult undertaking; and, moreover, small vessels
obliged to anchor there are in great danger of being captured by
pirates. The country about Sorsogon, however, is not so fertile as
the neighborhood of Legaspi.

[A worthy official.] I took letters of introduction with me to both
the Spanish authorities of the province; who received me in the most
amiable way, and were of the greatest use to me during the whole of
my stay in the vicinity. I had also the good fortune to fall in with
a model alcalde, a man of good family and of most charming manners;
in short, a genuine caballero. To show the popular appreciation of
the honesty of his character, it was said of him in Samar that he
had entered the province with nothing but a bundle of papers, and
had left it as lightly equipped.


CHAPTER IX


[Daraga.] My Spanish friends enabled me to rent a house in Daraga,
[72] a well-to-do town of twenty thousand inhabitants at the foot
of the Mayon, a league and a half from Legaspi. The summit of this
volcano was considered inaccessible until two young Scotchmen, Paton
and Stewart by name, demonstrated the contrary. [73] Since then
several natives have ascended the mountain, but no Europeans.

[Ascent of Mayon.] I set out on September 25th, and passed the night,
by the advice of Señor Muños, in a hut one thousand feet above the
level of the sea, in order to begin the ascent the next morning with
unimpaired vigor. But a number of idlers who insisted on following
me, and who kept up a tremendous noise all night, frustrated the
purpose of this friendly advice; and I started about five in the
morning but little refreshed. The fiery glow I had noticed about the
crater disappeared with the dawn. The first few hundred feet of the
ascent were covered with a tall grass quite six feet high; and then
came a slope of a thousand feet or so of short grass succeeded by a
quantity of moss; but even this soon disappeared, and the whole of
the upper part of the mountain proved entirely barren. We reached
the summit about one o'clock. It was covered with fissures which
gave out sulphurous gases and steam in such profusion that we were
obliged to stop our mouths and nostrils with our handkerchiefs to
prevent ourselves from being suffocated. We came to a halt at the
edge of a broad and deep chasm, from which issued a particularly
dense vapor. Apparently we were on the brink of a crater, but the
thick fumes of the disagreeable vapor made it impossible for us to
guess at the breadth of the fissure. The absolute top of the volcano
consisted of a ridge, nearly ten feet thick, of solid masses of stone
covered with a crust of lava bleached by the action of the escaping
gas. Several irregular blocks of stone lying about us showed that the
peak had once been a little higher. When, now and again, the gusts
of wind made rifts in the vapor, we perceived on the northern corner
of the plateau several rocky columns at least a hundred feet high,
which had hitherto withstood both storm and eruption. I afterwards
had an opportunity of observing the summit from Daraga with a capital
telescope on a very clear day, when I noticed that the northern side
of the crater was considerably higher than its southern edge.

[The descent.] Our descent took some time. We had still two-thirds
of it beneath us when night overtook us. In the hope of reaching
the hut where we had left our provisions, we wandered about till
eleven o'clock, hungry and weary, and at last were obliged to wait
for daylight. This misfortune was owing not to our want of proper
precaution, but to the unreliability of the carriers. Two of them,
whom we had taken with us to carry water and refreshments, had
disappeared at the very first; and a third, "a very trustworthy
man," whom we had left to take care of our things at the hut, and
who had been ordered to meet us at dusk with torches, had bolted,
as I afterwards discovered, back to Daraga before noon. My servant,
too, who was carrying a woolen blanket and an umbrella for me,
suddenly vanished in the darkness as soon as it began to rain, and
though I repeatedly called him, never turned up again till the next
morning. We passed the wet night upon the bare rocks, where, as our
very thin clothes were perfectly wet through, we chilled till our
teeth chattered. As soon, however, as the sun rose we got so warm
that we soon recovered our tempers. Towards nine o'clock we reached
the hut and got something to eat after twenty-nine hours' fast.

[A suspicious medal.] In the Trabajos y Hechos Nolables de la
Soc. Econom. de los Amigos del Pais, for September 4th, 1823, it is
said that "Don Antonio Siguenza paid a visit to the volcano of Albay
on March 11th," and that the Society "ordered a medal to be struck in
commemoration of the event, and in honor of the aforesaid Siguenza and
his companions." Everybody in Albay, however, assured me that the two
Scotchmen were the first to reach the top of the mountain. It is true
that in the above notice the ascent of the volcano is not directly
mentioned; but the fact of the medal naturally leads us to suppose
that nothing less can be referred to. Arenas, in his memoir, says:
"Mayon was surveyed by Captain Siguenza. From the crater to the base,
which is nearly at the level of the sea, he found that it measured
sixteen hundred and eighty-two Spanish feet or four sixty-eight and
two-third meters." A little further on, he adds, that he had read
in the records of the Society that they had had a gold medal struck
in honor of Siguenza, who had made some investigations about the
volcano's crater in 1823. He, therefore, appears to have had some
doubt about Siguenza's actual ascent.

[An early friar attempt.] According to the Franciscan records a couple
of monks attempted the ascent in 1592, in order to cure the natives
of their superstitious belief about the mountain. One of them never
returned; but the other, although he did not reach the summit, being
stopped by three deep abysses, made a hundred converts to Christianity
by the mere relation of his adventures. He died in the same year,
in consequence, it is recorded, of the many variations of temperature
to which he was exposed in his ascent of the volcano.

[Estimates of height] Some books say that the mountain is of
considerable height; but the Estado Geografico of the Franciscans for
1855, where one could scarcely expect to find such a thoughtless
repetition of so gross a typographical error, says that the
measurements of Siguenza give the mountain a height of sixteen
hundred and eighty-two feet. According to my own barometrical reading,
the height of the summit above the level of the sea was twenty-three
hundred and seventy-four meters, or eighty-five hundred and fifty-nine
Spanish feet.


CHAPTER X


[An accident and a month's rest.] I sprained my foot so badly in
ascending Mayon that I was obliged to keep the house for a month. Under
the circumstances, I was not sorry to find myself settled in a roomy
and comfortable dwelling. My house was built upon the banks of a
small stream, and stood in the middle of a garden in which coffee,
cacao, oranges, papayas, and bananas grew luxuriantly, in spite of
the tall weeds which surrounded them. Several over-ripe berries had
fallen to the ground, and I had them collected, roasted, mixed with
an equal quantity of sugar, and made into chocolate; an art in which
the natives greatly excel. With the Spaniards chocolate takes the
place of coffee and tea, and even the mestizos and the well-to-do
natives drink a great deal of it.

[Cacao] The cacao-tree comes from Central America. It flourishes
there between the 23rd parallel north and the 20th south latitude;
but it is only at its best in the hottest and dampest climates. In
temperate climates, where the thermometer marks less than 23° C.,
it produces no fruit.

[High quality.] It was first imported into the Philippines from
Acapulco; either, according to Camarines, by a pilot called Pedro
Brabo de Lagunas, in 1670; or, according to Samar, by some Jesuits,
during Salcedo's government, between 1663 and 1668. Since then
it has spread over the greater part of the Island; and, although
it is not cultivated with any excessive care, its fruit is of
excellent quality. The cacao of Albay, if its cheapness be taken into
consideration, may be considered at least equal to that of Caracas,
which is so highly-prized in Europe, and which, on account of its
high price, generally is largely mixed with inferior kinds. [74]
The bushes are usually found in small gardens, close to the houses;
but so great is the native laziness that frequently the berries are
allowed to decay, although the local cacao sells for a higher price
than the imported. At Cebu and Negros a little more attention is paid
to its cultivation; [Scanty production.] but it does not suffice to
supply the wants of the colony, which imports the deficiency from
Ternate and Mindanao. The best cacao of the Philippines is produced in
the small Island of Maripipi, which lies to the north-west of Leyte;
and it is difficult to obtain, the entire crop generally being long
bespoke. It costs about one dollar per liter, whereas the Albay cacao
costs from two to two and a half dollars per "ganta" (three liters).

[Culture.] The natives generally cover the kernels, just as they
are beginning to sprout, with a little earth, and, placing them
in a spirally-rolled leaf, hang them up beneath the roof of their
dwellings. They grow very rapidly, and, to prevent their being
choked by weeds, are planted out at very short intervals. This
method of treatment is probably the reason that the cacao-trees in
the Philippines never attain a greater height than eight or ten feet,
while in their native soil they frequently reach thirty, and sometimes
even forty feet. The tree begins to bear fruit in its third or fourth
year, and in its fifth or sixth it reaches maturity, when it usually
yields a "ganta" of cacao, which, as I have mentioned, is worth from
two to two and a half dollars, and always finds a purchaser. [75]

[Neglect.] The profits arising from a large plantation would,
therefore, be considerable; yet it is very rare to meet with one. I
heard it said that the Economical Society had offered a considerable
reward to any one who could exhibit a plantation of ten thousand
berry-bearing trees; but in the Society's report I found no mention
of this reward.

[Damage by storms.] The great obstacles in the way of large plantations
are the heavy storms which recur almost regularly every year,
and often destroy an entire plantation in a single day. In 1856 a
hurricane visited the Island just before the harvest, and completely
tore up several large plantations by the roots; a catastrophe that
naturally has caused much discouragement to the cultivators. [76]
One consequence of this state of things was that the free importation
of cacao was permitted, and people were enabled to purchase Guayaqual
cacao at fifteen dollars per quintal while that grown at home cost
double the money.

[Diseases and pests.] The plant is sometimes attacked by a disease,
the origin of which is unknown, when it suffers severely from certain
noxious insects. [77] It is also attacked by rats and other predatory
vermin; the former sometimes falling upon it in such numbers that
they destroy the entire harvest in a single night. Travellers in
America say that a well-kept cacao plantation is a very picturesque
sight. In the Philippines, however, or at any rate in East Luzon,
the closely-packed, lifeless-looking, moss-covered trees present a
dreary spectacle. Their existence is a brief one. Their oval leaves,
sometimes nearly a foot long, droop singly from the twigs, and form
no luxuriant masses of foliage. Their blossoms are very insignificant;
they are of a reddish-yellow, no larger than the flowers of the lime,
and grow separately on long weedy stalks. The fruit ripens in six
months. When it is matured, it is of either a red or a yellow tint,
and is somewhat like a very rough gherkin. Only two varieties appear to
be cultivated in the Philippines. [78] The pulp of the fruit is white,
tender, and of an agreeable acid taste, and contains from eighteen
to twenty-four kernels, arranged in five rows. These kernels are as
large as almonds, and, like them, consist of a couple of husks and a
small core. This is the cacao bean; which, roasted and finely ground,
produces cacao, and with the addition of sugar, and generally of
spice, makes chocolate. Till the last few years, every household
in the Philippines made its own chocolate, of nothing but cacao
and sugar. The natives who eat chocolate often add roasted rice to
it. Nowadays there is a manufactory in Manila, which makes chocolate
in the European way. The inhabitants of the eastern provinces are
very fond of adding roasted pili nuts to their chocolate. [79]

[Chocolate.] Europeans first learnt to make a drink from cacao in
Mexico, where the preparation was called chocolatl. [80] Even so far
back as the days of Cortes, who was a tremendous chocolate drinker,
the cacao-tree was extensively cultivated. The Aztecs used the beans
as money; and Montezuma used to receive part of his tribute in this
peculiar coin. It was only the wealthy among the ancient Mexicans
who ate pure cacao; the poor, on account of the value of the beans
as coins, used to mix maize and mandioca meal with them. Even in our
own day the inhabitants of Central America make use of the beans as
small coins, as they have no copper money, nor smaller silver coins
than the half-real. Both in Central America and in Orinoco there yet
are many unpenetrated forests which are almost entirely composed of
wild cacao-trees. I believe the natives gather some of their fruit,
but it is almost worthless. By itself it has much less flavor than the
cultivated kinds. Certainly it is not picked and dried at the proper
season, and it gets spoilt in its long transit through the damp woods.

[An uncertain venture.] Since the abolition of slavery, the crops in
America have been diminishing year by year, and until a short time ago,
when the French laid out several large plantations in Central America,
were of but trifling value. According to F. Engel, a flourishing
cacao plantation required less outlay and trouble, and yields more
profit than any other tropical plant; yet its harvests, which do not
yield anything for the first five or six years, are very uncertain,
owing to the numerous insects which attack the plants. In short,
cacao plantations are only suited to large capitalists, or to very
small cultivators who grow the trees in their own gardens. Moreover,
as we have said, since the abolition of slavery most of the plantations
have fallen into decay, for the freed slaves are entirely wanting
in industry.

[Use in Europe.] The original chocolate was not generally relished
in Europe. When, however, at a later period, it was mixed with sugar,
it met with more approbation. The exaggerated praise of its admirers
raised a bitter opposition amongst the opponents of the new drink;
and the priests raised conscientious scruples against the use of so
nourishing an article of food on fast days. The quarrel lasted till
the seventeenth century, by which time cacao had become an everyday
necessity in Spain. It was first introduced into Spain in 1520; but
chocolate, on account of the monopoly of the Conquistadores, was for a
long time secretly prepared on the other side of the ocean. In 1580,
however, it was in common use in Spain, though it was so entirely
unknown in England that, in 1579, an English captain burnt a captured
cargo of it as useless. It reached Italy in 1606, and was introduced
into France by Anne of Austria. The first chocolate-house in London
was opened in 1657, and in 1700 Germany at last followed suit. [81]

[Coffee.] The history of coffee in the Philippines is very similar
to that of cacao. The plant thrives wonderfully, and its berry has
so strongly marked a flavor that the worst Manila coffee commands as
high a price as the best Java. In spite of this, however, the amount
of coffee produced in the Philippines is very insignificant, and,
until lately, scarcely deserved mention. According to the report of an
Englishman in 1828, the coffee-plant was almost unknown forty years
before, and was represented only by a few specimens in the Botanical
Gardens at Manila. It soon, however, increased and multiplied, thanks
to the moderation of a small predatory animal (paradoxurus musanga),
which only nibbled the ripe fruit, and left the hard kernels (the
coffee beans) untouched, as indigestible. The Economical Society
bestirred itself in its turn by offering rewards to encourage the
laying out of large coffee plantations. In 1837 it granted to M. de
la Gironnière a premium of $1,000, for exhibiting a coffee plantation
of sixty thousand plants, which were yielding their second harvest;
and four premiums to others in the following year. But as soon as
the rewards were obtained the plantations were once more allowed to
fall into neglect. From this it is pretty evident that the enterprise,
in the face of the then market prices and the artificially high rates
of freight, did not afford a sufficient profit.

[Exports.] In 1856 the exports of coffee were not more than seven
thousand piculs; in 1865 they had increased to thirty-seven thousand,
five hundred and eighty-eight; and in 1871, to fifty-three thousand,
three hundred and seventy. This increase, however, affords no criterion
by which to estimate the increase in the number of plantations,
for these make no returns for the first few years after being laid
out. In short, larger exports may be confidently expected. But even
greatly increased exports could not be taken as correct measures
of the colony's resources. Not till European capital calls large
plantations into existence in the most suitable localities will the
Philippines obtain their proper rank in the coffee-producing districts
of the world.

[Highest grades.] The best coffee comes from the provinces of
Laguna, Batangas and Cavite; the worst from Mindanao. The latter,
in consequence of careless treatment, is very impure, and generally
contains a quantity of bad beans. The coffee beans of Mindanao are
of a yellowish-white color and flabby; those of Laguna are smaller,
but much firmer in texture.

[French preference.] Manila coffee is very highly esteemed by
connoisseurs, and is very expensive, though it is by no means so
nice looking as that of Ceylon and other more carefully prepared
kinds. It is a remarkable fact that in 1865 France, which imported
only $21,000 worth of hemp from the Philippines, imported more than
$200,000 worth of Manila coffee, a third of the entire coffee produce
of the Islands. [82] Manila coffee is not much prized in London,
and does not fetch much more than good Ceylon ($15 per cwt.). [83]
This, however, is no reproach to the coffee, as every one acquainted
with an Englishman's appreciation of coffee will allow.

[Prices.] California, an excellent customer, always ready to give
a fair price for a good article, will in time become one of its
principal consumers. [84] In 1868, coffee in Manila itself cost
an average of $16 per picul. [85] In Java, the authorities pay the
natives, who are compelled to cultivate it, about $3.66 per picul.

[Philippine exports.] Although the amount of coffee exported from the
Philippines is trifling in comparison with the producing powers of the
colony, it compares favorably with the exports from other countries.

[Javan and Ceylon crops.] In my Sketches of Travel, I compared the
decrease of the coffee produced in Java under the forced system of
cultivation with the increase of that voluntarily grown in Ceylon,
and gave the Javanese produce for 1858 as sixty-seven thousand tons,
and the Cingalese as thirty-five thousand tons. Since that time the
relative decrease and increase have continued; and in 1866 the Dutch
Indies produced only fifty-six thousand tons, and Ceylon thirty-six
thousand tons. [86]

[Amateur scientists.] During my enforced stay in Daraga the natives
brought me mussels and snails for sale; and several of them wished
to enter my service, as they felt "a particular vocation for Natural
History." At last my kitchen was always full of them. They sallied
forth every day to collect insects, and as a rule were not particularly
fortunate in their search; but this was of no consequence; in fact,
it served to give them a fresh appetite for their meals. Some of the
neighboring Spaniards paid me almost daily visits; and several of
the native and mestizo dignitaries from a distance were good enough
to call upon me, not so much for the purpose of seeing my humble self
as of inspecting my hat, the fame of which had spread over the whole
province. It was constructed in the usual judicious mushroom shape,
covered with nito, [87] and its pinnacle was adorned with a powerful
oil lamp, furnished with a closely fitting lid, like that of a dark
lantern, so that it could be carried in the pocket. This last was
particularly useful when riding about on a dark night.

[Nito cigar cases.] In the neighboring pueblo cigar-cases were
made out of this nito. They are not of much use as an article of
commerce, and usually are only made to order. To obtain a dozen a
would-be purchaser must apply to as many individuals, who, at the
shortest, will condescend to finish one in a few months. The stalk
of the fern, which is about as thick as a lucifer match, is split
into four strips. The workman then takes a strip in his left hand,
and, with his thumb on the back and his forefinger on the edge, draws
the strips up and down against the knife blade until the soft pithy
parts are cut away, and what remains has become fine enough for the
next process. The cases are made on pointed cylindrical pieces of
wood almost a couple of feet long. A pin is stuck into the center
of the end of the cylinder, and the workman commences by fastening
the strips of fern stalk to it. The size of the case corresponds to
the  diameter of the roller, and a small wooden disk is placed in the
bottom of the case to keep it steady while the sides are being plaited.

[A Filipino theater.] When my ankle began to get better, my
first excursion was to Legaspi, where some Filipinos were giving
a theatrical performance. A Spanish political refugee directed
the entertainment. On each side of the stage, roofed in with palm
leaves, ran covered galleries for the dignitaries of the place; the
uncovered space between these was set apart for the common people. The
performers had chosen a play taken from Persian history. The language
was Spanish, and the dresses were, to say the least, eccentric. The
stage was erected hard by a public street, which itself formed part
of the auditorium, and the noise was so great that I could only catch
a word here and there. The actors stalked on, chattering their parts,
which not one of them understood, and moving their arms up and down;
and when they reached the edge of the stage, they tacked and went back
again like ships sailing against the wind. Their countenances were
entirely devoid of expression, and they spoke like automatons. If I
had understood the words, the contrast between their meaning and the
machine-like movements of the actors would probably have been droll
enough; but, as it was, the noise, the heat, and the smoke were so
great that we soon left the place.

[An indifferent performance.] Both the theatrical performance and
the whole festival bore the impress of laziness, indifference, and
mindless mimicry. When I compared the frank cheerfulness I had seen
radiating from every countenance at the religious holidays of Europe
with the expressionless and immobile faces of the natives, I found it
difficult to understand how the latter were persuaded to waste so much
time and money upon a matter they seemed so thoroughly indifferent to.

[Interest in festival.] Travellers have remarked the same want of
gaiety amongst the Indians of America; and some of them ascribe it
to the small development of the nervous system prevalent among these
peoples, to which cause also they attribute their wonderful courage
in bearing pain. But Tylor observes that the Indian's countenance is
so different from ours that it takes us several years to rightly
interpret its expression. There probably is something in both
these explanations. And, although I observed no lively expression of
amusement among my native friends at Legaspi, I noticed that they took
the greatest possible pleasure in decorating their village, and that
the procession which formed part of the festival had extraordinary
charms for them. Every individual was dressed in his very best; and
the honor of carrying a banner inspired those who attained it with the
greatest pride, and raised an amazing amount of envy in the breasts of
the remainder. Visitors poured in from all the surrounding hamlets, and
erected triumphal arches which they had brought with them ready-made
and which bore some complimentary inscription. I am obliged to confess
that some of the holiday-makers were very drunk. The inhabitants of the
Philippines have a great love for strong drink; even the young girls
occasionally get intoxicated. When night came on, the strangers were
hospitably lodged in the dwellings of the village. On such occasions
native hospitality shows itself in a very favorable light. The door
of every house stands open, and even balls take place in some of the
larger hamlets. The Spanish and mestizo cavaliers, however, condescend
to dance only with mestiza partners, and very seldom invite a pretty
native girl to join them. The natives very rarely dance together; but
in Samar I was present on one occasion at a by no means ungraceful
native dance where "improvised" verses were sung. The male dancer
compared his partner with a rose, and she answered he should be
careful in touching it as a rose had thorns. This would have been
thought a charming compliment in the mouth of an Andalusian.

[Servant subterfuges.] The idle existence we spent in Daraga was so
agreeable to my servants and their numerous friends that they were
anxious I should stay there as long as possible; and they adopted some
very ingenious means to persuade me to do so. Twice, when everything
was prepared for a start the next morning, my shoes were stolen in the
night; and on another occasion they kidnapped my horse. When a native
has a particularly heavy load to carry, or a long journey to make,
he thinks nothing of coolly appropriating the well-fed beast of some
Spaniard; which, when he has done with it, he turns loose without
attempting to feed it, and it wanders about till somebody catches
it and stalls it in the nearest "Tribunal." There it is kept tied up
and hungry until its master claims it and pays its expenses. I had a
dollar to pay when I recovered mine, although it was nearly starved
to death, on the pretence that it had swallowed rice to that value
since it had been caught.

[Petty robberies.] Small robberies occur very frequently, but they
are committed--as an acquaintance, a man who had spent some time
in the country, informed me one evening when I was telling him my
troubles--only upon the property of new arrivals; old residents, he
said, enjoyed a prescriptive freedom from such little inconveniences. I
fancy some waggish native must have overheard our conversation, for
early the next morning my friend, the old resident, sent to borrow
chocolate, biscuits, and eggs of me, as his larder and his hen-house
had been rifled during the night.

[Daraga market.] Monday and Friday evenings were the Daraga market
nights, and in fine weather always afforded a pretty sight. The
women, neatly and cleanly clad, sat in long rows and offered their
provisions for sale by the light of hundreds of torches; and, when
the business was over, the slopes of the mountains were studded all
over with flickering little points of brightness proceeding from the
torches carried by the homeward-bound market women. Besides eatables,
many had silks and stuffs woven from the fibers of the pine-apple
and the banana for sale. These goods they carried on their heads;
and I noticed that all the younger women were accompanied by their
sweethearts, who relieved them of their burdens.


CHAPTER XI


[Change of season.] During the whole time I was confined to the
house at Daraga, the weather was remarkably fine; but unfortunately
the bright days had come to an end by the time I was ready to make a
start, for the north-east monsoon, the sure forerunner of rain in this
part of the Archipelago, sets in in October. In spite, however, of the
weather, I determined to make another attempt to ascend the mountain
at Bulusan. I found I could go by boat to Bacon in the Bay of Albay,
a distance of seven leagues, whence I could ride to Gubat, on the east
coast, three leagues further, and then in a southerly direction along
the shore to Bulusan. An experienced old native, who provided a boat
and crew, had appointed ten o'clock at night as the best time for
my departure. Just as we were about to start, however, we were told
that four piratical craft had been seen in the bay. In a twinkling,
the crew disappeared, and I was left alone in the darkness; and it
took me four hours with the assistance of a Spaniard to find them
again, and make a fresh start. About nine o'clock in the morning we
reached Bacon, whence I rode across a very flat country to San Roque,
where the road leading to Gubat took a sharp turn to the south-east,
and presently became an extremely bad one. After I had passed Gubat,
my way lay along the shore; and I saw several ruined square towers,
made of blocks of coral, and built by the Jesuits as a protection
against the [Moro pirates.] Moros, or "Moors"--a term here applied to
the pirates, because, like the Moors who were formerly in Spain, they
are Mahometans. They come from Mindanao and from the north-west coast
of Borneo. At the time of my visit, this part of the Archipelago was
greatly infested with them; and a few days before my arrival they had
carried off some fishermen, who were busy pulling their fish-stakes,
close to Gubat. A little distance from the shore, and parallel to it,
ran a coral reef, which during the south-west monsoon was here and
there bare at low tide; but, when the north-east wind blew, the waves
of the Pacific Ocean entirely concealed it. Upon this reef the storms
had cast up many remains of marine animals, and a quantity of fungi,
amongst which I noticed some exactly resembling the common sponge of
the Mediterranean. They were just as soft to the touch, of a dark brown
tint, as large as the fist, and of a conical shape. They absorbed water
with great readiness, and might doubtless be made a profitable article
of commerce. Samples of them are to be seen in the Zoological Museum at
Berlin. As I went further on, I found the road excellent; and wooden
bridges, all of which were in good repair, led me across the mouths
of the numerous small rivers. But almost all the arches of the stone
bridges I came to had fallen in, and I had to cross the streams they
were supposed to span in a small boat, and make my horse swim after
me. Just before I reached Bulusan, I had to cross a ravine several
hundred feet deep, composed almost entirely of white pumice stone.

[Bulusan.] Bulusan is so seldom visited by strangers that the
"tribunal" where I put up was soon full of curiosity-mongers, who came
to stare at me. The women, taking the places of honor, squatted round
me in concentric rows, while the men peered over their shoulders. One
morning when I was taking a shower-bath in a shed made of open bamboo
work, I suddenly noticed several pairs of inquisitive eyes staring
at me through the interstices. The eyes belonged exclusively to the
gentler sex; and their owners examined me with the greatest curiosity,
making remarks upon my appearance to one another, and seeming by no
means inclined to be disturbed. Upon another occasion, when bathing in
the open air in the province of Laguna, I was surrounded by a number of
women, old, middle-aged, and young, who crowded round me while I was
dressing, carefully inspected me, and pointed out with their fingers
every little detail which seemed to them to call for special remark.

[Storm damage.] I had travelled the last part of the road to Bulusan
in wind and rain; and the storm lasted with little intermission during
the whole night. When I got up in the morning I found that part of the
roof of the tribunal had been carried away, that the slighter houses
in the hamlet were all blown down, and that almost every dwelling in
the place had lost its roof. This pleasant weather lasted during the
three days of my stay. The air was so thick that I found it impossible
to distinguish the volcano, though I was actually standing at its
foot; and, as the weather-wise of the neighborhood could hold out no
promise of a favorable change at that time of the year, I put off my
intended ascent till a better opportunity, and resolved to return. A
former alcalde, Peñeranda, was reported to have succeeded in reaching
the top fifteen years before, after sixty men had spent a couple of
months in building a road to the summit; and the ascent was said to
have taken him two whole days. But an experienced native told me that
in the dry season he thought four men were quite sufficient to open a
narrow path to the plateau, just under the peak, in a couple of days;
but that ladders were required to get on to the actual summit.

[Arrival of assistance.] The day after my arrival the inspector of
highways and another man walked into the tribunal, both of them wet to
the skin and nearly blown to pieces. My friend the alcalde had sent
them to my assistance; and, as none of us could attempt the ascent,
they returned with me. As we were entering Bacon on our way back,
we heard the report of cannon and the sound of music. Our servants
cried out "Here comes the alcalde," and in a few moments he drove up
in an open carriage, accompanied by an irregular escort of horsemen,
Spaniards and natives, the latter prancing about in silk hats and
shirts fluttering in the wind. The alcalde politely offered me a seat,
and an hour's drive took us into Sorsogon.

[Albay roads and bridges.] The roads of the province of Albay are good,
but they are by no means kept in good repair: a state of things that
will never be remedied so long as the indolence of the authorities
continues. Most of the stone bridges in the district are in ruins,
and the traveller is obliged to content himself with wading through a
ford, or get himself ferried across upon a raft or in a small canoe,
while his horse swims behind him. The roads were first laid down in the
days of Alcalde Peñaranda, a retired officer of the engineer corps,
whom we have already mentioned, and who deserves considerable praise
for having largely contributed to the welfare of his province, and
for having accomplished so much from such small resources. He took
care that all socage service should be duly rendered, or that money,
which went towards paying for tools and materials, should be paid
in lieu of it. Many abuses existed before his rule; no real services
were performed by anybody who could trace the slightest relationship
to any of the authorities; and, when by chance any redemption money
was paid, it went, often with the connivance of the alcalde of the
period, into the pockets of the gobernadorcillos, instead of into the
provincial treasury. Similar abuses still prevail all over the country,
where they are not prevented by the vigilance of the authorities. The
numerous population, and the prosperity which the province now enjoys,
would make it an easy matter to maintain and complete the existing
highways. The admirable officials of the district are certainly
not wanting in good-will, but their hands are tied. Nowadays the
alcaldes remain only three years in one province (in Peñaranda's
time, they remained six); their time is entirely taken up with
the current official and judicial business; and, just as they are
beginning to become acquainted with the capabilities and requirements
of their district, they are obliged to leave it. [Handicapped
officials.] This shows the government's want of confidence in its
own servants. No alcalde could now possibly undertake what Peñaranda
accomplished. The money paid in lieu of socage service, which ought to
be applied to the wants of the province in which the socage is due, is
forwarded to Manila. If an alcalde proposes some urgent and necessary
improvement, he has to send in so many tedious estimates and reports,
which frequently remain unnoticed, that he soon loses all desire to
attempt any innovation. Estimates for large works, to carry out which
would require a considerable outlay, are invariably returned from
headquarters marked "not urgent." [Funds diverted to Spain.] The fact
is not that the colonial government is wanting in good-will, but that
the Caja de Comunidad (General Treasury) in Manila is almost always
empty, as the Spanish government, in its chronic state of bankruptcy,
borrows the money and is never in a position to return it.

[Sorsogon earthquake.] In 1840 Sorsogon suffered severely from an
earthquake, which lasted almost continuously for thirty-five days. It
raged with the greatest fury on the 21st of March. The churches, both
of Sorsogon and of Casiguran, as well as the smallest stone houses,
were destroyed; seventeen persons lost their lives, and two hundred
were injured; and the whole neighborhood sank five feet below its
former level.

[Casiguran.] The next morning I accompanied the alcalde in a falua
(felucca), manned by fourteen rowers, to Casiguran, which lies directly
south of Sorsogon, on the other side of a small bay, of two leagues
in breadth, which it took us an hour and a half to cross. The bay was
as calm as an inland lake. It is almost entirely surrounded by hills,
and its western side, which is open to the sea, is protected by the
Island of Bagalao, which lies in front of it. As soon as we landed,
we were received with salutes of cannon and music, and flags and
shirts streamed in the wind. I declined the friendly invitation of the
alcalde to accompany him any further; as to me, who had no official
business to transact, the journey seemed nothing but a continually
recurring panorama of dinners, lunches, cups of chocolate, music,
and detonations of gunpowder.

[Quicksilver.] In 1850 quicksilver was discovered on a part of the
coast now covered by the sea. I examined the reported bed of the
deposit, and it appeared to me to consist of a stratum of clay six feet
in depth, superimposed over a layer of volcanic sand and fragments
of pumice stone. An Englishman who was wrecked in this part of the
Archipelago, the same individual I met at the iron works at Angat, had
begun to collect it, and by washing the sand had obtained something
like a couple of ounces. Somebody, however, told the priest of the
district that quicksilver was a poison; and, as he himself told me,
so forcibly did he depict the dangerous nature of the new discovery to
his parishioners that they abandoned the attempt to collect it. Since
then none of them have ever seen a vestige of mercury, unless it might
be from some broken old barometer. Towards evening Mount Bulusan in
the south-east, and Mount Mayon in the north-west, were visible for
a short time. They are both in a straight line with Casiguran.

[Sea's encroachments.] Every year the sea makes great inroads upon
the coast at Casiguran; as far as I could decide from its appearance
and from the accounts given me, about a yard of the shore is annually
destroyed. The bay of Sorsogon is protected towards the north by a
ridge of hills, which suddenly terminate, however, at its north-eastern
angle; and through this opening the wind sometimes blows with great
fury, and causes considerable havoc in the bay, the more particularly
as its coast is principally formed of clay and sand.

[Pirate rumors and robberies.] When I reached Legaspi again in the
evening I learnt that the alarm about the pirates which had interrupted
my departure had not been an idle one. Moros they certainly could
not have been, for at that season none of the Mahometan corsairs
could reach that part of the coast; but they were a band of deserters
and vagabonds from the surrounding country, who in this part of the
world find it more agreeable to pursue their freebooting career on
sea than on land. During my absence they had committed many robberies
and carried off several people. [88]

[Real pirates.] The beginning of November is the season of storms;
when water communication between Albay and Manila entirely ceases,
no vessel daring to put out to sea, even from the south coast. On
the 9th of the month, however, a vessel that had been given up for
lost entered the port, after having incurred great perils and being
obliged to throw overboard the greater part of its cargo. Within twelve
days of its leaving the straits of San Bernardino behind it, a sudden
storm compelled it to anchor amongst the Islands of Balicuatro. One
of the passengers, a newly-arrived Spaniard, put off in a boat with
seven sailors, and made for four small vessels which were riding at
anchor off the coast; taking them for fishermen, whereas they were
pirates. They fired at him as soon as he was some distance from his
ship, and his crew threw themselves into the water; but both he and
they were taken prisoners. The captain of the trading brig, fearing
that his vessel would fall into their clutches, slipped anchor and put
out to sea again, escaping shipwreck with the greatest difficulty. The
pirates, as a rule, do not kill their prisoners, but employ them as
rowers. But Europeans seldom survive their captivity: the tremendous
labor and the scanty food are too much for them. Their clothes always
being stripped off their back, they are exposed naked to all sorts
of weather, and their sole daily support is a handful of rice.


CHAPTER XII


[Camarines.] No favorable change in the weather was expected in
Albay before the month of January. It stormed and rained all day. I
therefore determined to change my quarters to South Camarines, which,
protected from the monsoon by the high range of hills running along
its north-eastern boundary, enjoyed more decent weather. The two
provinces of Camarines form a long continent, with its principal
frontage of shore facing to the north-east and to the south-west;
which is about ten leagues broad in its middle, and has its shores
indented by many bays. From about the center of its north-eastern
shore there boldly projects the Peninsula of Caramuan, connected with
the mainland of Camarines by the isthmus of Isarog. The north-eastern
portion of the two provinces contains a long range of volcanic hills;
the south-western principally consisted, as far as my investigations
permitted me to discover, of chalk, and coral reefs; in the midst
of the hills extends a winding and fertile valley, which collects
the waters descending from the slopes of the mountain ranges, and
blends them into a navigable river, on the banks of which several
flourishing hamlets have established themselves. This river is called
the Bicol. The streams which give it birth are so abundant, and the
slope of the sides of the valley, which is turned into one gigantic
rice-field, is so gentle that in many places the lazy waters linger
and form small lakes.

[A chain of volcanoes.] Beginning at the south-eastern extremity, the
volcanoes of Bulusan, Albay, Mazaraga, Iriga, Isarog, and Colasi--the
last on the northern side of San Miguel bay--are situated in a straight
line, extending from the south-east to the north-west. Besides these,
there is the volcano of Buhi, or Malinao, a little to the north-east of
the line. The hamlets in the valley I have mentioned are situated in
a second line parallel to that of the volcanoes. The southern portion
of the province is sparsely inhabited, and but few streams find their
way from its plateau into the central valley. The range of volcanoes
shuts out, as I have said, the north-east winds, and condenses their
moisture in the little lakes scattered on its slopes. The south-west
portion of Camarines, therefore, is dry during the north-east monsoon,
and enjoys its rainy season during the prevalence of the winds that
blow from the south-west. The so-called dry season which, so far as
South Camarines is concerned, begins in November, is interrupted,
however, by frequent showers; but from January to May scarcely a drop
of rain falls. The change of monsoon takes place in May and June;
and its arrival is announced by violent thunderstorms and hurricanes,
which frequently last without cessation for a couple of weeks, and
are accompanied by heavy rains. These last are the beginning of the
wet season proper, which lasts till October. The road passes the
hamlets of Camalig, Guinobatan, Ligao, Oas and Polangui, situated
in a straight line on the banks of the river Quinali, which, after
receiving numerous tributary streams, becomes navigable soon after
passing Polangui. Here I observed a small settlement of huts, which
is called after the river. Each of the hamlets I have mentioned, with
the exception of the last, has a population of about fourteen thousand
souls, although they are situated not more than half a league apart.

[Priestly assistance.] The convents in this part of the country are
large, imposing buildings, and their incumbents, who were mostly old
men, were most hospitable and kind to me. Every one of them insisted
upon my staying with him, and, after doing all he could for me, passed
me on to his next colleague with the best recommendations. I wished
to hire a boat at Polangui to cross the lake of Batu, but the only
craft I could find were a couple of barotos about eight feet long,
hollowed out of the trunks of trees and laden with rice. To prevent
my meeting with any delay, the padre purchased the cargo of one of
the boats, on the condition of its being immediately unladen; and
this kindness enabled me to continue my journey in the afternoon.

[The priests' importance.] If a traveller gets on good terms with
the priests he seldom meets with any annoyances. Upon one occasion
I wished to make a little excursion directly after lunch, and at a
quarter past eleven everything was ready for a start; when I happened
to say that it was a pity to have to wait three-quarters of an hour
for the meal. In a minute or two twelve o'clock struck; all work in
the village ceased, and we sat down to table: it was noon. A message
had been sent to the village bell-ringer that the Señor Padre thought
he must be asleep, and that it must be long past twelve as the Señor
Padre was hungry. Il est l'heure que votre Majesté désire.

[Franciscan friars.] Most of the priests in the eastern provinces of
Luzon and Samar are Franciscan monks (The barefooted friars of the
orthodox and strictest rule of Our Holy Father St. Francis, in the
Philippine Islands, of the Holy and Apostolic Province of St. Gregory
the Great), brought up in seminaries in Spain specially devoted to the
colonial missions. Formerly they were at liberty, after ten years'
residence in the Philippines, to return to their own country; but,
since the abolition of the monasteries in Spain, they can do this
no longer, for they are compelled in the colonies to abandon all
obedience to the rule of their order, and to live as laymen. They are
aware that they must end their days in the colony, and regulate their
lives accordingly. On their first arrival they are generally sent to
some priest in the province to make themselves acquainted with the
language of the country; then they are installed into a small parish,
and afterwards into a more lucrative one, in which they generally
remain till their death. Most of them spring from the very lowest
class of Spaniards. A number of pious trusts and foundations in Spain
enable a very poor man, who cannot afford to send his son to school,
to put him into a religious seminary, where, beyond the duties of
his future avocation, the boy learns nothing. If the monks were of
a higher social grade, as are some of the English missionaries, they
would have less inclination to mix with the common people, and would
fail to exercise over them the influence they wield at present. The
early habits of the Spanish monks, and their narrow knowledge of the
world, peculiarly fit them for an existence among the natives. This
mental equality, or rather, this want of mental disparity, has enabled
them to acquire the influence they undoubtedly possess.

[Young men developed by responsibility.] When these young men
first come from their seminaries they are narrow-brained, ignorant,
frequently almost devoid of education, and full of conceit, hatred of
heretics, and proselytish ardor. These failings, however, gradually
disappear; the consideration and the comfortable incomes they enjoy
developing their benevolence. The insight into mankind and the
confidence in themselves which distinguish the lower classes of the
Spaniards, and which are so amusingly exemplified in Sancho Panza,
have plenty of occasions to display themselves in the responsible
and influential positions which the priests occupy. The padre is
frequently the only white man in his village, probably the only
European for miles around. He becomes the representative not only
of religion, but of the government; he is the oracle of the natives,
and his decisions in everything that concerns Europe and civilization
are without appeal. His advice is asked in all important emergencies,
and he has no one whom he in his turn can consult. Such a state
of things naturally develops his brain. The same individuals who
in Spain would have followed the plough, in the colonies carry out
great undertakings. Without any technical education, and without any
scientific knowledge, they build churches and bridges, and construct
roads. [Poor architects.] The circumstances therefore are greatly in
favor of the development of priestly ability; but it would probably
be better for the buildings if they were erected by more experienced
men, for the bridges are remarkably prone to fall in, the churches
look like sheep-pens, and the roads soon go to rack and ruin. I
had much intercourse in Camarines and Albay with the priests, and
conceived a great liking for them all. As a rule, they are the most
unpretending of men; and a visit gives them so much pleasure that
they do all in their power to make their guest's stay as agreeable as
possible. Life in a large convent has much resemblance to that of a
lord of the manor in Eastern Europe. Nothing can be more unconstrained,
more unconventional. A visitor lives as independently as in an hotel,
and many of the visitors behave themselves as if it were one. I have
seen a subaltern official arrive, summon the head servant, move into
a room, order his meal, and then inquire casually whether the padre,
who was an utter stranger to him, was at home.

The priests of the Philippines have often been reproached with gross
immorality. They are said to keep their convents full of bevies of
pretty girls, and to lead somewhat the same sort of life as the Grand
Turk. This may be true of the native padres; but I myself never saw,
in any of the households of the numerous Spanish priests I visited,
anything that could possibly cause the least breath of scandal. Their
servants were exclusively men, though perhaps I may have noticed
here and there an old woman or two. Ribadeneyra says:--"The natives,
who observe how careful the Franciscan monks are of their chastity,
have arrived at the conclusion that they are not really men, and
that, though the devil had often attempted to lead these holy men
astray, using the charms of some pretty Indian girl as a bait, yet,
to the confusion of both damsel and devil, the monks had always
come scathless out of the struggle." Ribadeneyra, however, is a very
unreliable author; and, if his physiological mistakes are as gross as
his geographical ones (he says somewhere that Luzon is another name
for the island of Cebu!), the monks are not perhaps as fireproof as
he supposes. At any rate, his description does not universally apply
nowadays. The younger priests pass their existence like the lords of
the soil of old; the young girls consider it an honor to be allowed to
associate with them; and the padres in their turn find many convenient
opportunities. They have no jealous wives to pry into their secrets,
and their position as confessors and spiritual advisers affords them
plenty of pretexts for being alone with the women. The confessional,
in particular, must be a perilous rock-a-head for most of them. In
an appendix to the "Tagal Grammar" (which, by-the-bye, is not added
to the editions sold for general use) a list of questions is given
for the convenience of young priests not yet conversant with the
Tagal language. These questions are to be asked in the confessional,
and several pages of them relate exclusively to the relations between
the sexes.

[Superiority over government officials.] As the alcaldes remain only
three years in any one province, they never understand much of its
language; and, being much occupied with their official business,
they have neither the time nor the desire to become acquainted
with the peculiarities of the districts over which they rule. The
priest, on the other hand, resides continually in the midst of his
parishioners, is perfectly acquainted with each of them, and even,
on occasion, protects them against the authorities; his, therefore,
is the real jurisdiction in the district. The position of the priests,
in contradistinction to that of the government officials, is well
expressed by their respective dwellings. The casas reales, generally
small, ugly, and frequently half-ruined habitations, are not suited
to the dignity of the chief authority of the province. The convento,
on the contrary, is almost always a roomy, imposing, and well-arranged
building. In former days, when governorships were sold to adventurers
whose only care was to enrich themselves, the influence of the minister
of religion was even greater than it is now. [89]

[Former legal status.] The following extract from the General
Orders, given by Le Gentil, will convey a clear idea of their former
position:--

"Whereas the tenth chapter of the ordinances, wherein the governor of
Arandia ordained that the alcaldes and the justices should communicate
with the missionary priests only by letter, and that they should never
hold any interview with them except in the presence of a witness, has
been frequently disobeyed, it is now commanded that these disobediences
shall no longer be allowed; and that the alcaldes shall make it their
business to see that the priests and ministers of religion treat the
gobernadorcillos and the subaltern officers of justice with proper
respect, and that the aforesaid priests be not allowed either to beat,
chastise, or ill-treat the latter, or make them wait at table."

[Alcaldes formerly in trade.] The former alcaldes who, without
experience in official business, without either education or knowledge,
and without either the brains or the moral qualifications for such
responsible and influential posts, purchased their appointments from
the State, or received them in consequence of successful intrigues,
received a nominal salary from the government, and paid it tribute for
the right to carry on trade. Arenas considered this tribute paid by the
alcaldes as a fine imposed upon them for an infringement of the law;
"for several ordinances were in existence, strenuously forbidding
them to dabble in any kind of commerce, until it pleased his Catholic
Majesty to grant them a dispensation." The latter sources of mischief
were, however, abolished by royal decree in September and October,
1844.

[Their borrowed capital.] The alcaldes were at the same time governors,
magistrates, commanders of the troops, and, in reality, the only
traders in their province. [90] They purchased with the resources
of the obras pias the articles required in the province; and they
were entirely dependent for their capital upon these endowments,
as they almost always arrived in the Philippines without any means
of their own. The natives were forced to sell their produce to the
alcaldes and, besides, to purchase their goods at the prices fixed
by the latter. [91] In this corrupt state of things the priests were
the only protectors of the unfortunate Filipinos; though occasionally
they also threw in their lot with the alcaldes, and shared in the
spoil wrung from their unfortunate flocks.

[Improvement in present appointees.] Nowadays men with some knowledge
of the law are sent out to the Philippines as alcaldes; the government
pays them a small salary, and they are not allowed to trade. The
authorities also attempt to diminish the influence of the priests by
improving the position of the civil tribunals; a state of things they
will not find easy of accomplishment unless they lengthen the period
of service of the alcaldes, and place them in a pecuniary position
that will put them beyond the temptation of pocketing perquisites. [92]

In Huc's work on China I find the following passage, relating to the
effects of the frequent official changes in China, from which many
hints may be gathered:--

[Similarity with Chinese conditions.] "The magisterial offices
are no longer bestowed upon upright and just individuals and, as a
consequence, this once flourishing and well-governed kingdom is day
by day falling into decay, and is rapidly gliding down the path that
leads to a terrible and, perhaps, speedy dissolution. When we seek
to discover the cause of the general ruin, the universal corruption
which too surely is undermining all classes of Chinese society, we are
convinced that it is to be found in the complete abandonment of the
old system of government effected by the Manchu dynasty. It issued
a decree forbidding any mandarin to hold any post longer than three
years in the same province, and prohibiting any one from possessing
any official appointment in his native province. One does not form
a particularly high idea of the brain which conceived this law; but,
when the Manchu Tartars found that they were the lords of the empire,
they began to be alarmed at their small numbers, which were trifling
in comparison with the countless swarms of the Chinese; and they
dreaded lest the influence which the higher officials would acquire
in their districts might enable them to excite the populace against
their foreign rulers.

[Unidentified with country.] "The magistrates, being allowed to
remain only a year or two in the same province, lived there like
strangers, without acquainting themselves with the wants of the people
they governed; there was no tie between them. The only care of the
mandarins was to amass as much wealth as possible before they quitted
their posts; and they then began the same game in a fresh locality,
until finally they returned home in possession of a handsome fortune
gradually collected in their different appointments. They were only
birds of passage. What did it matter? The morrow would find them
at the other end of the kingdom, where the cries of their plundered
victims would be unable to reach them. In this manner the governmental
policy rendered the mandarins selfish and indifferent. The basis
of the monarchy is destroyed, for the magistrate is no longer a
paternal ruler residing amongst and mildly swaying his children, but a
marauder, who arrives no man knows whence, and who departs no one knows
whither. The consequence is universal stagnation; no great undertakings
are accomplished; and the works and labors of former dynasties are
allowed to fall into decay. The mandarins say to themselves: 'Why
should we undertake what we can never accomplish? Why should we sow
that others may reap?'... They take no interest in the affairs of the
district; as a rule, they are suddenly transplanted into the midst of
a population whose dialect even they do not understand. [Dependence on
interpreters.] When they arrive in their mandarinates they usually find
interpreters, who, being permanent officieals and interested in the
affairs of the place, know how to make their services indispensable;
and these in reality are the absolute rulers of the district."

[Importance of interpreters in Philippines.]  Interpreters are
especially indispensable in the Philippines, where the alcaldes never
by any chance understand any of the local dialects. In important
matters the native writers have generally to deal with the priest,
who in many cases becomes the virtual administrator of authority. He is
familiar with the characters of the inhabitants and all their affairs,
in the settlement of which his intimate acquaintance with the female
sex stands him in good stead. An eminent official in Madrid told me
in 1867 that the then minister was considering a proposal to abolish
the restriction of office in the colonies to three years. [93]

[Fear of officials' popularity.] The dread which caused this
restriction, viz., that an official might become too powerful in some
distant province, and that his influence might prove a source of danger
to the mother country, is no longer entertained. Increased traffic
and easier means of communication have destroyed the former isolation
of the more distant provinces. The customs laws, the increasing demand
for colonial produce, and the right conceded to foreigners of settling
in the country, will give a great stimulus to agriculture and commerce,
and largely increase the number of Chinese and European residents. Then
at last, perhaps, the authorities will see the necessity of improving
the social position of their officials by decreasing their number,
by a careful selection of persons, by promoting them according to
their abilities and conduct, and by increasing their salaries, and
allowing them to make a longer stay in one post. The commercial
relations of the Philippines with California and Australia are
likely to become very active, and liberal ideas will be introduced
from those free countries. Then, indeed, the mother country will
have earnestly to consider whether it is advisable to continue its
exploitation of the colony by its monopolies, its withdrawal of gold,
and its constant satisfaction of the unfounded claims of a swarm of
hungry place-hunters. [94]

[Different English and Dutch policy.] English and Dutch colonial
officials are carefully and expressly educated for their difficult
and responsible positions. They obtain their appointments after
passing a stringent examination at home, and are promoted to the
higher colonial offices only after giving proofs of fitness and
ability. What a different state of things prevails in Spain! When a
Spaniard succeeds in getting an appointment, it is difficult to say
whether it is due to his personal capacity and merit or to a series
of successful political intrigues. [95]


CHAPTER XIII


[Batu.] In an hour and a half after leaving Polangui we reached Batu,
a village on the north-western shore of the lake of the same name. The
inhabitants, particularly the women, struck me by their ugliness
and want of cleanliness. Although they lived close to the lake, and
drew their daily drinking water from it, they never appeared to use
it for the purpose of washing. The streets of the village also were
dirty and neglected; a circumstance explained, perhaps, by the fact
of the priest being a native.

[The lake.] Towards the end of the rainy season, in November, the
lake extends far more widely than it does in the dry, and overflows
its shallow banks, especially to the south-west. A great number of
water-plants grow on its borders; amongst which I particularly noticed
a delicate seaweed [96], as fine as horse hair, but intertwined in such
close and endless ramifications that it forms a flooring strong enough
to support the largest waterfowl. I  saw hundreds of them hopping about
and eating the shell fish and prawns, which swarmed amidst the meshes
of the net-like seaweed and fell an easy prey to their feathered
enemies. The natives, too, were in the habit of catching immense
quantities of the prawns with nets made for the purpose. Some they
ate fresh; and some they kept till they were putrid, like old cheese,
and then used them as a relish to swallow with their rice. These
small shell-fish are not limited to the Lake of Batu. They are caught
in shoals in both the salt and the fresh waters of the Philippine
and Indian archipelagos, and, when salted and dried by the natives,
form an important article of food, eaten either in soup or as a kind
of potted paste. They are found in every market, and are largely
exported to China. I was unable to shoot any of the waterfowl, for
the tangles of the seaweed prevented my boat from getting near them.

[A neglected product.] When I revisited the same lake in February,
I found its waters so greatly fallen that they had left a circular
belt of shore extending all around the lake, in most places nearly a
hundred feet broad. The withdrawal of the waters had compressed the
tangled seaweed into a kind of matting, which, bleached by the sun,
and nearly an inch thick, covered the whole of the shore, and hung
suspended over the stunted bushes which, on my first visit, had
been under water. I have never either seen elsewhere, or heard any
one mention, a similar phenomenon. This stuff, which could be had
for nothing, was excellent for rifle-stoppers and for the stuffing
of birds, so I took a great quantity of it with me. This time the
bird-hunting went well, too.

The native priest of Batu was full of complaints about his
parishioners, who gave him no opportunities of gaining an honest
penny. "I am never asked for a mass, sir; in fact, this is such a
miserable hole that it is shunned by Death itself. In D., where I was
for a long time coadjutor, we had our couple of burials regularly
every day at three dollars a head, and as many masses at a dollar
apiece as we had time to say, besides christenings and weddings,
which always brought a little more grist to the mill. But here
nothing takes place, and I scarcely make anything." This stagnant
state of things had induced him to turn his attention to commerce. The
average native priest, of those I saw, could hardly be called a credit
to his profession. Generally ignorant, often dissipated, and only
superficially acquainted with his duties, the greater part of his
time was given over to gambling, drinking, and other objectionable
amusements. Little care was taken to preserve a properly decorous
behavior, except when officiating in the church, when they read with
an absurd assumption of dignity, without understanding a single
word. The conventos are often full of girls and children, all of
whom help themselves with their fingers out of a common dish. The
worthy padre of Batu introduced a couple of pretty girls to me as
his two poor sisters, whom, in spite of his poverty, he supported;
but the servants about the place openly spoke of these young ladies'
babies as being the children of the priest.

[The native clergy.] The guiding principle of Spanish colonial
policy--to set one class against another, and to prevent either from
becoming too powerful--seems to be the motive for placing so many
native incumbents in the parsonages of the Archipelago. The prudence of
this proceeding, however, seems doubtful. A Spanish priest has a great
deal of influence in his own immediate circle, and forms, perhaps,
the only enduring link between the colony and the mother-country. The
native priest is far from affording any compensation for the lack
of either of these advantages. He generally is but little respected
by his flock, and certainly does nothing to attach them to Spain;
for he hates and envies his Spanish brethren, who leave him only the
very worst appointments, and treat him with contempt.

[Nabua.] I rode from Batu to Nabua over a good road in half an
hour. The country was flat, with rice-fields on both sides of the
road; but, while in Batu the rice was only just planted, in Nabua it
already was almost ripe. I was unable to obtain any explanation of
this incongruity, and know not how to account for such a difference
of climate between two hamlets situated in such close proximity to
one another, and separated by no range of hills. The inhabitants of
both were ugly and dirty, and were different in these respects from
the Tagalogs. Nabua, a place of 10,875 inhabitants, is intersected by
several small streams, whose waters, pouring down from the eastern
hills, form a small lake, which empties itself into the river
Bicol. Just after passing the second bridge beyond Nabua the road,
inclining eastwards, wends in a straight line to Iriga, a place lying
to the south-west of the volcano of the same name.

[Remontados.] I visited a small settlement of pagans situated on the
slope of the volcano. The people of the plains call them indifferently
Igorots, Cimarrons, Remontados, Infieles, or Montesinos. None
of these names, however, with the exception of the two last, are
appropriate ones. The first is derived from the term applied in the
north of the Island to the mixed descendants of Chinese and Filipino
parents. The word Cimarron (French, marrow) is borrowed from the
American slave colonies, where it denoted negroes who escaped from
slavery and lived in a state of freedom; but here it is applied to
natives who prefer a wild existence to the comforts of village life,
which they consider are overbalanced by the servitude and bondage
which accompany them. The term Remontado explains itself, and has
the same signification as Cimarron. As the difference between the
two states--on account of the mildness of the climate, and the
ease with which the wants of the natives are supplied--is far less
than it would be in Europe, these self-constituted exiles are more
frequently to be met with than might be supposed; the cause of their
separation from their fellowmen sometimes being some offence against
the laws, sometimes annoying debts, and sometimes a mere aversion to
the duties and labors of village life. Every Filipino has an innate
inclination to abandon the hamlets and retire into the solitude of
the woods, or live isolated in the midst of his own fields; and it
is only the village prisons and the priests--the salaries of the
latter are proportionate to the number of their parishioners--that
prevent him from gradually turning the pueblos into visitas, [97]
and the latter into ranchos. Until a visit to other ranchos in the
neighborhood corrected my first impression, I took the inhabitants of
the slopes of the Iriga for cross-breeds between the low-landers and
negritos. The color of their skin was not black, but a dark brown,
scarcely any darker than that of Filipinos who have been much exposed
to the sun; and only a few of them had woolly hair. The negritos whom
I saw at Angat and Mariveles knew nothing whatever about agriculture,
lived in the open air, and supported themselves upon the spontaneous
products of nature; but the half-savages of the Iriga dwell in decent
huts, and cultivate several vegetables and a little sugar-cane. No
pure negritos, as far as I could ascertain, are to be met with in
Camarines. A thickly-populated province, only sparsely dotted with
lofty hills, would be ill-suited for the residence of a nomadic
hunting race ignorant of agriculture.

[Iriga settlements.] The ranchos on the Iriga are very accessible,
and their inhabitants carry on a friendly intercourse with the
lowlanders; indeed, if they didn't, they would have been long
ago exterminated. In spite of these neighborly communications,
however, they have preserved many of their own primitive manners and
customs. The men go about naked with the exception of a cloth about the
loins; and the women are equally unclad, some of them perhaps wearing
an apron reaching from the hip to the knee. [98] In the larger ranchos
the women were decently clad in the usual Filipino fashion. Their
household belongings consisted of a few articles made of bamboo, a
few calabashes of coconut-shell, and an earthen cooking-pot, and bows
and arrows. [Poison arrows.] These latter are made very carefully,
the shaft from reeds, the point from a sharp-cut bamboo, or from a
palm-tree, with one to three sharp points. In pig-hunting iron-pointed
poison arrows are used. [Crucifixes.] Although the Igorots are not
Christians, they decorate their huts with crucifixes, which they use
as talismans. If they were of no virtue, an old man remarked to me, the
Spaniards would not employ them so numerously. [99] The largest rancho
I visited was nominally under the charge of a captain, who, however,
had little real power. At my desire he called to some naked boys idly
squatting about on the trees, who required considerable persuasion
before they obeyed his summons; but a few small presents--brazen
earrings and combs for the women, and cigars for the men--soon put
me on capital terms with them.

[Mt. Iriga.] After a vain attempt to reach the top of the Iriga volcano
I started for Buhi, a place situated on the southern shore of the lake
of that name. Ten minutes after leaving Iriga I reached a spot where
the ground sounded hollow beneath my horse's feet. A succession of
small hillocks, about fifty feet high, bordered each side of the road;
and towards the north I could perceive the huge crater of the Iriga,
which, in the distance, appeared like a truncated cone. I had the
curiosity to ascend one of the hillocks, which, seen from its summit,
looked like the remains of some former crater, which had probably
been destroyed by an earthquake and split up into these small mounds.

[Advertising.]  When I got to Buhi the friendly priest had it
proclaimed by sound of drum that the newly-arrived strangers wished
to obtain all kinds of animals, whether of earth, of air, or of water;
and that each and all would be paid for in cash. The natives, however,
only brought us moths, centipedes, and other vermin, which, besides
enabling them to have a good stare at the strangers, they hoped to
turn into cash as extraordinary curiosities.

[A church procession.]  The following day I was the spectator of a
gorgeous procession. First came the Spanish flag, then the village
kettle-drums, and a small troop of horsemen in short jackets and
shirts flying in the wind, next a dozen musicians, and finally, as
the principal figure, a man carrying a crimson silk standard. The
latter individual evidently was deeply conscious of his dignified
position, and his countenance eloquently expressed the quantity of
palm wine he had consumed in honor of the occasion. He sat on his
horse dressed out in the most absurd manner in a large cocked hat
trimmed with colored paper instead of gold lace, with a woman's cape
made of paper outside his coat, and with short, tight-fitting yellow
breeches and immense white stockings and shoes. Both his coat and his
breeches were liberally ornamented with paper trimmings. His steed,
led by a couple of cabezas, was appointed with similar trappings. After
marching through all the streets of the village the procession came
to a halt in front of the church.

[Papal concessions to Spain.] This festival is celebrated every year
in commemoration of the concession made by the Pope to the King of
Spain permitting the latter to appropriate to his own use certain
revenues of the Church. The Spanish Throne consequently enjoys the
right of conferring different indulgences, even for serious crimes, in
the name of the Holy See. This right, which, so to speak, it acquired
wholesale, it sells by retail to its customers (it formerly disposed
of it to the priests) in the estanco, and together with its other
monopolies, such as tobacco, brandy, lottery tickets, stamped paper,
etc., all through the agency of the priests; without the assistance
of whom very little business would be done. The receipts from the
sale of these indulgences have always been very fluctuating. In 1819
they amounted to $15,930; in 1839 to $36,390; and in 1860 they were
estimated at $58,954. In the year 1844-5 they rose to $292,115. The
cause of this large increase was that indulgences were then rendered
compulsory; so many being alloted to each family, with the assistance
and under the superintendence of the priests and tax-collectors who
received a commission of five and eight per cent on the gross amount
collected. [100]

[Lake Buhi.] The Lake of Buhi (300 feet above the sea-level) presents
an extremely picturesque appearance, surrounded as it is on all sides
by hills fully a thousand feet high; and its western shore is formed by
what still remains of the Iriga volcano. I was informed by the priests
of the neighboring hamlets that the volcano, until the commencement
of the seventeenth century, had been a closed cone, and that the
lake did not come into existence till half of the mountain fell in,
at the time of its great eruption. This statement I found confirmed
in the pages of the Estado Geografico:--"On the fourth of January,
1641--a memorable day, for on that date all the known volcanoes of
the Archipelago began to erupt at the same hour--a lofty hill in
Camarines, inhabited by heathens, fell in, and a fine lake sprang
into existence upon its site. The then inhabitants of the village of
Buhi migrated to the shores of the new lake, which, on this account,
was henceforward called the Lake of Buhi."

[1628 Camarines earthquake.] Perrey, in the Mémoires de l'Académie
de Dijon, mentions another outbreak which took place in Camarines in
1628: "In 1628, according to trustworthy reports, fourteen different
shocks of earthquake occurred on the same day in the province of
Camarines. Many buildings were thrown down, and from one large
mountain which the earthquake rent asunder there issued such an
immense quantity of water that the whole neighborhood was flooded,
trees were torn up by the roots, and, in one hour, from the seashore
all plains were covered with water (the direct distance to the shore
is two and one-half leagues).  [101]

[A mistranslation.] It is very strange that the text given in the
footnote does not agree with A. Perrey's translation. The former does
not mention that water came out of the mountains and says just the
contrary, that trees, which were torn up by the roots, took the place
of the sea for one hour on the shore, so that no water could be seen.

[Unreliable authorities.] The data of the Estado Geografico are apt to
create distrust as the official report on the great earthquake of 1641
describes in detail the eruptions of three volcanoes, which happened at
the same time (of these two were in the South of the Archipelago and
one in Northern Luzon) while Camarines is not mentioned at all. This
suspicion is further strengthened by the fact that the same author
(Nierembergius) whose remarks on the eruptions of 1628 in Camarines
are quoted, gives in another book of his a detailed report on the
events of 1641 without mentioning this province. If one considers
the indifference of the friars toward such events in Nature, it is
not improbable that the eruptions of 1641 when a mountain fell in in
Northern Luzon and a lake took its place, has been transferred on the
Iriga. To illustrate the indifference it may be mentioned that even
the padres living at the foot of the Albay could not agree upon the
dates of its very last eruptions.

[Another attempt at mountain climbing.] When I was at Tambong, a small
hamlet on the shore of the lake belonging to the parochial district
of Buhi, I made a second unsuccessful attempt to reach the highest
point of the Iriga. We arrived in the evening at the southern point
of the crater's edge (1,041 meters above the level of the sea by my
barometrical observation), where a deep defile prevented our further
progress. Here the Igorots abandoned me, and the low-landers refused
to bivouac in order to pursue the journey on the following day; so I
was obliged to return. Late in the evening, after passing through a
coco plantation, we reached the foot of the mountain and found shelter
from a tempest with a kind old woman; to whom my servants lied so
shamelessly that, when the rain had abated, we were, in spite of
our failure, conducted with torches to Tambong, where we found the
palm-grove round the little hamlet magically illuminated with bright
bonfires of dry coconut-leaves in honor of the Conquistadores del
Iriga; and where I was obliged to remain for the night, as the people
were too timorous or too lazy to cross the rough water of the lake.

[Pineapple fiber preparations.] Here I saw them preparing the fiber
of the pine-apple for weaving. The fruit of the plants selected
for this purpose is generally removed early; a process which causes
the leaves to increase considerably both in length and in breadth. A
woman places a board on the ground, and upon it a pine-apple-leaf with
the hollow side upwards. Sitting at one end of the board, she holds
the leaf firmly with her toes, and scrapes its outer surface with a
potsherd; not with the sharp fractured edge but with the blunt side
of the rim; and thus the leaf is reduced to rags. In this manner a
stratum of coarse longitudinal fiber is disclosed, and the operator,
placing her thumb-nail beneath it, lifts it up, and draws it away
in a compact strip; after which she scrapes again until a second
fine layer of fiber is laid bare. Then, turning the leaf round, she
scrapes its back, which now lies upwards, down to the layer of fiber,
which she seizes with her hand and draws at once, to its full length,
away from the back of the leaf. When the fiber has been washed, it is
dried in the sun. It is afterwards combed, with a suitable comb, like
women's hair, sorted into four classes, tied together, and treated like
the fiber of the lupi. In this crude manner are obtained the threads
for the celebrated web nipis de [Piña.] Piña, which is considered by
experts the finest in the world. Two shirts of this kind are in the
Berlin Ethnographical Museum (Nos. 291 and 292). Better woven samples
are in the Gewerbe Museum of Trade and Commerce. In the Philippines,
where the fineness of the work is best understood and appreciated,
richly-embroidered costumes of this description have fetched more
than $1,400 each. [102]

[Rain prevents another ascent.] At Buhi, which is not sufficiently
sheltered towards the north-east, it rained almost as much as at
Daraga. I had found out from the Igorots that a path could be forced
through the tall canes up to the summit; but the continual rain
prevented me; so I resolved to cross the Malinao, returning along the
coast to my quarters, and then, freshly equipped, descend the river
Bicol as far as Naga.

[Mountaineers' arrow poison.] Before we parted the Igorots prepared
for me some arrow poison from the bark of two trees. I happened
to see neither the leaves nor the blossoms, but only the bark. A
piece of bark was beaten to pieces, pressed dry, wetted, and again
pressed. This was done with the bare hand, which, however, sustained
no injury. The juice thus extracted looked like pea-soup, and was
warmed in an earthen vessel over a slow fire. During the process it
coagulated at the edges; and the coagulated mass was again dissolved,
by stirring it into the boiling fluid mass. When this had reached
the consistency of syrup, a small quantity was scraped off the inner
surface of a second piece of bark, and its juice squeezed into the
vessel. This juice was a dark brown color. When the mass had attained
the consistency of a thin jelly, it was scraped out of the pot with
a chip and preserved on a leaf sprinkled with ashes. For poisoning
an arrow they use a piece of the size of a hazel-nut, which, after
being warmed, is distributed uniformly over the broad iron point;
and the poisoned arrow serves for repeated use.

[Sapa river.] At the end of November I left the beautiful lake of
Buhi, and proceeded from its eastern angle for a short distance up
the little river Sapa [103], the alluvial deposits of which form
a considerable feature in the configuration of the lake. Across a
marshy meadow we reached the base of the Malinao or Buhi mountain,
the slippery clay of the lower slope merging higher up into volcanic
sand. [Leeches.] The damp undergrowth swarmed with small leeches;
I never before met with them in such numbers. These little animals,
no stouter when streched out than a linen thread, are extraordinarily
active. They attach themselves firmly to every part of the body,
penetrating even into the nose, the ears, and the eyelids, where,
if, they remain unobserved, they gorge themselves to such excess that
they become as round as balls and look like small cherries. While they
are sucking no pain is felt; but afterwards the spots attacked often
itch the whole day long.  [104] [Fig-trees.] In one place the wood
consisted for the most part of fig-trees, with bunches of fruit quite
six feet in length hanging from the stems and the thicker branches;
and between the trees grew ferns, aroids, and orchids. After nearly
six hours' toil we reached the pass (841 meters above the sea level),
and descended the eastern slope. The forest on the eastern side of
the mountain is still more magnificent than that on the west. From a
clearing we obtained a fine view of the sea, the Island of Catanduanes,
and the plain of Tabaco. [Prison as hotel.]  At sunset we reached Tibi,
where I quartered myself in the prison. This, a tolerably clean place,
enclosed with strong bamboos, was the most habitable part of a long
shed which supplied the place of the tribunal destroyed in a storm two
years before. At Tibi I had an opportunity of sketching Mount Malinao
(called also Buhi and Takit), which from this side has the appearance
of a large volcano with a distinct crater. From the lake of Buhi it
is not so clearly distinguishable.

[Igabo hot spring.] Not far from Tibi, exactly north-east of Malinao,
we found a small hot spring called Igabo. In the middle of a plot of
turf encircled by trees was a bare spot of oval form, nearly a hundred
paces long and seventy wide. The whole space was covered with stones,
rounded by attrition, as large as a man's head and larger. Here
and there hot water bubbled out of the ground and discharged into a
little brook; beside it some women were engaged in cooking their food,
which they suspended in nets in the hottest parts of the water. On the
lower surfaces of some of the stones a little sulphur was sublimated;
of alum hardly a trace was perceptible. In a cavity some caolin had
accumulated, and was used as a stain.

[Naglegbeng silicious springs.] From here I visited the stalactite
springs, not far distant, of Naglegbeng. [105] I had expected to
see a calcareous fountain, but found the most magnificent masses of
silica of infinite variety of form; shallow cones with cylindrical
summits, pyramidal flights of steps, round basins with ribbed margins,
and ponds of boiling water. One spot, denuded of trees, from two
to three hundred paces in breadth and about five hundred in length,
was, with the exception of a few places overgrown with turf, covered
with a crust of silicious dross, which here and there formed large
connected areas, but was generally broken up into flaky plates by the
vertical springs which pierced it. In numerous localities boiling
hot mineral water containing silica was forcing itself out of the
ground, spreading itself over the surface and depositing a crust,
the thickness of which depended on its distance from the center
point. In this manner, in the course of time, a very flat cone is
formed, with a basin of boiling water in the middle. The continuous
deposit of dross contracts the channel, and a less quantity of water
overflows, while that close to the edge of the basin evaporates and
deposits a quantity of fine silicious earth; whence the upper portion
of the cone not only is steeper than its base, but frequently assumes
a more cylindrical form, the external surface of which on account
of the want of uniformity in the overflow, is ribbed in the form
of stalactites. When the channel becomes so much obstructed that
the efflux is less than the evaporation, the water ceases to flow
over the edge, and the mineral dross, during the continual cooling
of the water, is then deposited, with the greatest uniformity, over
the inner area of the basin. When, however, the surface of the water
sinks, this formation ceases at the upper portion of the basin; the
interior wall thickens; and, if the channel be completely stopped up
and all the water evaporated, there remains a bell-shaped basin as
even as if excavated by the hand of man. The water now seeks a fresh
outlet, and bursts forth where it meets with the least obstruction,
without destroying the beautiful cone it has already erected. Many such
examples exist. In the largest cones, however, the vapors generated
acquire such power that, when the outlet is completely stopped up,
they break up the overlying crust in concentrically radiating flakes;
and the water, issuing anew copiously from the center, deposits a fresh
crust, which again, by the process we have just described is broken
up into a superimposed layer of flakes. In this manner are formed
annular layers, which in turn are gradually covered by fresh deposits
from the overflowing water. After the pyramid of layers is complete
and the outlet stopped up, the water sometimes breaks forth on the
slope of the same cone; a second cone is then formed near the first,
on the same base. In the vicinity of the silicious springs are seen
deposits of white, yellow, red, and bluish-grey clays, overlaying
one another in narrow strata-like variegated marl, manifestly the
disintegrated produce of volcanic rocks transported hither by rain
and stained with oxide of iron. These clays perhaps come from the
same rocks from the disintegration of which the silicious earth has
been formed. Similar examples occur in Iceland and in New Zealand;
but the products of the springs of Tibi are more varied, finer,
and more beautiful than those of the Iceland Geysers.

[A world wonder.] The wonderful conformations of the red cone are
indeed astonishing, and hardly to be paralleled in any other quarter
of the world. [106]


CHAPTER XIV


[Quinali river.] On my second journey in Camarines, which I undertook
in February, I went by water from Polangui, past Batu, as far as
Naga. The Quinali, which runs into the south-eastern corner of the
lake of Batu, runs out again on the north side as the Bicol River,
and flows in a north-westerly direction as far as the Bay of San
Miguel. It forms the medium of a not inconsiderable trade between Albay
and Camarines, particularly in rice; of which the supply grown in the
former province does not suffice for the population, who consume the
superfluity of Camarines. The rice is conveyed in large boats up the
river as far as Quinali, and thence transported further on in carabao
carts; and the boats return empty. During the dry season of the year,
the breadth of the very tortuous Bicol, at its mouth, is a little over
sixty feet, and increases but very gradually. There is considerable
variety of vegetation upon its banks, and in animal life it is highly
attractive. I was particularly struck with its numerous monkeys and
water-fowl. [Plotus water-fowl.] Of the latter the Plotus variety
was most abundant, but difficult to shoot. They sit motionless on
the trees on the bank, only their thin heads and necks, like those
of tree-snakes, overtopping the leaves. On the approach of the boat
they precipitate themselves hastily into the water; and it is not
until after many minutes that the thin neck is seen rising up again
at some distance from the spot where the bird disappeared. The Plotus
appears to be as rapid on the wing as it is in swimming and diving.

[Naga.] In Naga, the chief city of South Camarines, I alighted at
the tribunal, from which, however, I was immediately invited by the
principal official of the district--who is famed for his hospitality
far beyond the limits of his province--to his house, where I was loaded
with civilities and favors. This universally beloved gentleman put
everybody under contribution in order to enrich my collections, and did
all in his power to render my stay agreeable and to further my designs.

[Nueva Caceres.] Naga is the seat of a bishopric and of the provincial
government. In official documents it is called Nueva Caceres, in
honor of the Captain-General, D. Fr. de Sande, a native of Caceres,
who about 1578 founded Naga (the Spanish town) close to the Filipino
village. At the beginning of the seventeenth century it numbered
nearly one hundred Spanish inhabitants; at the present time it hardly
boasts a dozen. Murillo Velarde remarks (xiii, 272), in contrast
to the state of things in America, that of all the towns founded in
the Philippines, with the exception of Manila, only the skeletons,
the names without the substance, have been preserved. The reason is,
as has been frequently shown, that up to the present time plantations,
and consequently proper settlers, have been wanting. Formerly Naga
was the principal town of the whole of that district of Luzon lying
to the east of Tayabas, which, on account of the increased population,
was divided into the three provinces of North and South Camarines and
Albay. The boundaries of these governmental districts, those between
Albay and South Camarines more especially, have been drawn very
arbitrarily; although, the whole of the territory, as is shown by the
map, geographically is very well defined. [Land of the Bicols.] The
country is named Camarines; but it might more suitably be called the
country of the Bicols, for the whole of it is inhabited by one race,
the Bicol-Filipinos, who are distinguished by their speech and many
other peculiarities from their neighbors, the Tagals on the west,
and the Bisayans on the islands to the south and east.

[The Bicols.] The Bicols are found only in this district and in a
few islands lying immediately in front of it. Of their coming hither
no information is to be obtained from the comprehensive but confused
histories of the Spanish monks. Morga considers them to be natives
of the island; on the other hand, it is asserted by tradition that
the inhabitants of Manila and its vicinity are descended from Malays
who have migrated thither, and from the inhabitants of other islands
and more distant provinces. [107] Their speech is midway between
that of the Tagalogs and the Bisayans, and they themselves appear,
in both their manners and customs, to be a half-breed between these
two races. Physically and mentally they are inferior to the Tagalogs,
and superior to the inhabitants of the eastern Bisayan Islands. [Bicol
language.] Bicol is spoken only in the two Camarines, Albay, Luzon,
the Islands of Masbate, Burias, Ticao, and Catanduanes, and in the
smaller adjoining islands. The inhabitants of the volcanic mountain
Isarog and its immediate neighborhood speak it in the greatest
purity. Thence towards the west the Bicol dialect becomes more and
more like Tagalog, and towards the east like Bisayan, until by degrees,
even before reaching the boundaries of their ethnographical districts,
it merges into these two kindred languages.

[Rice cultivation.] In South Camarines the sowing of the rice in
beds begins in June or July, always at the commencement of the rainy
season; but in fields artificially watered, earlier, because thus the
fruit ripens at a time when, the store in the country being small,
its price is high. Although the rice fields could very well give two
crops yearly, they are tilled only once. It is planted out in August,
with intervals of a hand's-breadth between each row and each individual
plant; and within four months the rice is ripe. The fields are never
fertilized, and but seldom ploughed; the weeds and the stubble being
generally trodden into the already soaked ground by a dozen carabaos,
and the soil afterwards simply rolled with a cylinder furnished
with sharp points, or loosened with the harrow (sorod). Besides the
agricultural implements named above, there are the Spanish hatchet
(azadon) and a rake of bamboo (kag-kag) in use. The harvest is
effected in a peculiar manner. The rice which is soonest ripe is
cut for ten per cent, that is, the laborer receives for his toil the
tenth bundle for himself. At this time of year rice is very scarce,
want is imminent, and labor reasonable. The more fields, however,
that ripen, the higher become the reapers' wages, rising to twenty,
thirty, forty, even fifty per cent; indeed, the executive sometimes
consider it to be necessary to force the people to do harvest by
corporal punishment and imprisonment, in order to prevent a large
portion of the crop from rotting on the stalk. Nevertheless, in very
fruitful years a part of the harvest is lost. The rice is cut halm by
halm (as in Java) with a peculiarly-formed knife, or, failing such,
with the sharp-edged flap of a mussel [108] found in the ditches of
the rice-fields, which one has only to stoop to pick up.

[Rice land production.] A quiñon of the best rice land is worth from
sixty to one hundred dollars ($5.50 to $9 per acre). Rice fields on
rising grounds are dearest, as they are not exposed to devastating
floods as are those in the plain, and may be treated so as to insure
the ripening of the fruit at the time when the highest price is to
be obtained.

[The harvest.] A ganta of rice is sufficient to plant four topones
(1 topon = 1 loan); from which 100 manojos (bundles) are gathered,
each of which yields half a ganta of rice. The old ganta of Naga,
however, being equal to a modern ganta and a half, the produce
may be calculated at 75 cavanes per quiñon, about 9 3/4 bushels per
acre. [109] In books 250 cavanes are usually stated to be the average
produce of a quiñon; but that is an exaggeration. The fertility of
the fields certainly varies very much; but, when it is considered
that the land in the Philippines is never fertilized, but depends,
for the maintenance of its vitality, exclusively upon the overflowing
of the mud which is washed down from the mountains, it may be believed
that the first numbers better express the true average. In Java the
harvest, in many provinces, amounts to only 50 cavanes per quiñon;
in some, indeed, to three times this amount; and in China, with the
most careful culture and abundant manure, to 180 cabanes.  [110]
[Sweet potatoes.]  Besides rice, they cultivate the camote (sweet
potato, Convolvulus batatas). This flourishes like a weed; indeed,
it is sometimes planted for the purpose of eradicating the weeds from
soil intended for coffee or cacao. It spreads out into a thick carpet,
and is an inexhaustible storehouse to its owner, who, the whole year
through, can supply his wants from his field. Gabi (Caladium), Ubi
(Dioscorea), maize, and other kinds of grain, are likewise cultivated.

[Cattle and horses.] After the rice harvest the carabaos, horses, and
bullocks, are allowed to graze in the fields. During the rice culture
they remain in the gogonales, cane-fields which arise in places once
cultivated for mountain-rice and afterwards abandoned. (Gogo is the
name of a cane 7 to 8 feet high, Saccharum sp.). Transport then is
almost impossible, because during the rainy season the roads are
impassable, and the cattle find nothing to eat. The native does
not feed his beast, but allows it to die when it cannot support
itself. In the wet season of the year it frequently happens that a
carabao falls down from starvation whilst drawing a cart. A carabao
costs from $7 to $10; a horse $10 to $20; and a cow $6 to $8. Very fine
horses are valued at from $30 to $50, and occasionally as much as $80;
but the native horses are not esteemed in Manila, because they have no
stamina. The bad water, the bad hay, and the great heat of the place at
once point out the reason; otherwise it would be profitable to export
horses in favorable seasons to Manila, where they would fetch twice
their value. According to Morga, there were neither horses nor asses
on the Island until the Spaniards imported them from China and New
Spain. [111] They were at first small and vicious. Horses were imported
also from Japan, "not swift but powerful, with large heads and thick
manes, looking like Friesland horses;" [112] and the breed improved
rapidly. Those born in the country, mostly cross-breeds, drive well.

[Black cattle.] Black cattle are generally in the hands of a few
individuals; some of whom in Camarines possess from 1000 to 3000 head;
but they are hardly saleable in the province, although they have been
exported profitably for some years past to Manila. The black cattle
of the province are small but make good beef. They are never employed
for labor, and the cows are not milked. The Filipinos, who generally
feed on fish, crabs, mussels, and wild herbs together with rice,
prefer the flesh of the carabao to that of the ox; but they eat it
only on feastdays.

[Sheep.] The old race of sheep, imported by the Spaniards previous
to this century, still flourishes and is easily propagated. Those
occasionally brought from Shanghai and Australia are considered to be
deficient in endurance, unfruitful, and generally short-lived. Mutton
is procurable every day in Manila; in the interior, however, at
least in the eastern provinces, very rarely; although the rearing
of sheep might there be carried on without difficulty, and in many
places most profitably; the people being too idle to take care of the
young lambs, which they complain are torn to pieces by the dogs when
they wander about free. The sheep appear to have been acclimatized
with difficulty. Morga says that they were brought several times
from New Spain, but did not multiply; so that in his time this kind
of domestic animal did not exist. [Swine.] Pork is eaten by wealthy
Europeans only when the hog has been brought up from the litter at
home. In order to prevent its wandering away, it is usually enclosed
in a wide meshed cylindrical hamper of bamboo, upon filling which
it is slaughtered. The native hogs are too nauseous for food, the
animals maintaining themselves almost entirely on ordure.

[Guesses at history from language.] Crawfurd observes that the names
of all the domestic animals in the Philippines belong to foreign
languages, Those of the dog, swine, goat, carabao, cat, even of
the fowl and the duck, are Malay or Javanese; while those of the
horse, ox, and sheep, are Spanish. Until these animals were first
imported from Malaysia, the aborigines were less fortunate in this
respect than the Americans, who at least had the alpaca, llamanda,
vicuña. The names likewise of most of the cultivated plants, such as
rice, yams, sugar-cane, cacao and indigo, are said to be Malay, as
well as those for silver, copper, and tin. Of the words relating to
commerce, one-third are Malay; to which belong most of the terms used
in trades, as well as the denominations for weights and measures, for
the calendar--so far as it exists--and for numbers, besides the words
for writing, reading, speaking, and narrative. On the other hand, only
a small number of terms which refer to war are borrowed from the Malay.

[Ancient Filipino civilization.] Referring to the degree of
civilization which the Philippines possessed previous to their
intercourse with the Malays, Crawfurd concludes from the purely
domestic words that they cultivated no corn, their vegetable food
consisting of batata(?) and banana. They had not a single domestic
animal; they were acquainted with iron and gold, but with no other
metal, and were clothed in stuffs of cotton and alpaca, woven by
themselves. They had invented a peculiar phonetic alphabet; and their
religion consisted in the belief in good and evil spirits and witches,
in circumcision, and in somewhat of divination by the stars. They
therefore were superior to the inhabitants of the South Sea, inasmuch
as they possessed gold, iron, and woven fabrics, and inferior to them
in that they had neither dog, pig, nor fowl.

[Progress under Spain.] Assuming the truth of the above sketch of
pre-Christian culture, which has been put together only with the help
of defective linguistic sources, and comparing it with the present, we
find, as the result, a considerable progress, for which the Philippines
are indebted to the Spaniards. The influence of social relations has
been already exhibited in the text. The Spaniards have imported the
horse, the bullock, and the sheep; maize, coffee, sugar-cane, cacao,
sesame, tobacco, indigo, many fruits, and probably the batata, which
they met with in Mexico under the name of camotli. [113] From this
circumstance the term camote, universal in the Philippines, appears
to have had its origin, Crawfurd, indeed, erroneously considering
it a native term. According to a communication from Dr. Witmack, the
opinion has lately been conceived that the batata is indigenous not
only to America, but also to the East Indies, as it has two names in
Sanscrit, sharkarakanda and ruktaloo.

[Slight industrial progress.] With the exception of embroidery, the
natives have made but little progress in industries, in the weaving
and the plaiting of mats; and the handicrafts are entirely carried
on by the Chinese.

[Rice and abaca exported.] The exports consist of rice and abaca. The
province exports about twice as much rice as it consumes; a large
quantity to Albay, which, less adapted for the cultivation of rice,
produces only abaca; and a fair share to North Camarines, which is
very mountainous, and little fertile. The rice can hardly be shipped
to Manila, as there is no high road to the south side of the province,
near to the principal town, and the transport by water from the north
side, and from the whole of the eastern portion of Luzon, would
immediately enhance the price of the product. [Chinese monopolize
trade.]  The imports are confined to the little that is imported by
Chinese traders. The traders are almost all Chinese who alone possess
shops in which clothing materials and woolen stuffs, partly of native
and partly of European manufacture, women's embroidered slippers,
and imitation jewelry, may be obtained. The whole amount of capital
invested in these shops certainly does not exceed $200,000. In the
remaining pueblos of Camarines there are no Chinese merchants; and the
inhabitants are consequently obliged to get their supplies from Naga.

[Land for everybody.] The land belongs to the State, but is let to
any one who will build upon it. The usufruct passes to the children,
and ceases only when the land remains unemployed for two whole years;
after which it is competent for the executive to dispose of it to
another person.

[Homes.] Every family possesses its own house; and the young husband
generally builds with the assistance of his friends. In many places
it does not cost more than four or five dollars, as he can, if
necessary, build it himself free of expense, with the simple aid of
the forest-knife (bolo), and of the materials to his hand, bamboo,
Spanish cane, and palm-leaves. These houses, which are always built
on piles on account of the humidity of the soil, often consist of a
single shed, which serves for all the uses of a dwelling, and are the
cause of great laxity and of filthy habits, the whole family sleeping
therein in common, and every passer-by being a welcome guest. A fine
house of boards for the family of a cabeza perhaps costs nearly $100;
and the possessions of such a family in stock, furniture, ornaments,
etc. (of which they are obliged to furnish an annual inventory),
would range in value between $100 and $1,000. Some reach even as
much as $10,000, while the richest family of the whole province is
assessed at $40,000.

[People not travellers.] In general it may be said that every pueblo
supplies travellers, its own necessaries, and produces little more. To
the indolent native, especially to him of the eastern provinces,
the village in which he was born is the world; and he leaves it only
under the most pressing circumstances. Were it otherwise even, the
strictness of the poll-tax would place great obstacles in the way of
gratifying the desire for travel, generated by that oppressive impost.

[Meals.] The Filipino eats three times a day--about 7 a.m., 12, and at
7 or 8 in the evening. Those engaged in severe labor consume at each
meal a chupa of rice; the common people, half a chupa at breakfast, one
at mid-day, and half again in the evening, altogether two chupas. Each
family reaps its own supply of rice, and preserves it in barns, or
buys it winnowed at the market; in the latter case purchasing only
the quantity for one day or for the individual meals. The average
retail price is 3 cuartos for 2 chupas (14 chupas for 1 real). To
free it from the husk, the quantity for each single meal is rubbed in
a mortar by the women. This is in accordance with an ancient custom;
but it is also due to the fear lest, otherwise, the store should be
too quickly consumed. The rice, however, is but half cooked; and
it would seem that this occurs in all places where it constitutes
an essential part of the sustenance of the people, as may be seen,
indeed, in Spain and Italy. Salt and much Spanish pepper (capsicum)
are eaten as condiments; the latter, originally imported from America,
growing all round the houses. To the common cooking-salt the natives
prefer a so-called rock-salt, which they obtain by evaporation from
sea-water previously filtered through ashes; and of which one chinanta
(12 lbs. German) costs from one and one-half to two reals. The
consumption of salt is extremely small.

[Buyo and cigars.] The luxuries of the Filipinos are buyo [114] and
cigars--a cigar costing half a centavo, and a buyo much less. Cigars
are rarely smoked, but are cut up into pieces, and chewed with the
buyo. The women also chew buyo and tobacco, but, as a rule, very
moderately; but they do not also stain their teeth black, like the
Malays; and the young and pretty adorn themselves assiduously with
veils made of the areca-nut tree, whose stiff and closely packed
parallel fibers, when cut crosswise, form excellent tooth-brushes. They
bathe several times daily, and surpass the majority of Europeans in
cleanliness. Every native, above all things, keeps a fighting-cock;
even when he has nothing to eat, he finds money for cock-fighting.

[Household affairs.] The details of domestic economy may be summarized
as follows:

For cooking purposes an earthen pot is used, costing between 3 and 10
cuartos; which, in cooking rice, is closed firmly with a banana-leaf,
so that the steam of a very small quantity of water is sufficient. No
other cooking utensils are used by the poorer classes; but those better
off have a few cast-iron pans and dishes. In the smaller houses, the
hearth consists of a portable earthen pan or a flat chest, frequently
of an old cigar-* chest full of sand, with three stones which serve
as a tripod. In the larger houses it is in the form of a bedstead,
filled with sand or ashes, instead of a mattress. The water in small
households is carried and preserved in thick bamboos. In his bolo
(forest-knife), moreover, every one has an universal instrument,
which he carries in a wooden sheath made by himself, suspended by a
cord of loosely-twisted bast fibers tied round his body. This, and
the rice-mortar (a block of wood with a suitable cavity), together
with pestles and a few baskets, constitute the whole of the household
[Furniture.] furniture of a poor family; sometimes a large snail,
with a rush wick, is also to be found as a lamp. They sleep on a
mat of pandanus (fan-palm, Corypha), when they possess one; if not,
on the splittings of bamboo, with which the house is floored. By the
poor oil for lighting is rarely used; but torches of resin, which
last a couple of days, are bought in the market for half a cuarto.

[Clothing.] Their clothing requirements I ascertained to be these:
A woman wears a camisa de guinára (a short shift of abacá fiber),
a patadíon (a gown reaching from the hip to the ancles), a cloth,
and a comb. A piece of guinára, costing 1 real, gives two shifts;
the coarsest patadíon costs 3 reals; a cloth, at the highest, 1 real;
and a comb, 2 cuartos; making altogether 4 reals, 12 cuartos. Women of
the better class wear a camisa, costing between 1 and 2 r., a patadíon
6 r., cloth between 2 and 3 r., and a comb 2 cu. The men wear a shirt,
1 r., hose, 3 r., hat (tararura) of Spanish cane, 10 cu., or a salacot
(a large rain-hat, frequently decorated), at least 2 r.--often,
when ornamented with silver, as much as $50. At least three, but more
commonly four, suits are worn out yearly; the women, however, taking
care to weave almost the whole quantity for the family themselves.

[Wages.] The daily wages of the common laborer are 1 real, without
food; and his hours of work are from 6 to 12, and from 2 to 6
o'clock. The women, as a rule, perform no field labor, but plant out
the rice and assist in the reaping; their wages on both occasions
being equal to those of the men. Wood and stone-cutters receive 1.5
r. per day, and calkers 1.75 r.

[Land leases.] The Tercio is a pretty general contract in the
cultivation of the land. The owner simply lets arable land for the
third part of the crop. Some mestizos possess several pieces of ground;
but they are seldom connected together, as they generally acquire
them as mortgages for sums bearing but a small proportion to their
real value.

[Family income.] Under the head of earnings I give the income of a
small family. The man earns daily one real, and the woman, if she
weaves coarse stuff, one-fourth real, and her food (thus a piece
of guinára, occupying the labor of two days, costs half a real in
weavers' wages). The most skilful female weaver of the finer stuffs
obtains twelve reals per piece; but it takes a month to weave; and
the month, on account of the numerous holy-days, must be calculated
at the most as equal to twenty-four working days; she consequently
earns one-fourth real per day and her food. For the knitting of the
fibers of the ananas for the piña web (called sugot) she gets only
an eighth of a real and her food.

[Schools.] In all the pueblos there are schools. The schoolmaster
is paid by the Government, and generally obtains two dollars per
month, without board or lodging. In large pueblos the salary amounts
to three dollars and a half; out of which an assistant must be
paid. The schools are under the supervision of the ecclesiastics
of the place. Reading and writing are taught, the writing copies
being Spanish. The teacher, who has to teach his scholars Spanish
exactly, does not understand it himself, while the Spanish officers,
on the other hand, do not understand the language of the country;
and the priests have no inclination to alter this state of things,
which is very useful to them as a means of influence. Almost the only
Filipinos who speak Spanish are those who have been in the service
of Europeans. A kind of religious horn-book is the first that is
read in the language of the country (Bicol); and after that comes the
Christian Doctrine, the reading-book called Casayayan. On an average,
half of all the children go to school, generally from the seventh
to the tenth year. They learn to read a little; a few even write a
little: but they soon forget it again. Only those who are afterwards
employed as clerks write fluently; and of these most write well.

Some priests do not permit boys and girls to attend the same school;
and in this case they pay a second teacher, a female, a dollar a
month. The Filipinos learn arithmetic very quickly, generally aiding
themselves by the use of mussels or stones, which they pile in little
heaps before them and then count through.

[Marriage age.] The women seldom marry before the fourteenth year,
twelve years being the legal limit. In the church-register of Polángui
I found a marriage recorded (January, 1837) between a Filipino and a
Filipina having the ominous name of Hilaria Concepción, who at the
time of the performance of the marriage ceremony was, according to
a note in the margin, only nine years and ten months old. Frequently
people live together unmarried, because they cannot pay the expenses
of the ceremony. [115]

[Woman's work.] European females, and even mestizas, never seek
husbands amongst the natives. The women generally are well treated,
doing only light work, such as sewing, weaving, embroidery, and
managing the household; while all the heavy labor, with the exception
of the beating of the rice, falls to the men. [116]

[A patriarch.] Instances of longevity are frequent amongst the
Filipinos, particularly in Camarines. The Diario de Manila, of
March 13th, 1866, mentions an old man in Darága (Albay) whom I knew
well--Juan Jacob, born in 1744, married in 1764, and a widower
in 1845. He held many public posts up to 1840, and had thirteen
children, of whom five are living. He has one hundred and seventy
direct descendants, and now, at one hundred and twenty-two years of
age, is still vigorous, with good eyes and teeth. Extreme unction
was administered to him seven times!

[Snake bite and rabies remedy.] The first excretion of a new-born
child is carefully preserved, and under the name of triaca (theriacum)
is held to be a highly efficacious and universal remedy for the bites
of snakes and mad dogs. It is applied to the wound externally, and
at the same time is taken internally.

[Infant mortality.] A large number of children die in the first two
weeks after birth. Statistical data are wanting; but, according to the
opinion of one of the first physicians in Manila, at least one-fourth
die. This mortality must arise from great uncleanliness and impure air;
since in the chambers of the sick, and of women lying-in, the doors
and windows are so closely shut that the healthy become sick from
the stench and heat, and the sick recover with difficulty. Every
aperture of the house is closed up by the husband early during
travail, in order that Patianac may not break in--an evil spirit
who brings mischief to lying-in women, and endeavors to hinder the
birth. The custom has been further maintained even amongst many
who attach no belief to the superstition, but who, from fear of a
draught of air through a hole, have discovered a new explanation for
an old custom--namely, that instances of such practices occur amongst
all people. [The itch.] One very widely-spread malady is the itch,
although, according to the assurance of the physician above referred
to, it may be easily subdued; and, according to the judgment of those
who are not physicians and who employ that term for any eruptions
of the skin, the natives generally live on much too low a diet; the
Bicols even more than the Tagalogs. [117] Under certain conditions,
which the physicians, on being questioned, could not define more
precisely, the natives can support neither hunger nor thirst; of which
fact I have on many occasions been a witness. It is reported of them,
when forced into such a situation as to suffer from unappeased wants,
that they become critically ill; and thus they often die.

[Imitation mania.] Hence arises the morbid mania for imitation,
which is called in Java Sakit-latar, and here Mali-mali. In Java many
believe that the sickness is only assumed, because those who pretend
to be afflicted with it find it to their advantage to be seen by newly
arrived Europeans. Here, however, I saw one instance where indeed no
simulation could be suspected. My companions availed themselves of
the diseased condition of a poor old woman who met us in the highway,
to practice some rough jokes upon her. The old woman imitated every
motion as if impelled by an irresistible impulse, and expressed at
the same time the most extreme indignation against those who abused
her infirmity.

[The sickness in Siberia.] In R. Maak's "Journey to the Amour," it is
recorded:--"It is not unusual for the Maniagri to suffer also from a
nervous malady of the most peculiar kind, with which we had already
been made acquainted by the descriptions of several travellers. [118]
This malady is met with, for the most part, amongst the wild people
of Siberia, as well as amongst the Russians settled there. In the
district of the Jakutes, where this affliction very frequently occurs,
those affected by it, both Russians and Jakutes, are known by the
name of 'Emiura;' but here (that is, in that part of Siberia where
the Maniagri live) the same malady is called by the Maniagri 'Olon,'
and by the Argurian Cossacks 'Olgandshi.' The attacks of the malady
which I am now mentioning consist in this, that a man suffering
from it will, if under the influence of terror or consternation,
unconsciously, and often without the smallest sense of shame, imitate
everything that passes before him. Should he be offended, he falls
into a rage, which manifests itself by wild shrieks and raving;
and he precipitates himself at the same time, with a knife or any
other object which may fall to his hand, upon those who have placed
him in this predicament. Amongst the Maniagri, women, especially the
very aged, are the chief sufferers from this malady; and instances,
moreover, of men who were affected by it are likewise known to me. It
is worthy of remark that those women who returned home on account of
this sickness were notwithstanding strong, and in all other respects
enjoyed good health."

[Running amuck.] Probably it is only an accidental coincidence that
in the Malay countries Sakit-latar and Amok exist together, if not in
the same individual, yet amongst the same people. Instances of Amok
seem to occur also in the Philippines.  [119] I find the following
account in the Diario de Manila of February 21, 1866: In Cavite,
on February 18, a soldier rushed into the house of a school-teacher,
and, struggling with him, stabbed him with a dagger, and then killed
the teacher's son with a second stab. Plunging into the street, he
stabbed two young girls of ten and twelve years of age and wounded a
woman in the side, a boy aged nine in the arm, a coachman (mortally) in
the abdomen, and, besides another woman, a sailor and three soldiers;
and arriving at his barracks, where he was stopped by the sentry,
he plunged the dagger into his own breast.

[Regard for the sleeping.] It is one of the greatest insults to stride
over a sleeping native, or to awaken him suddenly. They rouse one
another, when necessity requires, with the greatest circumspection
and by the slowest degrees. [120]

[Sense of smell.] The sense of smell is developed amongst the
natives to so great a degree that they are able, by smelling at the
pocket-handkerchiefs, to tell to which persons they belong ("Reisesk.,"
p. 39); and lovers at parting exchange pieces of the linen they may
be wearing, and during their separation inhale the odor of the beloved
being, besides smothering the relics with kisses. [121]


CHAPTER XV


[A scientific priest-poet.] From Naga I visited the parish priest
of Libmanan (Ligmanan), who, possessing poetical talent, and having
the reputation of a natural philosopher, collected and named pretty
beetles and shells, and dedicated the most elegant little sonnets. He
favored me with the following narrative:--

[Prehistoric remains] In 1851, during the construction of a road a
little beyond Libmanan, at a place called Poro, a bed of shells was
dug up under four feet of mould, one hundred feet distant from the
river. It consisted of Cyrenae (C. suborbicularis, Busch.), a species
of bivalve belonging to the family of Cyclades which occurs only in
warm waters, and is extraordinarily abundant in the brackish waters of
the Philippines. On the same occasion, at the depth of from one and
a half to three and a half feet, were found numerous remains of the
early inhabitants--skulls, ribs, bones of men and animals, a child's
thighbone inserted in a spiral of brass wire, several stags' horns,
beautifully-formed dishes and vessels, some of them painted, probably
of Chinese origin; striped bracelets, of a soft, gypseous, copper-red
rock, gleaming as if they were varnished; [122] small copper knives,
but no iron utensils; and several broad flat stones bored through
the middle; [123] besides a wedge of petrified wood, embedded in a
cleft branch of a tree. The place, which to this day may be easily
recognized in a hollow, might, by excavation systematically carried on,
yield many more interesting results. What was not immediately useful
was then and there destroyed, and the remainder dispersed. In spite of
every endeavor, I could obtain, through the kindness of Señor Fociños
in Naga, only one small vessel. Similar remains of more primitive
inhabitants have been found at the mouth of the Bigajo, not far from
Libmánan, in a shell-bed of the same kind; and an urn, with a human
skeleton, was found at the mouth of the Perlos, west of Sitio de Poro,
in 1840. At the time when I wrote down these statements of the priest,
neither of us was familiar with the discoveries made within the last
few years relating to the lake dwellings (pile villages); or these
notes might have been more exact, although probably they would not
have been so easy and natural.

[Ancient Chinese jar.] Mr. W. A. Franks, who had the kindness to
examine the vessel, inclines to the opinion that it is Chinese, and
pronounces it to be of very great antiquity, without however, being
able to determine its age more exactly; and a learned Chinese of the
Burlingame Embassy expressed himself to the same effect. He knew only
of one article, now in the British Museum, which was brought from Japan
by Kaempfer, the color, glazing, and cracks in the glazing, of which
(craqueles) corresponded precisely with mine. According to Kaempfer,
the Japanese found similar vessels in the sea; and they value them
very highly for the purpose of preserving their tea in them.

Morga writes:--

[Used as tea canisters.]  "On this island, Luzon, particularly in
the provinces of Manila, Pampánga, Pangasinán, and Ilócos, very
ancient clay vessels of a dark brown color are found by the natives,
of a sorry appearance; some of a middling size, and others smaller;
marked with characters and stamps. They are unable to say either when
or where they obtained them; but they are no longer to be acquired, nor
are they manufactured in the islands. The Japanese prize them highly,
for they have found that the root of a herb which they call Tscha
(tea), and which when drunk hot is considered as a great delicacy
and of medicinal efficacy by the kings and lords in Japan, cannot be
effectively preserved except in these vessels; which are so highly
esteemed all over Japan that they form the most costly articles of
their show-rooms and cabinets. Indeed, so highly do they value them
that they overlay them externally with fine gold embossed with great
skill, and enclose them in cases of brocade; and some of these vessels
are valued at and fetch from two thousand tael to eleven reals. The
natives of these islands purchase them from the Japanese at very high
rates, and take much pains in the search for them on account of their
value, though but few are now found on account of the eagerness with
which they have been sought for."

[Strict search in Japan.] When Carletti, in 1597, went from the
Philippines to Japan, all the passengers on board were examined
carefully, by order of the governor, and threatened with capital
punishment if they endeavored to conceal "certain earthen vessels
which were wont to be brought from the Philippines and other islands
of that sea," as the king wished to buy them all.

[Prized by Japanese.] "These vessels were worth as much as five,
six, and even ten thousand scudi each; but they were not permitted
to demand for them more then one Giulio (about a half Paolo)." In
1615 Carletti met with a Franciscan who was sent as ambassador from
Japan to Rome, who assured him that he had seen one hundred and
thirty thousand scudi paid by the King of Japan for such a vessel;
and his companions confirmed the statement. Carletti also alleges,
as the reason for the high price, "that the leaf cia or tea, the
quality of which improves with age, is preserved better in those
vessels than in all others. The Japanese besides know these vessels by
certain characters and stamps. They are of great age and very rare,
and come only from Cambodia, Siam, Cochin-China, the Philippines,
and other neighboring islands. From their external appearance they
would be estimated at three or four quatrini (two dreier).... It is
perfectly true that the king and the princes of that kingdom possess
a very large number of these vessels, and prize them as their most
valuable treasure and above all other rarities .... and that they boast
of their acquisitions, and from motives of vanity strive to outvie one
another in the multitude of pretty vessels which they possess. [124]

[Found in Borneo.] Many travellers mention vessels found likewise
amongst the Dyaks and the Malays in Borneo, which, from superstitious
motives, were estimated at most exaggerated figures, amounting
sometimes to many thousand dollars.

[$3,500 for a jar] St. John [125] relates that the Datu of Tamparuli
(Borneo) gave rice to the value of almost $3,500 for a jar, and that he
possessed a second jar of almost fabulous value, which was about two
feet high, and of a dark olive green. The Datu fills both jars with
water, which, after adding plants and flowers to it, he dispenses
[A speaking jar.] to all the sick persons in the country. But the
most famous jar in Borneo is that of the Sultan of Brunei, which
not only possesses all the valuable properties of the other jars
but can also speak. St. John did not see it, as it is always kept
in the women's apartment; but the sultan, a credible man, related to
him that the jar howled dolefully the night before the death of his
first wife, and that it emitted similar tones in the event of impending
misfortunes. St. John is inclined to explain the mysterious phenomenon
by a probably peculiar form of the mouth of the vessel, in passing over
which the air-draught is thrown into resonant verberations, like the
Aeolian harp. The vessel is generally enveloped in gold brocade, and
is uncovered only when it is to be consulted; and hence, of course,
it happens that it speaks only on solemn occasions. St. John states
further that the Bisayans used formerly to bring presents to the
sultan; in recognition of which they received some water from the
sacred jar to sprinkle over their fields and thereby ensure plentiful
harvests. When the sultan was asked whether he would sell his jar for
$100,000, he answered that no offer in the world could tempt him to
part with it.

[Morga's description.] Morga's description suits neither the vessel
of Libmánan nor the jar of the British Museum, but rather a vessel
brought from Japan a short time ago to our Ethnographical Museum. This
is of brown clay, small but of graceful shape, and composed of many
pieces cemented together; the joints being gilt and forming a kind of
network on the dark ground. How highly ancient pots of a similar kind,
even of native origin, are esteemed in Japan down to the present day,
is shown by the following certificate translated by the interpreter
of the German Consulate:--

[A consecrated jar.] "This earthen vessel was found in the porcelain
factory of Tschisuka in the province of Odori, in South Idzumi,
and is an object belonging to the thousand graves.... It was made
by Giogiboosat (a celebrated Buddhist priest), and after it had been
consecrated to heaven was buried by him. According to the traditions
of the people, this place held grave mounds with memorial stones. That
is more than a thousand years ago. ....In the pursuit of my studies,
I remained many years in the temple Sookuk, of that village, and
found the vessel. I carried it to the high priest Shakudjo, who
was much delighted therewith and always bore it about with him as
a treasure. When he died it fell to me, although I could not find
it. Recently, when Honkai was chief priest, I saw it again, and
it was as if I had again met the spirit of Shakudjo. Great was my
commotion, and I clapped my hands with astonishment; and, as often
as I look upon the treasure, I think it is a sign that the spirit of
Shakudjo is returned to life. Therefore I have written the history,
and taken care, of this treasure.--Fudji Kuz Dodjin."

Baron Alexander von Siebold communicates the following:--

[Tea societies.] The value which the Japanese attach to vessels of this
kind rests upon the use which is made of them by the mysterious tea
societies called Cha-no-yu. Respecting the origin of these societies,
which still are almost entirely unknown to Europeans, different legends
exist. They flourished, however, principally during the reign of the
emperor Taikosama, who, in the year 1588, furnished the society of
Cha-no-yu at Kitano near Myako with new laws. In consequence of the
religious and civil wars, the whole of the people had deteriorated
and become ungovernable, having lost all taste for art and knowledge,
and holding only rude force in any esteem; brute strength ruling in the
place of the laws. The observant Taikosama perceived that, in order to
tame these rough natures, he must accustom them to the arts of peace,
and thus secure prosperity to the country, and safety for himself and
his successors. With this in view he recalled the Cha-no-yu society
anew into life, and assembled its masters and those acquainted with
its customs around him.

[Their object.] The object of the Cha-no-yu is to draw man away
from the influences of the terrestrial forces which surround him,
to plant within him the feeling of complete repose, and to dispose
him to self-contemplation. All the exercises of the Cha-no-yu are
directed to this object.

[Ceremonies.] Clothed in light white garments, and without weapons,
the members of the Cha-no-yu assemble round the master's house, and,
after resting some time in the ante-room, are conducted into a pavilion
appropriated exclusively to these assemblies. This consists of the
most costly kinds of wood, but is without any ornament which could
possibly be abstracted from it; without color, and without varnish,
dimly lighted by small windows thickly overgrown with plants, and
so low that it is impossible to stand upright. The guests tread the
apartment with solemn measured steps, and, having been received by
him according to the prescribed formulas, arrange themselves in
a half-circle on both sides of him. All distinctions of rank are
abolished. The ancient vessels are now removed with solemn ceremonies
from their wrappings, saluted and admired; and, with the same solemn
and rigidly prescribed formulas, the water is heated on the hearth
appropriated to the purpose, and the tea taken from the vessels and
prepared in cups. The tea consists of the young green leaves of the
tea-shrub rubbed to powder, and is very stimulating in its effect. The
beverage is taken amidst deep silence, while incense is burning on
the elevated pedestal of honor, toko; and, after the thoughts have
thus been collected, conversation begins. It is confined to abstract
subjects; but politics are not always excluded.

[Reward of valor.] The value of the vessels employed in these
assemblages is very considerable; indeed, they do not fall short of the
value of our most costly paintings; and Taikosama often rewarded his
generals with vessels of the kind, instead of land, as was formerly the
practice. After the last revolution some of the more eminent Daimios
(princes) of the Mikado were rewarded with similar Cha-no-yu vessels,
in acknowledgment of the aid rendered to him in regaining the throne
of his ancestors. The best of them which I have seen were far from
beautiful, simply being old, weather-worn, black or dark-brown jars,
with pretty broad necks, for storing the tea in; tall cups of cracked
Craquelé, either porcelain or earthenware, for drinking the infusion;
and deep, broad cisterns; besides rusty old iron kettles with rings,
for heating the water: but they were enwrapped in the most costly
silken stuffs, and preserved in chests lacquered with gold. Similar
old vessels are preserved amongst the treasures of the Mikado and the
Tycoon, as well as in some of the temples, with all the care due to the
most costly jewels, together with documents relating to their history.

[Yamtik and Visita Bicul.]  From Libmánan I visited the mountain,
Yamtik (Amtik, Hantu), [126] which consists of lime, and contains
many caverns. Six hours westward by water, and one hour S.S.W. on
foot, brought us to the Visita Bícul, surrounded by a thousand little
limestone hills; from which we ascended by a staircase of sinter in the
bed of a brook, to a small cavern tenanted by multitudes of bats, and
great long-armed spiders of the species Phrynus, known to be poisonous.
[127]

[Ant activities.] A thick branch of a tree lying across the road was
perforated from end to end by a small ant. Many of the natives did
not venture to enter the cave; and those who did enter it were in a
state of great agitation, and were careful first to enjoin upon each
other the respect to be observed by them towards Calapnitan.  [128]

[Superstitions.] One of the principal rules was to name no object in
the cave without adding "Lord Calapnitan's." Thus they did not bluntly
refer to either gun or torch, but devoutly said "Lord C.'s gun," or
"Lord C.'s torch." At a thousand paces from this lies another cave,
"San Vicente," which contains the same insects, but another kind
of bat. Both caves are only of small extent; but in Libmánan a very
large stalactite cave was mentioned to me, the description of which,
notwithstanding the fables mixed up with it, could not but have a true
foundation. Our guides feigned ignorance of it; and it was not till
after two days' wandering about, and after many debates, that they came
to the decision, since I adhered to my purpose, to encounter the risk;
when, to my great astonishment, they conducted me back to Calapnitan's
cave; from which a narrow fissure, hidden by a projection of rock,
led into one of the most gorgeous stalactite caves in the world. Its
floor was everywhere firm and easy to the tread, and mostly dry; and
it ran out into several branches, the entire length of which probably
exceeds a mile; and the whole series of royal chambers and cathedrals,
with the columns, pulpits, and altars which it contained, reflected
no discredit upon its description. No bones or other remains were to
be found in it. My intention to return subsequently with laborers,
for the purpose of systematic excavation, was not carried out.

[Unsuccessful climb.] I was not lucky enough to reach the summit of the
mountain, upon which was to be found a lake, "from where else should
the water come?" For two days we labored strenuously at different
points to penetrate the thick forest; but the guide, who had assured
the priest in Libmanan that he knew the road, now expressed himself
to the contrary effect. I therefore made the fellow, who had hitherto
been unburdened, now carry a part of the baggage as a punishment;
but he threw it off at the next turning of the road and escaped,
so that we were compelled to return. Stags and wild boars are very
numerous in these forests; and they formed the principal portion of
our meals, at which, at the commencement of our expedition, we had
as many as thirty individuals; who, in the intervals between them,
affected to search for snails and insects for me, but with success
not proportionate to their zeal.

[A clever pilfering servant.] Upon my departure from Daraga I took
with me a lively little boy, who had a taste for the calling of a
naturalist. In Libmanan he was suddenly lost, and with him, at the
same time, a bundle of keys; and we looked for him in vain. The
fact was, as I afterwards came to learn, that he went straight to
Naga, and, identifying himself by showing the stolen keys, got the
majordomo of my host to deliver to him a white felt hat; with which he
disappeared. I had once seen him, with the hat on his head, standing
before a looking-glass and admiring himself; and he could not resist
the temptation to steal it.

[Trip with Internal Revenue Collector.] In the beginning of March
I had the pleasure of accompanying the Collector (Administrador) of
Camarines and a Spanish head-man, who were travelling across Daet and
Mauban to the chief town. At five p.m. we left Butungan on the Bicol
River, two leagues below Naga, in a falúa of twelve oars, equipped
with one 6-pounder and two 4-pounders, and reinforced by armed men;
and about six we reached Cabusao, at the mouth of the Bicol, whence we
put to sea about nine. The falua belonged to the collector of taxes,
and had, in conjunction with another under the command of the alcalde,
to protect the north coast of the province against smugglers and
pirates, who at this time of the year are accustomed to frequent
the hiding-places of the bay of San Miguel. Two similar gun-boats
performed the duty on the south coast of the province.

[Four volcanos.] Both the banks of the Bicol River are flat, and
expand into broad fields of rice; and to the east are simultaneously
visible the beautiful volcanos of Mayon, Iriga, Malina, and Isarog.

At daybreak we reached the bar of Daet, and, after two hours'
travelling, the similarly named chief city of the province of North
Camarines, where we found an excellent reception at the house of
the alcalde, a polished Navarrese; marred only by the tame monkey,
who should have welcomed the guests of his master, turning his
back towards them with studiously discourteous gestures, and going
towards the door. However, upon the majordomo placing a spirit flask
preserving a small harmless snake on the threshold, the monkey sprang
quickly back and concealed himself, trembling, behind his master. [A
danceless ball.] In the evening there was a ball, but there were no
dancers present. Some Filipinas, who had been invited, sat bashfully
at one end of the apartment and danced with one another when called
upon, without being noticed by the Spaniards, who conversed together
at the other end.

[Spanish prejudice against bathing.] Our departure hence was delayed
by festivities and sudden showers for about two days, after which the
spirited horses of the alcalde carried us within an hour on a level
road north-west, to Talisáy, and in another hour to Indang, where
a bath and breakfast were ready. Up to this time I had never seen
a bath-room in the house of a Spaniard; whereas with the Northern
Europeans it is never wanting. The Spaniards appear to regard
the bath as a species of medicine, to be used only with caution;
many, even to the present day, look upon it as an institution not
quite Christian. At the time of the Inquisition frequent bathing,
it is known, was a characteristic of the Moors, and certainly was not
wholly free from danger. In Manila, only those who live near the Pasig
are the exceptions to the rule; and there the good or bad practice
prevails of whole families bathing, in the company of their friends,
in the open air.

[An unfortified fort.] The road ends at Indáng. In two boats we went
down the river till stopped by a bar, and there at a well-supplied
table prepared for us by the kindness of the alcalde we awaited
the horses which were being brought thither along a bad road by our
servants. In the waste of Barre a tower, surrounded by two or three
fishermen's huts and as many camarines, has been erected against the
Moros, who, untempted by the same, seldom go so far westward, for
it consists only of an open hut covered with palm-leaves--a kind of
parasol--supported on stakes as thick as one's arm and fifteen feet
high; and the two cannons belonging to it ought, for security, to be
buried. We followed the sea-shore, which is composed of silicious sand,
and covered with a carpet of creeping shore plants in full bloom. On
the edge of the wood, to the left, were many flowering shrubs and
pandanus with large scarlet-red flowers. After an hour we crossed the
river Longos in a ferry, and soon came to the spur of a crystalline
chain of mountains, which barred our road and extended itself into
the sea as Point Longos. The horses climbed it with difficulty, and
we found the stream on the other side already risen so high that we
rode knee-deep in the water. After sunset we crossed singly, with
great loss of time, in a miserable ferry-boat, over the broad mouth
of the Pulundaga, where a pleasant road through a forest led us,
in fifteen minutes, over the mountain-spur, Malanguit, which again
projected itself right across our path into the sea, to the mouth
of the Paracale. The long bridge here was so rotten that we were
obliged to lead the horses over at wide intervals apart; and on the
further side lies the place called Paracale, from which my companions
continued their journey across Mauban to Manila.

[Red lead.] Paracale and Mambulao are two localities well known to
all mineralogists, from the red lead ore occurring there. On the
following morning I returned to Longos; which consists of only a few
miserable huts inhabited by gold-washers, who go about almost naked,
probably because they are laboring during the greater part of the
day in the water; but they are also very poor.

[Gold mining.] The soil is composed of rubbish, decomposed fragments of
crystalline rock, rich in broken pieces of quartz. The workmen make
holes in the ground two and one-half feet long, two and one-half
broad, and to thirty feet deep. At three feet below the surface
the rock is generally found to contain gold, the value increasing
down to eighteen feet of depth, and then again diminishing, though
these proportions are very uncertain, and there is much fruitless
search. The rock is carried out of the holes in baskets, on ladders
of bamboo, and the water in small pails; but in the rainy season the
holes cannot possibly be kept free from water, as they are situated
on the slope of the mountain, and are filled quicker than they can
be emptied. The want of apparatus for discharging water also accounts
for the fact that the pits are not dug deeper.

[A primitive rock breaker.] The breaking of the auriferous rock is
effected with two stones; of which one serves as anvil, and the other
as hammer. The former, which is slightly hollowed in the center, is
laid flat upon the ground; and the latter, four by eight by eight
inches in dimensions, and therefore of about twenty-five pounds
weight, is made fast with rattan to the top of a slender young tree,
which lies in a sloping position in a fork, and at its opposite end is
firmly fixed in the ground. The workman with a jerk forces the stone
that serves for hammer down upon the auriferous rock, and allows it
to be again carried upwards by the elasticity of the young tree.

[An arrastre.] The crushing of the broken rock is effected with
an apparatus equally crude. A thick stake rises from the center
of a circular support of rough-hewn stones (which is enclosed in
a circle of exactly similar stones) having an iron pin at its top,
to which a tree, bent horizontally in the middle, and downwards at
the two ends, is fixed. Being set in motion by two carabaos attached
in front, it drags several heavy stones, which are bound firmly to
it with rattans, round the circle, and in this manner crushes the
broken rock, which has been previously mixed with water, to a fine
mud. The same apparatus is employed by the Mexican gold-washers,
under the name of Rastra. [Gold-washing.] The washing-out of the mud
is done by women. They kneel before a small wooden gutter filled with
water up to the brim, and provided with boards, sloping downwards,
in front of the space assigned to each woman; the gutter being cut
out at these places in a corresponding manner, so that a very slender
stream of water flows evenly across its whole breadth downwards over
the board. With her hand the work-woman distributes the auriferous
mud over the board, which, at the lower edge, is provided with a
cross-piece; and, when the light sand is washed away, there remains a
stratum consisting chiefly of iron, flint, and ore, which is taken up
from time to time with a flat piece of board, and laid on one side;
and at the end of the day's work, it is washed out in a flat wooden
dish (batea), and, for the last time, in a coco-shell; when, if they
are lucky, a fine yellow dust shows itself on the edge. [129] During
the last washing the slimy juice of the Gogo is added to the water,
the fine heavy sand remaining suspended therein for a longer time
than in pure water, and thus being more easily separated from the
gold-dust. [130]

[The clean-up.] It is further to be mentioned that the refuse from
the pits is washed at the upper end of the water-gutter, so that
the sand adhering to the stones intended for pounding may deposit
its gold in the gutter or on the washing-board. In order to melt
the gold thus obtained into a lump, in which form it is bought by
the dealers, it is poured into a small heart-shell (cardium), and,
after being covered with a handful of charcoal, placed  in a potsherd;
when a woman blows through a narrow bamboo-cane on the kindled coals,
and in one minute the work is completed. [131]

The result of many inquiries shows the profit per head to average
not more than one and one-half reals daily. Further to the south-west
from here, on the mountain Malaguit, are seen the ruins of a Spanish
mining company; a heap of rubbish, a pit fifty feet deep, a large
house fallen to ruin, and a stream-work four feet broad and six feet
high. The mountain consists of gneiss much decomposed, with quartz
veins in the stream-work, with the exception of the bands of quartz,
which are of almost pure clay earth with sand.

[Edible bird's nests.] On the sides hung some edible nests of the
salangane, but not of the same kind as those found in the caverns
on the south coast of Java. These, which are of much less value than
the latter, are only occasionally collected by the Chinese dealers,
who reckon them nominally at five cents each. We also found a few of
the nest-building birds (Collocalia troglodytes, Gray). [132]

[Abandoned workings.] Around lay so large a number of workings,
and there were so many little abandoned pits, wholly or half fallen
to ruin, and more or less grown over, that it was necessary to step
between with great caution. Some of them were still being worked after
the mode followed at Lóngos, but with a few slight improvements. The
pits are twice as large as those excavated there, and the rock is
lifted, up by a pulley to a cylindrical framework of bamboo, which
is worked by the feet of a lad who sits on a bank higher up.

[Lead and mica.] Ten minutes north of the village of Malaguit is
a mountain in which lead-glance and red lead have been obtained;
the rock consisting of micaceous gneiss much decomposed. There is
a stream-work over one hundred feet in length. The rock appears to
have been very poor.

The highly prized red-lead ores have been found on the top of this same
hill, N. 30° W. from the village. The quarry was fallen to ruin and
flooded with rain, so that only a shallow hollow in the ground remained
visible; and after a long search amongst the bushes growing there a few
small fragments were found, on which [Chrome-lead ore.] chrome-lead
ore was still clearly to be recognized. Captain Sabino, the former
governor of Paracale, a well-informed Filipino, who, at the suggestion
of the alcalde, accompanied me, had for some years caused excavations
to be carried on, in order to find specimens for a speculator who had
in view the establishment of a new mining company in Spain; but the
specimens which were found had not been removed, as speculation in
mines in the Philippines had, in the interval, fallen into discredit
on the Exchange of Madrid; and as yet only a little box full of sand,
out of a few small drusy cavities, has been fixed upon and pounded,
to be sold as variegated writing-sand, after being carefully sifted.

[A pretty fan-palm.] A peculiarly beautiful fan-palm grows on this
hill. Its stem is from thirty to forty feet high, cylindrical and
dark-brown, with white rings a quarter of an inch broad at distances of
four inches, and, at similar intervals, crown-shaped bands of thorns
two inches long. Near the crown-leaf the stem passes into the richest
brown of burnt sienna.

[Rooming in a powder-magazine.] Notwithstanding a very bad road, a
pleasant ride carried us from Paracale to the sea-shore, and, through
a beautiful wood, to Mambulao, which lies W. by N. I alighted at the
tribunal, and took up my lodgings in the room where the ammunition was
kept, as being the only one that could be locked. For greater security,
the powder was stored in a corner and covered with carabao-hide;
but such were my arrangements that my servant carried about a burning
tallow light, and his assistant a torch in the hand. When I visited
the Filipino priest, I was received in a friendly manner by a young
girl who, when I offered my hand, thanked me with a bow, saying,
"Tengo las sarnas" ("I have the itch"). The malady, which is very
common in the Philippines, appears to have its focus in this locality.

[Gneiss and crystalline rock.] A quarter of a league N.N.E. we came
upon the ruins of another mining undertaking, the Ancla de Oro. Shaft
and water-cutting had fallen in, and were thickly grown over; and
only a few of the considerable buildings were still standing; and
even those were ready to fall. In a circle some natives were busily
employed, in their manner, collecting grains of gold. The rock is
gneiss, weathered so much that it cannot be recognized; and at a
thousand paces on the other side is a similar one, clearly crystalline.

[Hornblende and hornblende slate.] Half a league N. by E. from Mambulao
is the lead-mountain of Dinianan. Here also all the works were fallen
in, choked with mud and grown over. Only after a long search were
a few fragments found with traces of red-lead ore. This mountain
consists of hornblende rock; in one place, of hornblende slate,
with very beautiful large crystals.

[Copper.] A league and a half S. from Mambulao a shallow hollow in
the ground marks the site of an old copper-mine, which must have
been eighty-four feet deep. Copper ores are found in several places
in Luzon; and specimens of solid copper were obtained by me at the
Bay of Luyang, N. of the Enseñada de Patag, in Caramuan.

[Unsuccessful copper-mining.] Very considerable beds of copper ore
occur in Mancayán, in the district of Lepanto, and in the central
mountain-range of Luzon between Cagayán and Ilocos, which have been
worked by a mining company in Manila since 1850; but the operations
seem to have been most unsuccessful. In 1867 the society expended a
considerable capital in the erection of smelting furnaces and hydraulic
machinery; but until a very recent date, owing to local difficulties,
particularly the want of roads, it has not produced any copper. [133]

[Paying minus dividends.] In 1869 I heard, in London, that the
undertaking had been given up. According to my latest information,
however, it is certainly in progress; but the management have never,
I believe, secured a dividend. The statement of 1872, in fact, shows
a loss, or, as the Spaniards elegantly say, a dividendo pasivo.

[Igorot-mining successful.] What Europeans yet appear unable to
accomplish, the wild Igorots, who inhabit that trackless range of
mountains, have carried on successfully for centuries, and to a
proportionally larger extent; and this is the more remarkable as
the metal in that district occurs only in the form of flints, which
even in Europe can be made profitable only by particular management,
and not without expense.

[Long-established and considerable.] The copper introduced into
commerce by the Igorots from 1840 to 1855, partly in a raw state,
partly manufactured, is estimated at three hundred piculs yearly. The
extent of their excavations, and the large existing masses of slag,
also indicate the activity of their operations for a long period
of time.

[Copper kettles attributed to Negritos.] In the Ethnographical Museum
at Berlin is a copper kettle made by those wild tribes. Meyer,
who brought it, states that it was made by the Negritos in the
interior of the island, and certainly with hammers of porphyry, as
they have no iron; and that he further found, in the collection of
the Captain General of the Philippines, a large shallow kettle of
three and one-half feet in diameter, which had been bought for only
three dollars; whence it may be inferred that, in the interior of
the island, the copper occurs in large masses, and probably solid;
for how could those rude, uncultivated negritos understand the art
of smelting copper?

[Copper-working a pre-Spanish art.] The locality of these rich
quarries was still unknown to the Governor, although the copper
implements brought thence had, according to an official statement
of his in 1833, been in use in Manila over two centuries. It is
now known that the copper-smiths are not Negritos but Igorots; and
there can be no question that they practiced this art, and the still
more difficult one of obtaining copper from flint, for a long period
perhaps previous to the arrival of the Spaniards. They may possibly
have learnt them from the Chinese or Japanese. The chief engineer,
Santos [134], and many others with him, are of opinion that this
race is descended from the Chinese or Japanese, from whom he insists
that it acquired not only its features (several travellers mention
the obliquely placed eyes of the Igorots), its idols, and some of
its customs, but also the art of working in copper. At all events,
the fact that a wild people, living isolated in the mountains,
should have made such progress in the science of smelting, is of
so great interest that a description of their procedure by Santos
(essentially only a repetition of an earlier account by Hernandez,
in the Revista Minera, i. 112) will certainly be acceptable.

[The Igorots' Method.] The present mining district acquired by the
society mentioned, the Sociedad Minero-metalurgica Cantabrofilipina
de Mancayan, was divided amongst the Igorots into larger or smaller
parcels strictly according to the number of the population of the
adjacent villages, whose boundaries were jealously watched; and
the possessions of each separate village were again divided between
certain families; whence it is that those mountain districts exhibit,
at the present day, the appearance of a honeycomb. To obtain the ore,
they made cavities, in which they lighted fires in suitable spots,
for the purpose of breaking the rock into pieces by means of the
elasticity of the heated water contained in the crevices, with the
additional assistance of iron implements. The first breaking-up of
the ore was done in the stream-work itself, and the dead heaps lay
piled up on the ground, so that, in subsequent fires, the flame of
the pieces of wood always reached the summit; and by reason of the
quality of the rock, and the imperfection of the mode of procedure,
very considerable down-falls frequently occurred. The ores were divided
into rich and quartziferous; the former not being again melted, but
the latter being subjected to a powerful and persistent roasting,
during which, after a part of the sulphur, antimony, and arsenic
had been exhaled, a kind of distillation of sulphate of copper and
sulphate of iron took place, which appeared as "stone," or in balls
on the surface of the quartz, and could be easily detached. [135]

[The Smelter.] The furnace or smelting apparatus consisted of a round
hollow in clayey gound, thirty centimeters in diameter and fifteen
deep; with which was connected a conical funnel of fire-proof stone,
inclined at an angle of 30°, carrying up two bamboo-canes, which were
fitted into the lower ends of two notched pine-stems; in these two
slips, covered all over with dry grass or feathers, moved alternately
up and down, and produced the current required for the smelting.

[Smelting.] When the Igorots obtained black copper or native copper by
blasting, they prevented loss (by oxidation) by setting up a crucible
of good fire-proof clay in the form of a still; by which means it was
easier for them to pour the metal into the forms which it would acquire
from the same clay. The furnace being arranged, they supplied it
with from eighteen to twenty kilograms of rich or roasted ore, which,
according to the repeated experiments of Hernandez, contained twenty
per cent of copper; and they proceeded quite scientifically, always
exposing the ore at the mouth of the funnel, and consequently to the
air-drafts, and placing the coals at the sides of the furnace, which
consisted of loose stones piled one over another to the height of fifty
centimeters. The fire having been kindled and the blowing apparatus,
already described, in operation, thick clouds of white, yellow, and
orange-yellow smoke were evolved from the partial volatilization of the
sulphur, arsenic, and antimony, for the space of an hour; but as soon
as only sulphurous acid was formed, and the heat by this procedure
had attained its highest degree, the blowing was discontinued and
the product taken out. This consisted of a dross, or, rather, of the
collected pieces of ore themselves, which, on account of the flinty
contents of the stones composing the funnel, were transformed by the
decomposition of the sulphurous metal into a porous mass, and which
could not be converted into dross nor form combinations with silicious
acid, being deficient in the base as well as in the requisite heat;
and also of a very impure "stone," of from four to five kilograms
weight, and containing from fifty to sixty per cent of copper.

[The copper "stone".] Several of these "stones" were melted down
together for the space of about fifteen hours, in a powerful fire;
and by this means a great portion of the three volatile substances
above named was again evolved; after which they placed them, now heated
red-hot, in an upright position, but so as to be in contact with the
draught; the coals, however, being at the sides of the furnace. After
blowing for an hour or half-an-hour, they thus obtained, as residuum,
a silicate of iron with antimony and traces of arsenic, a "stone"
containing from seventy to seventy-five per cent of copper, which they
took off in very thin strips, at the same time using refrigerating
vessels; and at the bottom of the hollow there remained, according
as the mass was more or less freed from sulphur, a larger or smaller
quantity (always, however, impure) of black copper.

[Purifying the product.] The purified stones obtained by this second
process were again made red-hot by placing them between rows of wood,
in order that they might not melt into one another before the fire
had freed them from impurities.

The black copper obtained from the second operation, and the stones
which were re-melted at the same time, were then subjected to a
third process in the same furnace (narrowed by quarry stones and
provided with a crucible); which produced a residuum of silicious
iron and black copper, which was poured out into clay moulds, and
in this shape came into commerce. This black copper contained from
ninety-two to ninety-four per cent of copper, and was tinged by a
carbonaceous compound of the same metal known by its yellow color,
and the oxide on the surface arising from the slow cooling, which will
occur notwithstanding every precaution; and the surface so exposed
to oxidation they beat with green twigs. When the copper, which had
been thus extracted with so much skill and patience by the Igorots,
was to be employed in the manufacture of kettles, pipes, and other
domestic articles, or for ornament, it was submitted to another
process of purification, which differed from the preceding only in
one particular, that the quantity of coals was diminished and the
air-draught increased according as the process of smelting drew near
to its termination, which involved the removal of the carbonaceous
compound by oxidation. Santos found, by repeated experiment, that even
from ores of the mean standard of twenty per cent, only from eight to
ten per cent of black copper was extracted by the third operation; so
that between eight to twelve per cent still remained in the residuum
or porous quartz of the operation.

[Tagalog women traders.] It was difficult to procure the necessary
means of transport for my baggage on the return journey to Paracale,
the roads being so soaked by the continuous rains that no one would
venture his cattle for the purpose. In Mambulao the influence of
the province on its western border is very perceptible, and Tagalog
is understood almost better than Bicol; the Tagalog element being
introduced amongst the population by women, who with their families
come here, from Lucban and Mauban, in the pursuit of trade. They buy up
gold, and import stuffs and other wares in exchange. The gold acquired
is commonly from fifteen to sixteen carats, and a mark determines
its quality. The dealers pay on the average $11 per ounce; but when,
as is usually the case, it is [Miners uncertain returns.] offered in
smaller quantities than one ounce, only $10. [136] They weigh with
small Roman scales, and have no great reputation for honesty.

North Camarines is thinly inhabited, the population of the mining
districts having removed after the many undertakings which were
artificially called into existence by the mining mania had been
ruined. The goldwashers are mostly dissolute and involved in debt,
and continually expecting rich findings which but very seldom occur,
and which, when they do occur, are forthwith dissipated;--a fact
which will account for champagne and other articles of luxury being
found in the shops of the very poor villagers.

Malaguit and Matango, during the dry season, are said to be connected
by an extremely good road; but, when we passed, the two places were
separated by a quagmire into which the horses sank up to their middle.

[Labo.] In Labo, a little village on the right bank of the river Labo
(which rises in the mountain of the same name), the conditions to
which we have adverted are repeated--vestiges of the works of former
mining companies fast disappearing, and, in the midst, little pits
being worked by the natives. Red lead has not been found here, but
gold has been, and especially "platinum," which some experiments
have proved to be lead-glance. The mountain Labo appears from its
bell-shape and the strata exposed in the river bed to consist of
trachytic hornblende. Half a league W.S.W., after wading through mud
a foot deep, we reached the mountain Dallas where lead-glance and
gold were formerly obtained by a mining company; and to the present
day gold is obtained by a few natives in the usual mode.

[Wild Cat Mining.] Neither in the latter province, nor in Manila, could
I acquire more precise information respecting the histories of the
numerous unfortunate mining enterprises. Thus much, however, appears
certain, that they were originated only by speculators, and never
properly worked with sufficient means. They therefore, of necessity,
collapsed so soon as the speculators ceased from their operations.

[Small output.] North Camarines yields no metal with the exception
of the little gold obtained by the natives in so unprofitable a
manner. The king of Spain at first received a fifth, and then a
tenth, of the produce; but the tax subsequently ceased. In Morga's
time the tenth amounted on an average to $10,000 ("which was kept
quite secret"); the profit, consequently, to above $100,000. Gemelli
Carreri was informed by the governor of Manila that gold to the value
of $200,000 was collected annually without the help of either fire or
quicksilver, and that Paracale, in particular, was rich in gold. No
data exist from which I could estimate the actual rate of produce; and
the answers to several inquiries deserve no mention. The produce is,
at all events, very small, as well on account of the incompleteness
of the mode of procedure as of the irregularity of labor, for the
natives work only when they are compelled by necessity.

[Indang.] I returned down the stream in a boat to Indang, a
comparatively flourishing place, of smaller population but more
considerable trade than Daet; the export consisting principally of
abacá, and the import of rice.

[Storms.] An old mariner, who had navigated this coast for many
years, informed me that the same winds prevail from Daet as far as
Cape Engaño, the north-east point of Luzon. From October to March
the north-east wind prevails, the monsoon here beginning with north
winds, which are of short duration and soon pass into the north-east;
and in January and February the east winds begin and terminate
the monsoon. The heaviest rains fall from October to January, and
in October typhoons sometimes occur. Beginning from the north or
north-east, they pass to the north-west, where they are most violent;
and then to the north and east, sometimes as far as to the south-east,
and even to the south. In March and April, and sometimes in the
beginning of May, shifting winds blow, which bring in the south-west
monsoon; but the dry season, of which April and May are the driest
months, is uninterrupted by rain. Thunder storms occur from June to
November; most frequently in August. During the south-west monsoon
the sea is very calm; but in the middle of the north-east monsoon all
navigation ceases on the east coast. In the outskirts of Baler rice
is sown in October, and reaped in March and April. Mountain rice is
not cultivated.


CHAPTER XVI


[On foot to San Miguel bay.] Sending my baggage from Daet to Cabusao
in a schooner, I proceeded on foot, by the road to that place, to
the coast on the west side of the Bay of San Miguel. We crossed the
mouth of the river in a boat, which the horses swam after; but they
were soon abandoned from unfitness. At the mouth of the next river,
Sacavin, the water was so high that the bearers stripped themselves
naked and carried the baggage over on their heads. In simple jacket
and cotton hose, I found this precaution needless; indeed, according
to my experience, it is both refreshing and salutary to wear wet
clothes, during an uniformly high temperature; besides which, one
is thereby spared many a spring over ditches, and many a roundabout
course to avoid puddles, which, being already wet through, we no longer
fear. After having waded over eight other little rivers we were obliged
to leave the shore and pursue the road to Colasi along steep, slippery,
forest paths, the place lying right in the middle of the west side of
the bay. The sea-shore was very beautiful. Instead of a continuous and,
at the ebb, ill-smelling border of mangroves, which is never wanting in
those places where the land extends into the sea, the waves here reach
the foot of the old trees of the forest, many of which were washed
underneath. Amongst the most remarkable was a fringe of stately old
Barringtoni, covered with orchids and other epiphytes--gorgeous trees
when in flower; the red stamens, five inches long, with golden yellow
anthers like tassels, depending from the boughs; and their fruit, of
the size of the fist, is doubly useful to the fisherman, who employs
them, on account of their specific gravity, in floating his nets, and
beats them to pieces to stupefy the fish. The foremost trees stood bent
towards the sea, and have been so deflected probably for a long time,
like many others whose remains still projected out of the water. The
destruction of this coast appears to be very considerable. Amongst
the climbing palms one peculiar kind was very abundant, the stem of
which, as thick as the arm, either dragged itself, leafless, along
the ground, or hung in arches above the branches, carrying a crown
of leaves only at its extremity; while another, from its habitat the
common calamus, had caryota leaves. Wild boars are very plentiful here;
a hunter offered us two at one real each.

[Colasi.] The direction of the flat coast which extends N.N.W. to
S.S.E. from the point of Daet is here interrupted by the little peak
of Colasi, which projects to the east, and has grown so rapidly
that all old people remember it to have been lower. In the Visita
Colasi, on the northern slope of the mountain, the sea is so rough
that no boat can live in it. The inhabitants carry on fishing; their
fishing-grounds lie, however, on the southern slope of the mountain,
in the sheltered bay of Lalauigan, which we reached after thee hours'
journey over the ridge.

[By sea to Cabusao.] A four-oared baroto, hired at this place,
as the weather was favorable, was to have conveyed us in two hours
to Cabusao, the port of Naga; but the wind swung round, and a storm
ensued. Thoroughly wet and not without loss, we ran to Barceloneta,
a visita situated at a third of the distance. The intelligent Teniente
of Colasi, whom we met here, also confirmed the fact of the rapid
growth of the little peak.

[Unreliable excuses.] In opposition to my wish to ascend the mountain,
great obstacles were said to exist when every one would be occupied
in preparations for the Easter festival, which would hardly occur
during the succeeding weeks. As these objections did not convince me,
a more substantial reason was discovered the next morning. Inland
shoes are excellent for the mud, and particularly for horseback;
but for climbing mountains, or rough ground, they would not last a
day; and the one remaining pair of strong European shoes, which I
reserved for particular purposes, had been given away by my servant,
who did not like climbing mountains, on the pretext they were very
much too heavy for me.

[A shipwrecked family.] The shore from Barceloneta to Cabusao is of
the same character as the Daet-Colasi but running north and south;
the ground, sandy clay, is covered with a thick stratum of broken
bivalves. The road was very difficult, as the high tide forced us to
climb between the trees and thick underwood. On the way we met an
enterprising family who had left Daet with a cargo of coconuts for
Naga, and had been wrecked here; saving only one out of five tinajas
of oil, but recovering all the nuts. [137] They were living in a
small hastily-run-up hut, upon coconuts, rice, fish, and mussels,
in expectation of a favorable wind to return. There were several
varieties of shore-birds; but my gun would not go off, although
my servant, in expectation of a hunt, had cleaned it with especial
care. As he had lost the ramrod whilst cleaning it, the charge was
not withdrawn before we reached Cabusao, when it was discovered that
both barrels were full of sand to above the touchhole.

[Making palm-sugar.] The coast was still more beautiful than on the
preceding day, particularly in one place where the surge beat against a
wood of fan-palms (Corypha sp.). On the side facing the sea, in groups
or rows stood the trees, bereft of their crowns, or lying overthrown
like columns amid the vast ruins of temples (one of them was three feet
in diameter); and the sight immediately reminded me of Pompeii. I could
not account for the bareness of the trunks, until I discovered a hut in
the midst of the palms, in which two men were endeavoring to anticipate
the waves in their work of destruction by the preparation of sugar
(tunguleh). For this purpose, after stripping off the leaves (this
palm flowering at the top), the upper end of the stem is cut across,
the surface of the incision being inclined about five degrees towards
the horizon, and, near its lower edge, hollowed out to a very shallow
gutter. The juice exudes over the whole surface of the cut, with the
exception of the intersected exterior petioles, and, being collected
in the shallow channel, is conducted by a piece of banana-leaf,
two inches broad, and four inches long, into a bamboo-cane attached
to the trunk. In order to avert the rain from the saccharine issue,
which has a faint, pleasantly aromatic flavor as of barley-sugar,
all the trees which have been tapped are provided with caps formed of
bent and folded palm-leaves. The average daily produce of each tree is
four bamboos, the interior of which is about three inches and a half
in diameter. When removed, they are full to about eighteen inches;
which gives somewhat more than ten quarts daily.

[The money side.] The produce of each tree of course is very
unequal. Always intermittent, it ceases completely after two months--at
the utmost, three months; but, the proportion of those newly cut to
those cut at an earlier date being the same, the yield of the incisions
is about equal. The juice of thirty-three palms, after evaporation in
an iron pan immediately upon each collection, produces one ganta, or
(there being four such collections) four gantas, daily; the weekly
result being twenty gantas, or two tinajas of sugar, each worth two
dollars and a half on the spot. This statement, derived from the people
themselves, probably shows the proportion somewhat more unfavorable
than it really is; still, according to the opinion of an experienced
mestizo, the difference cannot be very considerable. Assuming the above
figures as correct, however, one of these magnificent trees would give
about one dollar and two-thirds, or, after deducting the laborers'
wages one real per diem, about a thaler and two-thirds; not a large
sum truly; but it is some consolation to know that, even if man did
not interfere, these trees would in process of time fall victims to
the breakers, and that, even if protected against external ravages,
they are doomed to natural extinction after once producing fruit.

[Neglected roads.] Cabusao lies in the southern angle of San Miguel
Bay which is, almost on every side, surrounded by high mountains, and
affords good anchorage for ships. From here I repaired across Naga to
the south coast. Four leagues from Naga, in the heart of Ragay, on the
southern border of Luzon, is the small but deep harbor of Pasacao; and
two hours by water conducted us to the intermediate Visita Pamplona,
whence the route is pursued by land. The still-existing remnant of the
old road was in a miserable condition, and even at that dry season
of the year scarcely passable; the bridges over the numerous little
ditches were broken down, and in many places, right across the road,
lay large stones and branches of trees which had been brought there
years before to repair the bridges, and, having been unused, have
ever since continued to obstruct the road.

[A French planter.] In Quitang, between Pamplona and Pasacao, where two
brooks unite themselves into one little river debouching at the latter
place, a young Frenchman had established a hacienda. He was contented
and hopeful, and loudly praised the industry and friendliness of his
people. Probably because they make fewer exactions, foreigners, as a
rule, seem to agree better with the natives than Spaniards. Of these
exactions, the bitterest complaints are rife of the injustice of the
demands made upon the lower classes in the settlement of their wages;
which, if they do not immediately find the necessary hands for every
employment, do not correspond with the enhanced value of the products;
and, according to them, the natives must even be driven from public
employments, to labor in their service. [138]

[The Filipino as a laborer.] The Filipino certainly is more independent
than the European laborer, because he has fewer wants and, as a native
landowner, is not compelled to earn his bread as the daily laborer of
another; yet, with reference to wages, it may be questioned whether
any colony whatever offers more favorable conditions to the planter
than the Philippines. In Dutch India, where the prevalence of monopoly
almost excludes private industry, free laborers obtain one-third of a
guilder--somewhat more than one real, the usual wages in the wealthy
provinces of the Philippines (in the poorer it amounts to only the
half); and the Javanese are not the equals of the Filipinos, either
in strength, or intelligence, or skill; and the rate of wages in all
the older Slave States is well known. For the cultivation of sugar and
coffee, Mauritius and Ceylon are obliged to import foreign laborers
at great expense, and to pay them highly; and yet they are successful.

[Pasacao.] From Quitang to Pasacao the road was far worse than
it had heretofore been; and this is the most important road in
the province! Before reaching Pasacao, evident signs are visible,
on the denuded sides of the limestone, of its having been formerly
washed by the sea. Pasacao is picturesquely situated at the end of the
valley which is intersected by the Itulan, and extends from Pamplona,
between wooded mountains of limestone, as far as the sea. The ebb tides
here are extremely irregular. From noon to evening no difference was
observable, and, when the decrease just became visible, the tide rose
again. Immediately to the south, and facing the district, the side of a
mountain, two thousand feet high and above one thousand feet broad, had
two years ago given way to the subterranean action of the waves. The
rock consists of a tough calcareous breccia, full of fragments of
mussels and corals; but, being shoeless, I could not remain on the
sharp rock sufficiently long to make a closer examination.

[A beautiful coast.] For the same reason, I was obliged to leave
the ascent of the Yamtik, which I had before vainly attempted from
Libmanan, unaccomplished from this point, although I had the advantage
of the company of an obliging French planter in a boat excursion in a
north-westerly direction along the coast. Here our boat floated along
over gardens of coral, swarming with magnificently colored fishes;
and after two hours we reached a cavern in the limestone, Suminabang,
so low that one could stir in it only by creeping; which contained a
few swallows and bats. On the Calebayan river, on the further side of
Point Tanaun, we came upon a solitary shed, our night-quarters. Here
the limestone range is interrupted by an isolated cliff on the left
bank of the little river, consisting of a crystalline rock chiefly
composed of hornblende; which moreover, on the side exposed to the
water, is surrounded completely by limestone.

[Cattle.] The surrounding mountains must swarm with wild boars. Under
the thatched roof of our hut, which serves as a shelter to occasional
hunters, more than a hundred and fifty lower jaw-bones were set
up as hunting trophies. The place appeared as if created for the
breeding of cattle. Soft with fodder grass, and covered with a few
groups of trees, with slopes intersected by rustling brooks, it rose
up out of the sea, and was encompassed by a steep wall of rock in
the form of a semicircle; and here cattle would find grass, water,
shade, and the protection of an enclosing rampart. While travelling
along the coast, we had remarked a succession of similar localities,
which however, from lack of enterprise and from the dread of pirates,
were not utilized. As soon as our supper was prepared, we carefully
extinguished our fire, that it might not serve as a signal to the
vagabonds of the sea, and kept night watches.

[A delusive cave.] On the following morning we intended to visit
a cave never before entered; but, to our astonishment, we found
no proper cavern, but only an entrance to a cavern a few feet in
depth. Visible from a distance, it must often have been passed by
the hunters, although, as we were assured by our companions--who
were astonished at the delusion---no one had ventured to enter it
from stress of superstitious terror.

[Isolation of fertile regions.] The north coast of Camarines,
as I have frequently mentioned, is, during the north-east monsoon,
almost unapproachable; while the south coast, screened by the outlying
islands, remains always accessible. The most fertile districts of the
eastern provinces, which during summer export their produce by the
northern ports, in the winter often remain for months cut off from
all communication with the chief town, because there is no road over
the small strip of land to the south coast. How much has been done by
Nature, and how little by man, to facilitate this intercourse, is very
evident when we reflect upon the condition of the road to Pasacao,
lately described, in connection with the condition of matters in the
east, as shown by the map.

[River highways.] Two rivers, one coming from the north-west,
and the other from the south-east, and both navigable before they
reach the borders of the province, flow through the middle of it in
a line parallel with the coast (taking no account of its windings),
and, after their junction, send their waters together through the
estuary of Cabusao into the Bay of San Miguel. The whole province,
therefore, is traversed through its center by two navigable rivers,
which, as regards commerce, form only one.

[Cabusao and Pasacao harbors.] But the harbor of Cabusao, at the bottom
of the Bay of San Miguel, is not accessible during the north-east
monsoon, and has this further disadvantage, that the intercourse of
the whole of the eastern part of Luzon with Manila can be carried
on only by a very circuitous route. On the south coast, on the other
hand, is the harbor of Pasacao, into which a navigable little river,
above a mile in width, discharges itself; so that the distance between
this river highway and the nearest point of the Bicol River amounts to
a little more than a mile. The road connecting the two seas, laid out
by an active alcalde in 1847, and maintained up to 1852, was however,
at the date of my inquiry, in so bad a condition that a picul of abacá
paid two reals freight for this short distance, in the dry season; and
in the wet season it could not be forwarded for double the price. [139]

[Bad roads raise freights.] Many similar instances may be brought
forward. In 1861 the English vice-consul reported that in Iloilo a
picul of sugar had risen more than 2 r. in price (as much as the cost
of freight from Iloilo to Manila), in consequence of the bad state
of the road between the two places, which are only one league asunder.

[Social and political reasons for bad roads.] If, without reference to
transport by sea, the islands were not favored in so extraordinary a
manner by innumerable rivers with navigable mouths, a still greater
proportion of their produce would not have been convertible into
money. The people, as well as the local authorities, have no desire
for roads, which they themselves construct by forced labor, and,
when completed, must maintain by the same method; for, when no roads
are made, the laborers are so much more easily employed in private
operations. Even the parish priests, generally, are as little favorable
to the planning of commercial intercourse, by means of which trade,
prosperity, and enlightenment would be introduced into the country,
and their authority undermined. Indeed the Government itself, up
to within a short time since, favored such a state of affairs; for
bad roads belong to the essence of the old Spanish colonial policy,
which was always directed to effect the isolation of the separate
provinces of their great transmarine possessions, and to prevent the
growth of a sense of national interest, in order to facilitate their
government by the distant mother country.

[Spanish economic backwardness.] Besides, in Spain itself matters
are no better. The means of communication there are so very deficient
that, as an instance, merchandise is sent from Santander to Barcelona,
round the whole Iberian peninsula, in preference to the direct route,
which is partly accomplished by railway. [140] In Estremadura the hogs
were fed with wheat (live animals can be transported without roads),
while at the same time the seaports were importing foreign grain. [141]
The cause of this condition of affairs in that country is to be sought
less in a disordered state of finance, than in the enforcement of
the Government maxim which enjoins the isolation of separate provinces.


CHAPTER XVII


[Mt. Isaróg.] The Isaróg (pronounced Issaró) rises up in the middle
of Camarines, between San Miguel and Lagonoy bays. While its eastern
slope almost reaches the sea, it is separated on its western side by
a broad strip of inundated land from San Miguel Bay. In circumference
it is at least twelve leagues; and its height 1,966 meters. [142]
Very flat at its base, it swells gradually to 16°, and higher up
to 21° of inclination, and extends itself, in its western aspect,
into a flat dome-shaped summit. But, if viewed from the eastern side,
it has the appearance of a circular chain of mountains rent asunder
by a great ravine. On Coello's map this ravine is erroneously laid
down as extending from south to north; its bearing really is west to
east. Right in front of its opening, and half a league south from Goa,
lies the pretty little village of Rungus, by which it is known. The
exterior sides of the mountain and the fragments of its large crater
are covered with impenetrable wood. Respecting its volcanic eruptions
tradition says nothing.

[Primitive mountaineers.] The higher slopes form the dwelling-place
of a small race of people, whose independence and the customs
of a primitive age have almost entirely separated them from the
inhabitants of the plain. One or two Cimarrons might occasionally
have been attracted hither, but no such instance is remembered. The
inhabitants of the Isaróg are commonly, though mistakenly, called
Igorots; and I retain the name, since their tribal relationship has not
yet been accurately determined; they themselves maintaining that their
ancestors always dwelt in that locality. There are some who, in the
opinion of the parish priest of Camarines, speak the Bicol language
in the purest manner. Their manners and customs are very similar,
in many respects, to what they were on the arrival of the Spaniards;
and sometimes they also remind one of those prevailing among the Dyaks
of Borneo at the present day. [143] These circumstances give rise to
the conjecture that they may be the last of a race which maintained
its independence against the Spanish rule, and probably also against
the little tyrants who ruled over the plain before the arrival of the
Europeans. When Juan de Salcedo undertook his triumphal march round
North Luzon he found everywhere, at the mouths of the rivers, seafaring
tribes living under many chieftains who, after a short struggle, were
slain by the superior discipline and better arms of the Spaniards,
or submitted voluntarily to the superior race; but he did not succeed
in subduing the independent tribes in the interior; and these are
still to be found in all the larger islands of the Philippine group.

[Similarity to Indian Archipelago conditions.] Similar conditions are
found in many places in the Indian Archipelago. The Malays, carrying
on trade and piracy, possess the shore, and their language prevails
there; the natives being either subdued by them, or driven into the
forests, the inaccessibility of which ensures to them a miserable
but independent existence. [144]

[Policy of non-intercourse with heathens.] In order to break down
the opposition of the wild races, the Spanish Government forbade
its subjects, under the penalty of one hundred blows and two years
of forced labor, "to trade or to have any intercourse with the
heathens in the mountains who pay no tribute to his Catholic Majesty,
for although they would exchange their gold, wax, etc., for other
necessaries, they will never change for the better." Probably this
law has for centuries directly contributed to save the barbarians,
notwithstanding their small numbers, from complete extermination;
for free intercourse between a people existing by agriculture,
and another living principally by the chase, speedily leads to the
destruction of the latter.

[Christian Mountaineers' villages.] The number of the Igorots of the
Isaróg however, been much diminished by deadly battles between the
different ranchos, and by the marauding expeditions which, until
a short time since, were annually undertaken by the commissioners
of taxes, in the interest of the Government monopoly, against
the tobacco fields of the Igorots. Some few have been "pacified"
(converted to Christianity and tribute); in which case they are obliged
to establish themselves in little villages of scattered huts, where
they can be occasionally visited by the priest of the nearest place;
and, in order to render the change easier to them, a smaller tax than
usual is temporarily imposed upon such newly-obtained subjects.

[Tobacco monopoly wars.] I had deferred the ascent of the mountain
until the beginning of the dry season of the year; but I learned in
Naga that my wish was hardly practicable, because the expeditions
against the ranchos of the mountain, which I have already mentioned,
usually occurred about this time. As the wild people could not
understand why they should not cultivate on their own fields a plant
which had become a necessity to them, they saw in the Cuadrilleros,
not functionaries of a civilized State, but robbers, against whom
they were obliged to defend themselves by force; and appearances
contributed no less to confirm them in their error; for these did
not content themselves with destroying the plantations of tobacco,
but the huts were burnt to the ground, the fruit-trees hewn down, and
the fields laid waste. Such forays never occurred without bloodshed,
and often developed into a little war which was carried on by the
mountaineers for a long time afterwards, even against people who were
entirely uninterested in it--Filipinos and Europeans. The expedition
this year was to take place in the beginning of April; the Igorots
consequently were in a state of great agitation, and had, a few
days previously, murdered a young unarmed Spaniard in the vicinity
of Mabotoboto, at the foot of the mountain, by bringing him to the
ground with a poisoned arrow, and afterwards inflicting twenty-one
wounds with the wood-knife (bolo).

[A policy of peace.] Fortunately there arrived soon after a countermand
from Manila, where the authorities seemed to have been gradually
convinced of the harmful tendency of such violent measures. It could
not be doubted that this intelligence would quickly spread amongst the
ranchos; and, acting upon the advice of the commandant (upon whom,
very much against his inclination, the conduct of the expedition
had devolved), I lost no time in availing myself of the anticipated
season of quiet. The Government have since adopted the prudent method
of purchasing the tobacco, which is voluntarily cultivated by the
Igorots, at the ordinary rate, and, where practicable, encouraging
them to lay out new fields, instead of destroying those in existence.

[A populous fertile district.] The next day at noon I left Naga on
horseback. The pueblos of Mogarao, Canaman, Quipayo, and Calabanga, in
this fertile district follow so thickly upon one another that they form
an almost uninterrupted succession of houses and gardens. Calabanga
lies half a league from the sea, between the mouths of two rivers,
the more southerly of which is sixty feet broad and sufficiently deep
for large trading vessels. [145]

[A bare plain and wretched village.] The road winds round the foot
of the Isaróg first to the north-east and then to the east. Soon the
blooming hedges cease, and are succeeded by a great bare plain, out of
which numerous flat hillocks raise themselves. Both hills and plain,
when we passed, served for pasturage; but from August to January they
are sown with rice; and fields of batata are occasionally seen. After
four hours we arrived at the little village of Maguiring (Manguirin),
the church of which, a tumble-down shed, stood on an equally naked
hillock; and from its neglected condition one might have guessed that
the priest was a native.

[Many mountain water courses.] This hillock, as well as the others
which I examined, consisted of the débris of the Isaróg, the more
or less decomposed trachytic fragments of hornblende rock, the
spaces between which were filled up with red sand. The number of
streams sent down by the Isaróg, into San Miguel and Lagonoy bays,
is extraordinarily large. On the tract behind Maguiring I counted, in
three-quarters of an hour, five considerable estuaries, that is to say,
above twenty feet broad; and then, as far as Goa, twenty-six more;
altogether, thirty-one: but there are more, as I did not include
the smallest; and yet the distance between Maguiring and Goa, in
a straight line, does not exceed three miles. This accounts for
the enormous quantity of steam with which this mighty condenser is
fed. I have not met with this phenomenon on any other mountain in so
striking a manner. One very remarkable circumstance is the rapidity
with which the brimming rivulets pass in the estuaries, enabling them
to carry the trading vessels, sometimes even ships, into a main stream
(if the expression may be allowed), while the scanty contributions
of their kindred streams on the northern side have scarcely acquired
the importance of a mill-brook. These waters, from their breadth, look
like little rivers, although in reality they consist of only a brook,
up to the foot of the mountain, and of a river's mouth in the plain;
the intermediate part being absent.

[Comparison with Javan Mountain district.] The country here is
strikingly similar to the remarkable mountain district of the
Gelungúng, described by Junghuhn; [146] yet the origin of these
rising grounds differs in some degree from that of those in Java. The
latter were due to the eruption of 1822, and the great fissure in the
wall of the crater of the Gelungúng, which is turned towards them,
shows unmistakably whence the materials for their formation were
derived; but the great chasm of the Isaróg opens towards the east,
and therefore has no relation to the numberless hillocks on the
north-west of the mountain. Behind Maguiring they run more closely
together, their summits are flatter, and their sides steeper; and they
pass gradually into a gently inclined slope, rent into innumerable
clefts, in the hollows of which as many brooks are actively employed
in converting the angular outlines of the little islands into these
rounded hillocks. The third river behind Maguiring is larger than
those preceding it; on the sixth lies the large Visita of Borobod;
and on the tenth, that of Ragay. The rice fields cease with the hill
country, and on the slope, which is well drained by deep channels,
only wild cane and a few groups of trees grow. Passing by many
villages, whose huts were so isolated and concealed that they might
remain unobserved, we arrived at five o'clock at Tagunton; from which
a road, practicable for carabao carts, and used for the transport of
the abacá grown in the district, leads to Goa; and here, detained by
sickness, I hired a little house, in which I lay for nearly four weeks,
no other remedies offering themselves to me but hunger and repose.

[Useful friends.] During this time I made the acquaintance of some
newly-converted Igorots, and won their confidence. Without them I would
have had great difficulty in ascending the mountains as well as to
visit their tribe in its farms without any danger. [147] When, at last,
I was able to quit Goa, my friends conducted me, as the first step,
to their settlement; where, having been previously recommended and
expected, I easily obtained the requisite number of attendants to take
into their charge the animals and plants which were collected for me.

[A heathen Mountaineers' settlement.] On the following morning the
ascent was commenced. Even before we arrived at the first rancho,
I was convinced of the good report that had preceded me. The master
of the house came towards us and conducted us by a narrow path to his
hut, after having removed the foot-lances, which projected obliquely
out of the ground, but were dexterously concealed by brushwood and
leaves. [148] A woman employed in weaving, at my desire, continued
her occupation. The loom was of the simplest kind. The upper end,
the chain-beam, which consists of a piece of bamboo, is fixed to
two bars or posts; and the weaver sits on the ground, and to the two
notched ends of a small lath, which supplies the place of the weaving
beam, hooks on a wooden bow, in the arch of which the back of the
lath is fitted. Placing her feet against two pegs in the ground and
bending her back, she, by means of the bow, stretches the material
out straight. A netting-needle, longer than the breadth of the web,
serves instead of the weaver's shuttle, but it can be pushed through
only by considerable friction, and not always without breaking the
chains of threads. A lath of hard wood (caryota), sharpened like a
knife, represents the trestle, and after every stroke it is placed
upon the edge; after which the comb is pushed forward, a thread put
through, and struck fast, and so forth. The web consisted of threads
of the abacá, which were not spun, but tied one to another.

[A giant fern hedge.] The huts I visited deserve no special
description. Composed of bamboos and palm-leaves, they are not
essentially different from the dwellings of poor Filipinos; and in
their neighborhood were small fields planted with batata, maize,
caladium and sugar-cane, and enclosed by magnificent polypody
ferns. One of the highest of these, which I caused to be felled for
the purpose, measured in the stem nine meters, thirty centimeters;
in the crown, two meters, twelve centimeters; and its total length
was eleven meters, forty-two centimeters or over thirty-six feet.

[Simple stringed instruments.] A young lad produced music on a kind of
lute, called baringbau; consisting of the dry shaft of the scitamina
stretched in the form of a bow by means of a thin tendril instead of
gut. Half a coco shell is fixed in the middle of the bow, which, when
playing, is placed against the abdomen, and serves as a sounding board;
and the string when struck with a short wand, gave out a pleasing
humming sound, realizing the idea of the harp and plectrum in their
simplest forms. Others accompanied the musician on Jews' harps of
bamboos, as accurate as those of the Mintras on the Malay Peninsula;
and there was one who played on a guitar, which he had himself made,
but after a European pattern. The hut contained no utensils besides
bows, arrows, and a cooking pot. The possessor of clothes bore them
on his person. I found the women as decently clad as the Filipino
Christian women, and carrying, besides, a forest knife, or bolo. As
a mark of entire confidence, I was taken into the tobacco fields,
which were well concealed and protected by foot-lances; and they
appeared to be carefully looked after.

[The people and their crops.] The result of my familiarity with
this people, both before and after this opportunity, may be briefly
summed up: They live on the higher slopes of the mountain, never,
indeed, below 1,500 feet; each family by itself. It is difficult to
ascertain how many of them there may now be, as but little intercourse
takes place amongst them. In the part of the mountain belonging to
the district of Goa, their number is estimated at about fifty men
and twenty women, including the children: but twenty years before
the population was more numerous. Their food consists principally
of batata, besides some gabi (caladium). A little maize is likewise
cultivated, as well as some ubi (dioscorea), and a small quantity of
sugar-cane for chewing.

[Batatas.] In laying out a batata field, a wood is partially cleared,
the earth loosened with the blunt forest knife (bolo), and the bulbs
or layers then planted; and within four months the harvest begins,
and continues uninterruptedly from the time the creeping plant strikes
root and forms tubers. [Rotation of crops.] After two years, however,
the produce is so much diminished that the old plants are pulled up,
in order to make room for new ones obtained from the runners. The
field is then changed, or other fruits cultivated thereon, but with
the addition of manure. A piece of land, fifty brazas long, and thirty
wide, is sufficient for the support of a family. Only occasionally in
the wet season does this resource fail, and then they resort to gabi,
which appears to be as easily cultivated on wet as on dry ground,
but is not so profitable as batata. The young shoots of the gabi are
planted at distances of a vara, and if consumed in a proper manner,
ought not to be cropped till after a year. Each family kills weekly
one or two wild hogs. Stags are rare, although I obtained a fine
pair of horns; and they do not use the skin. Bows and arrows are
used in hunting; some poisoned, and some not. Every rancho keeps
dogs, which live principally on batata, and also cats to protect the
fields against rats; and they also have poultry, [Game cocks a Spanish
innovation.] but no game cocks; which, having been first introduced
into the Philippines by the Spaniards are seldom if ever, wanting in
the huts of the Filipinos; but the inhabitants of the Isaróg are as
yet free from this passion.

[Trade.] The few products of a more advanced civilization which they
require, they obtain by the sale of the spontaneous productions of
their forests, chiefly wax and resin (pili), [149] apnik, dagiangan
(a kind of copal), and some abacá. Wax, which is much in request
for church solemnities, fetches half a dollar per catty; and resin
averages half a real per chinanta. Business is transacted very
simply. Filipinos, having intercourse with the Igorots, make a
contract with them; and they collect the products and bring them
to a place previously agreed on, where the Filipinos receive them,
after paying down the stipulated price.

[Religion.] Physicians and magicians, or persons supposed to be
possessed of secret powers, are unknown; every one helps himself. In
order to arrive at a clear understanding of their religious views,
a longer intercourse would be necessary. But they certainly believe
in one God, or, at least, say so, when they are closely questioned
by Christians; and have also loosely acquired several of the external
practices of Catholicism, which they employ as spells.

[Respect for women and aged.] Hunting and hard labor constitute the
employment of man in general, as well as in the Philippines. The
practice of employing women as beasts of burden--which, although
it exists among many of the peoples of Europe, for example, the
Basques, Wallachians, and Portuguese, is almost peculiar to barbarous
nations,--seems to have been lost in the Philippines as far back
as the time of its discovery by the Spaniards; and even among the
wild people of the Isaróg, the women engage only in light labor,
and are well treated. Every family supports its aged and those unfit
for labor. [Medicine.] Headaches and fevers were stated to me as the
prevalent maladies; for which burnt rice, pounded and mixed to a pap
with water, is taken as a remedy; and in case of severe headache they
make an incision in the forehead of the sufferer. Their prevalence is
explained by the habit of neutralizing the ill effects of drinking
water in excess, when they are heated, by the consumption of warm
water in large doses; and the rule holds with regard to coco-water;
the remedy for immoderate use of which is warm coco-water. Their
muscular power is small, and they are not able to carry more than
fifty pounds weight to any considerable distance.

[Manufactures.] Besides the chase and agriculture, their occupations
are restricted to the manufacture of extremely rude weapons, for which
they purchase the iron, when required, from the Filipinos, and of
the coarse webs made by the women, and of wicker work. Every father
of a family is master in his own house, and acknowledges no power
higher than himself. In the event of war with neighboring tribes,
the bravest places himself at the head, and the rest follow him as
long as they are able; there is no deliberate choosing of a leader.

[Death customs.] On the whole, they are peaceful and honorable towards
each other, although the idle occasionally steal the fruits of the
fields; and, should the thief be caught, the person robbed punishes
him with blows of the rattan, without being under any apprehensions
of vengeance in consequence. If a man dies, his nearest kinsmen
go out to requite his death by the death of some other individual,
taken at random. The rule is strictly enforced. For a dead man a man
must be killed; for a woman a woman; and for a child a child. Unless,
indeed, it be a friend they encounter, the first victim that offers
is killed. Latterly, however, owing to the unusual success attained by
some of them in representing the occurrence of death as an unavoidable
destiny, the custom is said to have fallen into desuetude; and the
relatives do not exact the satisfaction. This was easy in the case
of the deceased being an ordinary person; but, to the present day,
vengeance is required in the event of the death of a beloved child or
wife. If a man kills a woman of another house, her nearest kinsman
endeavors to kill a woman of the house of the murderer; but to the
murderer himself he does nothing; and the corpse of the victim thus
slain as a death-offering is not buried, nor is its head cut off; and
her family, in their turn, seek to avenge the death by murder. This
is reckoned the most honorable course. Should the murderer, however,
be too strong to be so overcome, any weaker person, be it who it may,
is slain in retaliation; and hence, probably, the comparatively small
number of women.

[Marriage.] Polygamy is permitted; but even the most courageous
and skilful seldom or never have more than one wife. A young man
wishing to marry commissions his father to treat with the father
of the bride as to the price; which latterly has greatly increased;
but the average is ten bolos, costing from four to six reals each,
and about $12 in cash; and the acquisition of so large a sum by
the sale of wax, resin, and abacá, often takes the bridegroom two
years. The bride-money goes partly to the father, and partly to the
nearest relations; every one of whom has an equal interest. If there
should be many of them, almost nothing remains for the father, who
has to give a great feast, on which occasion much palm-wine is drunk.

[Sexual crimes.] Any man using violence towards a girl is killed by
her parents. If the girl was willing, and the father hears of it,
he agrees upon a day with the former, on which he is to bring the
bride's dowry; which should he refuse to do, he is caught by the
relations, bound to a tree, and whipped with a cane. Adultery is
of most rare occurrence; but, when it does take place, the dowry is
returned either by the woman, who then acquires her freedom, or by
the seducer, whom she then follows. The husband has not the right to
detain her, if he takes the money, or even if he should refuse it;
but the latter contingency is not likely to arise, since that sum of
money will enable him to buy for himself a new wife.

[Basira ravine.] In the afternoon we reached a vast ravine, called
"Basira," 973 meters above Uacloy, and about 1,134 meters above
the sea, extending from south-east to north-west between lofty,
precipitous ranges, covered with wood. Its base, which has an
inclination of 33°, consists of a naked bed of rock, and, after every
violent rainfall, gives issue to a torrent of water, which discharges
itself violently. Here we bivouacked; and the Igorots, in a very short
time, built a hut, and remained on the watch outside. At daybreak
the thermometer stood at 13.9° R. [150]

[At the summit.] The road to the summit was very difficult on account
of the slippery clay earth and the tough network of plants; but the
last five hundred feet were unexpectedly easy, the very steep summit
being covered with a very thick growth of thinly leaved, knotted, mossy
thibaudia, rhododendra, and other dwarf woods, whose innumerable tough
branches, running at a very small height along the ground and parallel
to it, form a compact and secure lattice-work, by which one mounted
upwards as on a slightly inclined ladder. The point which we reached *
* * was evidently the highest spur of the horseshoe-shaped mountain
side, which bounds the great ravine of Rungus on the north. The top
was hardly fifty paces in diameter, and so thickly covered with trees
that I have never seen its like; we had not room to stand. My active
hosts, however, went at once to work, though the task of cutting a path
through the wood involved severe labor, and, chopping off the branches,
built therewith, on the tops of the lopped trees, an observatory, from
which I should have had a wide panoramic view, and an opportunity for
taking celestial altitudes, had not everything been enveloped in a
thick mist. The neighboring volcanoes were visible only in glimpses,
as well as San Miguel Bay and some lakes in the interior. Immediately
after sunset the thermometer registered 12.5° R. [151]

[The descent.] On the following morning it was still overcast; and
when, about ten o'clock, the clouds became thicker, we set out on
our return. It was my intention to have passed the night in a rancho,
in order next day to visit a solfatara which was said to be a day's
journey further; but my companions were so exhausted by fatigue that
they asked for at least a few hours' rest.

[Ferns and orchids.] On the upper slope I observed no palms with the
exception of calamus; but polypodies (ferns) were very frequent, and
orchids surprisingly abundant. In one place all the trees were hung,
at a convenient height, with flowering aërids; of which one could have
collected thousands without any trouble. The most beautiful plant
was a Medinella, of so delicate a texture that it was impossible to
preserve it.

[Carbonic acid spring.] Within a quarter of an hour north-east
of Uacloy, a considerable spring of carbonic acid bursts from the
ground, depositing abundance of calcareous sinter. Our torches were
quickly extinguished, and a fowl covered with a cigar-box died in
a few minutes, to the supreme astonishment of the Igorots, to whom
these phenomena were entirely new.

[Farewell to mountaineers.] On the second day of rest, my poor hosts,
who had accompanied me back to Uacloy, still felt so weary that they
were not fit for any undertaking. With naked heads and bellies they
squatted in the burning sun in order to replenish their bodies with
the heat which they had lost during the bivouac on the summit; for
they are not allowed to drink wine. When I finally left them on the
following day, we had become such good friends that I was compelled
to accept a tamed wild pig as a present. A troop of men and women
accompanied me until they saw the glittering roofs of Maguiring,
when, after the exchange of hearty farewells, they returned to their
forests. The natives whom I had taken with me from Goa had proved
so lazy and morose that nearly the whole task of making the path
through the forest had fallen upon the Igorots. From sheer laziness
they threw away the drinking water of which they were the porters;
and the Igorots were obliged to fetch water from a considerable
distance for our bivouac on the summit. In all my troublesome marches,
I have always done better with Cimarrons than with the civilized
natives. The former I have found obliging, trustworthy, active and
acquainted with localities, while the latter generally displayed the
opposite qualities. It would, however, be unjust to form a conclusive
opinion as to their comparative merits from these facts; for the
wild people are at home when in the forest; what they do is done
voluntarily, and the stranger, when he possesses their confidence, is
treated as a guest. [Forced labor.] But the Filipinos are reluctant
companions, Polistas, who, even when they receive a high rate of
wages, consider that they are acting most honorably when they do as
little as possible. At any rate, it is no pleasure to them to leave
their village in order to become luggage-porters or beaters of roads
on fatiguing marches in impracticable districts, and to camp out in
the open air under every deprivation. For them, still more than for
the European peasant, repose is the most agreeable refreshment. The
less comfort any one enjoys at home, the greater is the reluctance
with which he leaves it; and the same thing may be observed in Europe.

[A petition for liquors.] As the Igorots were not permitted to
have cocoa-palms for the preparation of wine, vinegar and brandy,
so that they might not infringe the monopoly of the government,
they presented me with a petition entreating me to obtain this
favor for them. The document was put together by a Filipino writer
in so ludicrously confused a manner that I give it as a specimen of
Philippine clerkship. [152] At all events, it had the best of results,
for the petitioners were accorded twice as much as they had prayed for.

[Winds and planting season.] The south-west monsoon lasts in this
region (district of Goa) from April to October. April is very calm
(navegación de señoras). From June to August the south-west winds
blow steadily; March, April, and May are the driest months; there are
shifting winds in March and the beginning of April; while from October
to December is the time of storms; "S. Francisco (4th October) brings
bad weather." Rice is planted in September and reaped in February.


CHAPTER XVIII


[Mt. Iriga.] From the Isarog I returned through Naga and Nabua to
Iriga, the ascent of which I at length accomplished.

[The ascent.] The chief of the Montesinos had received daily rations
for twenty-two men, with whom he professed to make a road to the
summit; but when, on the evening of the third day, he came himself
to Iriga, in order to fetch more provisions, on the pretext that
the work still required some time for execution, I explained that
I should endeavor to ascend the mountain on the following morning,
and requested him to act as guide. He consented, but disappeared,
together with his companions, during the night; the Filipinos in
the tribunal having been good enough to hold out the prospect of
severe punishment in case the work performed should not correspond
to the working days. After fruitless search for another guide,
we left Buhi in the afternoon, and passed the night in the rancho,
where we had previously been so hospitably received. The fires were
still burning, but the inhabitants, on our approach, had fled. About
six o'clock on the following morning the ascent began. After we had
gone through the forest, by availing ourselves of the path which we
had previously beaten, it led us through grass three or four feet
in height, with keen-edged leaves; succeeded by cane, from seven
to eight feet high, of the same habitat with our Arundo phragmites
(but it was not in flower), which occupied the whole of the upper
part of the mountain as far as the edge. Only in the ravine did the
trees attain any height. The lower declivities were covered with
aroids and ferns; towards the summit were tendrils and mosses; and
here I found a beautiful, new, and peculiarly shaped orchid. [153]
The Cimarrons had cut down some cane; and, beating down our road for
ourselves with bolos, we arrived at the summit a little before ten
o'clock. It was very foggy. In the hope of a clear evening or morning
I caused a hut to be erected, for which purpose the cane was well
fitted. The natives were too lazy to erect a lodging for themselves,
or to procure wood for a watchfire. They squatted on the ground,
squeezed close to one another to warm themselves, ate cold rice,
and suffered thirst because none of them would fetch water. Of the
two water-carriers whom I had taken with me, one had "inadvertently"
upset his water on the road, and the other had thrown it away "because
he thought we should not require it."

[Altitude.] I found the highest points of the Iriga to be 1,212
meters, 1,120 meters above the surface of the Buhi Lake. From Buhi
I went to Batu.

[Changes in Batu Lake.] The Batu Lake (one hundred eleven meters
above the sea) had sunk lower since my last visit in February. The
carpet of algae had increased considerably in breadth, its upper
edge being in many places decomposed; and the lower passed gradually
into a thick consistency of putrid water-plants (charae, algae,
pontederiae, valisneriae, pistiae, etc.), which encompassed the
surface of the water so that only through a few gaps could one reach
the bank. Right across the mouth of the Quinali lies, in the lake,
a bar of black mud, the softest parts of which were indicated by some
insignificant channels of water. As we could not get over the bar in
a large boat, two small skiffs were bound together with a matting of
bamboo, and provided with an awning. By means of this contrivance,
which was drawn by three strong carabaos (the whole body of men with
evident delight and loud mirth wading knee-deep in the black mud
and assisting by pushing behind) we succeeded, as if on a sledge,
in getting over the obstacle into the river; which on my first visit
overflowed the fields in many places, till the huts of the natives
rose out of the water like so many ships: but now (in June) not one
of its channels was full. We were obliged in consequence to continue
our sledge journey until we were near to Quinali.

[Ascent of Mt. Mazaraga.] At Ligao I alighted at a friendly Spaniard's,
a great part of the place, together with the tribunal and convent,
having been burnt down since my last visit. After making the necessary
preparations, I went in the evening to Barayong, a little rancho
of Cimarrons at the foot of the Mazaraga, and, together with its
inhabitants, ascended the mountain on the following morning. The
women also accompanied us for some distance, and kept the company in
good humor; and when, on the road, a Filipino who had been engaged
for the purpose wished to give up carrying a bamboo full of water,
and, throwing it away, ran off, an old woman stepped forward in his
stead, and dragged the water cheerfully along up to the summit. This
mountain was moister than any I had ever ascended, the Semeru in
Java, in some respects, excepted; and half-way up I found some rotten
rafflesia. [154] Two miserable-looking Cimarron dogs drove a young
stag towards us, which was slain by one of the people with a blow
of his bolo. The path ceased a third of the way up, but it was not
difficult to get through the wood. The upper portion of the mountain,
however, being thickly overgrown with cane, again presented great
obstacles. About twelve we reached the summit-level, which, pierced by
no crater, is almost horizontal, smoothly arched, and thickly covered
with cane. [Altitude.] Its height is 1,354 meters. In a short time the
indefatigable Cimarrons had built a fine large hut of cane: one room
for myself and the baggage, a large assembly-room for the people,
and a special apartment for cooking. Unfortunately the cane was so
wet that it would not burn. In order to procure firewood to cook the
rice, thick branches were got out of the wood, and their comparatively
dry pith extracted with great labor. The lucifer-matches, too, were
so damp that the phosphorus was rubbed away in friction; but, being
collected on blotting-paper, and kneaded together with the sulphurous
end of the match-wood, it became dry and was kindled by friction. Not
a trace of solid rock was to be seen. All was obstructed by a thick
overgrowth from where the path ceased, and the ground covered with
a dense bed of damp wood-earth. The following morning was fine, and
showed a wide panorama; but, before I had completed my drawing, it
again became misty; and as, after several hours of waiting, the heavens
were overspread with thick rain-clouds, we set out on our return.

[Butterflies.] Numerous butterflies swarmed around the summit. We
could, however, catch only a few, as the passage over the cane-stubble
was too difficult for naked feet; and, the badly-stitched soles of
two pairs of new shoes which I had brought from Manila having dropped
off some time before I reached the summit, I was compelled to perform
the journey to Ligao barefoot.

[Native contempt for private Spaniards.] On the following day my
Spanish host went twice to the tribunal to procure the carabao carts
which were necessary for the furtherance of my collections. His
courteous request was unsuccessful; but the command of the parish
priest, who personally informed the Gobernadorcillo in his house,
was immediately obeyed. The Filipino authorities have, as a rule, but
little respect for private Spanish people, and treat them not seldom
with open contempt. An official recommendation from the alcalde is
usually effectual, but not in all the provinces; for many alcaldes do
hurt to their own authority by engaging the assistance or connivance of
the native magistrates in the furtherance of their personal interests.

[Giant bats.] I here shot some panikes, great bats with wings nearly
five feet wide when extended, which in the day time hang asleep from
the branches of trees, and, among them, two mothers with their young
sucking ones uninjured. It was affecting to see how the little animals
clung more and more firmly to the bodies of their dying parents,
and how tenderly they embraced them even after these were dead. The
apparent feeling, however, was only self-interest at bottom, for,
when their store of milk was exhausted, the old ones were treated
without respect, like empty bottles. As soon as the young ones were
separated, they fed on bananas, and lived several days, until I at
length placed them in spirits.

[A muddy dry season.] Early in the morning I rode on the priest's
horse to Legaspi, and in the evening through deep mud to the alcalde
at Albay. We were now (June) in the middle of the so-called dry season,
but it rained almost every day; and the road between Albay and Legaspi
was worse than ever. During my visit information arrived from the
commandant of the faluas on the south coast that, as he was pursuing
two pirate vessels, [Power of Moro pirates.] six others suddenly made
their appearance, in order to cut off his return; for which reason he
bad quickly made his way back. The faluas are very strongly manned, and
provided with cannon, but the crews furnished by the localities on the
coast are entirely unpractised in the use of fire-arms, and moreover
hold the Moros in such dread that, if the smallest chance offers of
flight, they avail themselves of it to ensure their safety by making
for the land. The places on the coast, destitute of other arms than
wooden pikes, were completely exposed to the pirates, who had firmly
established themselves in Catanduanes, Biri, and several small islands,
and seized ships with impunity, or robbed men on the land. Almost daily
fresh robberies and murders were announced from the villages on the
shore. During a plundering expedition the men caught are employed at
the oars and at its close sold as slaves; and, on the division of the
spoil, one of the crew falls to the share of the dato (Moro chief) who
fitted out the vessel. [155] The coasting vessels in these waters, it
is true, are mostly provided with artillery, but it is generally placed
in the hold of the ship, as no one on board knows how to use it. If
the cannon be upon deck, either the powder or the shot is wanting;
and the captain promises to be better prepared next time. [156] The
alcalde reported the outrages of the pirates by every post to Manila,
as well as the great injury done to trade, and spoke of the duty of the
[No protection from Government.] Government to protect its subjects,
especially as the latter were not permitted to use fire-arms; [157] and
from the Bisayan Islands came the same cry for help. The Government,
however, was powerless against the evil. If the complaints were indeed
very urgent, they would send a steamer into the waters most infested;
but it hardly ever came in sight of pirates, although the latter were
carrying on their depredations close in front and behind.

[Government steamer easily eluded.] At Samars, the principal town,
I subsequently met with a Government steamer, which for fourteen days
past had been nominally engaged in cruising against the pirates; but
the latter, generally forewarned by their spies, perceive the smoke
of the steamers sufficiently soon to slip away in their flat boats;
and the officers knew beforehand that their cruise would have no
other result than to show the distressed provinces that their outcry
was not altogether unnoticed. [158]

[Steam gunboats more successful.] Twenty small steam gunboats of light
draught had shortly before been ordered from England, and were nearly
ready. The first two indeed arrived soon after in Manila (they had to
be transported in pieces round the Cape), and were to be followed by
the rest; and they were at one time almost successful in delivering
the archipelago from these burdensome pests; [159] at least, from
the proscribed Moros who came every year from the Sulu Sea, mostly
from the island of Tawitawi, arriving in May at the Bisayas, and
continuing their depredations in the archipelago until the change
of the monsoon in October or November compelled them to return.
[160] [Renegades join pirates and bandits.] In the Philippines they
gained new recruits among vagabonds, deserters, runaway criminals,
and ruined spendthrifts; and from the same sources were made up the
bands of highway robbers (tulisanes), which sometimes started up,
and perpetuated acts of extraordinary daring. Not long before my
arrival they had made an inroad into a suburb of Manila, and engaged
with the military in the highways. Some of the latter are regularly
employed in the service against the tulisanes. The robbers are not,
as a rule, cruel to their victims when no opposition is offered.  [161]

[Plants from Berlin.] In Legaspi I found awaiting me several chests
with tin lining, which had been sixteen months on their passage by
overland route, instead of seven weeks, having been conveyed from
Berlin by way of Trieste, on account of the Italian war. Their
contents, which had been intended for use in the Philippines
exclusively, were now for the most part useless. In one chest there
were two small flasks with glass stoppers, one filled with moist
charcoal, and the other with moist clay, both containing seeds of the
Victoria Regia and tubers of red and blue nymphae (water-lily). Those
in the first flask were spoiled, as might have been expected; but in
that filled with moist clay two tubers had thrown out shoots of half an
inch in length, and appeared quite sound. I planted them at once, and
in a few days vigorous leaves were developed. One of these beautiful
plants, which had been originally intended for the Buitenzorg Garden
in Java, remained in Legaspi; the other I sent to Manila, where,
on my return, I saw it in full bloom. In the charcoal two Victoria
seeds had thrown out roots above an inch in length, which had rotted
off. Most likely they had been torn up by the custom-house inspectors,
and had afterwards rotted, for the neck of the bottle was broken,
and the charcoal appeared as if it had been stirred. I communicated
the brilliant result of his mode of packing to the Inspector of the
Botanical Gardens at Berlin, who made a second consignment direct
to Java, which arrived in the best condition; so that not only the
Victoria, but also the one which had been derived in Berlin from an
African father and an Asiatic mother, now adorn the water-basins of
Java with red pond-roses (the latter plants probably those of the
Philippines also).

[Carpentering difficulties.] Being compelled by the continuous rain to
dry my collections in two ovens before packing them, I found that my
servant had burned the greater part, so that the remains found a place
in a roomy chest which I purchased for a dollar at an auction. This
unfortunately lacked a lid; to procure which I was obliged, in the
first place, to liberate a carpenter who had been imprisoned for a
small debt; secondly, to advance money for the purchase of a board
and the redemption of his tools out of pawn; and even then the work,
when it was begun, was several times broken off because previous claims
of violent creditors had to be discharged by labor. In five days the
lid was completed, at the cost of three dollars. It did not last long,
however, for in Manila I had to get it replaced by a new one.

[Off to Samar.] At Legaspi I availed myself of an opportunity to reach
the island of Samar in a small schooner. It is situated south-east
from Luzon, on the farther side of the Strait of San Bernardino,
which is three leagues in breadth. At the moment of my departure,
to my great regret, my servant left me, "that he might rest a little
from his fatigue," for Pepe was good-natured, very skilful, and
always even-tempered. [Losing a clever assistant.] He had learned
much from the numerous Spanish soldiers and sailors resident in
Cavite, his native place, where he used to be playfully called the
"Spaniard of Cavite." Roving from one place to another was his
delight; and he quickly acquired acquaintances. He knew especially
how to gain the favor of the ladies, for he possessed many social
accomplishments, being equally able to play the guitar and to milk
the carabao-cows. When we came to a pueblo, where a mestiza, or even a
"daughter of the country" (creole), dwelt, he would, when practicable,
ask permission to milk a cow; and after bringing the señora some
of the milk, under pretext of being the interpreter of my wishes,
he would maintain such a flow of ingeniously courteous conversation,
praising the beauty and grace of the lady, and most modestly allowing
his prodigious travelling adventures to be extracted from him, that
both knight and esquire beamed with brilliant radiance. A present
was always welcome, and brought us many a little basket of oranges;
and carabao milk is excellent with chocolate: but it seemed as if
one seldom has the opportunity of milking a cow. Unfortunately Pepe
did not like climbing mountains, and when he was to have gone with
me he either got the stomach-ache or gave away my strong shoes, or
allowed them to be stolen; the native ones, however, being allowed
to remain untouched, for he knew well that they were fit only for
riding, and derived comfort from the fact. In company with me he
worked quickly and cheerfully; but, when alone, it became tedious to
him. Particularly he found friends, who hindered him, and then he would
abandon his skinning of the birds, which therefore became putrid and
had to be thrown away. Packing was still more disagreeable to him, and
consequently he did it as quickly as possible, though not always with
sufficient care, as on one occasion he tied up, in one and the same
bundle, shoes, arsenic-soap, drawings, and chocolate. Notwithstanding
trifling faults of this kind, he was very useful and agreeable to me;
but he did not go willingly to such an uncivilized island as Samar;
and when he received his wages in full for eight months all in a lump,
and so became a small capitalist, he could not resist the temptation
to rest a little from his labors.


CHAPTER XIX


[Samar.] The island of Samar, which is of nearly rhomboidal outline,
and with few indentations on its coasts, stretches from the north-west
to the south-east from 12° 37' to 10° 54' N.; its mean length being
twenty-two miles, its breadth eleven, and its area two hundred and
twenty square miles. It is separated on the south by the small strait
of San Juanico from the island of Leyte, with which it was formerly
united into one province. At the present time each island has its
separate governor.

[Former names.] By the older authors the island is called Tendaya,
Ibabao, and also Achan and Filipina. In later times the eastern
side was called Ibabao, and the western Samar, which is now the
official denomination for the whole island, the eastern shore being
distinguished as the Contracosta. [162]

[Seasons and weather.] As on the eastern coasts of Luzon, the
north-east monsoon here exceeds that from the south-west in duration
and force, the violence of the latter being arrested by the islands
lying to the southwest, while the north-east winds break against
the coasts of these easterly islands with their whole force, and the
additional weight of the body of water which they bring with them from
the open ocean. In October winds fluctuating between north-west and
north-east occur; but the prevalent ones are northerly. In the middle
of November the north-east is constant; and it blows, with but little
intermission, from the north until April. This is likewise the rainy
season, December and January being the wettest, when it sometimes
rains for fourteen days without interruption. In Lauang, on the north
coast, the rainy season lasts from October to the end of December. From
January to April it is dry; May, June, and July are rainy; and August
and September, again, are dry; so that here there are two wet and
two dry seasons in the year. From October to January violent storms
(baguios or typhoons) sometimes occur. Beginning generally with a
north wind, they pass to the north-west, accompanied by a little rain,
then back to the north, and with increasing violence to the north-east
and east, where they acquire their greatest power, and then moderate
to the south. Sometimes, however, they change rapidly from the east
to the south, in which quarter they first acquire their greatest force.

[Winds and storms.] From the end of March to the middle of June
inconstant easterly winds (N.E.E. and S.E.) prevail, with a very
heavy sea on the east coast. May is usually calm; but in May and
June there are frequent thunderstorms, introducing the south-west
monsoon, which though it extends through the months of July, August,
and September, is not so constant as the north-east. The last-named
three months constitute the dry season, which, however, is often
interrupted by thunderstorms. Not a week, indeed, passes without rain;
and in many years a storm arises every afternoon. At this season of
the year ships can reach the east coast; but during the north-east
monsoon navigation there is impossible. These general circumstances
are subject to many local deviations, particularly on the south and
west coasts, where the uniformity of the air currents is disturbed
by the mountainous islands lying in front of them. According to
the Estado geografico of 1855, an extraordinarily high tide, called
dolo, occurs every year at the change of the monsoon in September or
October. It rises sometimes sixty or seventy feet, and dashes itself
with fearful violence against the south and east coasts, doing great
damage, but not lasting for any length of time. The climate of Samar
and Leyte appears to be very healthy on the coasts; in fact, to be
the best of all the islands of the archipelago. Dysentery, diarrhoea,
and fever occur less frequently than in Luzon, and Europeans also
are less subject to their attacks than in that place.

[Only the coast settled.] The civilized natives live almost solely
on its coasts, and there are also Bisayans who differ in speech and
manners from the Bicols in about the same degree that the latter do
from the Tagalogs. Roads and villages are almost entirely wanting
in the interior, which is covered with a thick wood, and affords
sustenance to independent tribes, who carry on a little tillage
(vegetable roots and mountain rice), and collect the products of the
woods, particularly resin, honey, and wax, in which the island is
very rich.

[A tedious but eventful voyage.] On the 3rd of July we lost sight
of Legaspi, and, detained by frequent calms, crawled as far as
Point Montufar, on the northern edge of Albay, then onwards to the
small island of Viri, and did not reach Lauang before evening of
the 5th. The mountain range of Bacon (the Pocdol of Coello), which
on my previous journeys had been concealed by night or mist, now
revealed itself to us in passing as a conical mountain; and beside
it towered a very precipitous, deeply-cleft mountain-side, apparently
the remnant of a circular range. After the pilot, an old Filipino and
native of the country, who had made the journey frequently before,
had conducted us, to begin with, to a wrong port, he ran the vessel
fast on to the bar, although there was sufficient water to sail into
the harbor conveniently.

[Lauang.] The district of Lauang (Lahuan), which is encumbered with
more than four thousand five hundred inhabitants, is situated at an
altitude of forty feet, on the south-west shore of the small island
of the same name, which is separated from Samar by an arm of the
Catubig. According to a widely-spread tradition, the settlement was
originally in Samar itself, in the middle of the rice-fields, which
continue to the present day in that place, until the repeated inroads
of sea-pirates drove the inhabitants, in spite of the inconvenience
attending it, to protect themselves by settling on the south coast
of the little island, which rises steeply out of the sea. [163] The
latter consists of almost horizontal banks of tufa, from eight to
twelve inches in thickness. The strata being continually eaten away
by the waves at low watermark, the upper layers break off; and thus
the uppermost parts of the strata, which are of a tolerably uniform
thickness, are cleft by vertical fissures, and look like the walls of
a fortress. Pressed for space, the church and the convent have taken
up every level bit of the rock at various heights; and the effect of
this accommodation of architecture to the requirements of the ground,
though not designed by the architect, is most picturesque.

[Deterioration in the town.] The place is beautifully situated; but the
houses are not so frequently as formerly surrounded by little gardens
while there is a great want of water, and foul odors prevail. Two or
three scanty springs afford a muddy, brackish water, almost at the
level of the sea, with which the indolent people are content so that
they have just enough. Wealthy people have their water brought from
Samar, and the poorer classes are sometimes compelled, by the drying-up
of the springs, to have recourse to the same place. The spring-water
is not plentiful for bathing purposes; and, sea-bathing not being in
favor, the people consequently are very dirty. Their clothing is the
same as in Luzon; but the women wear no tapis, only a camisa (a short
chemise, hardly covering the breast), and a saya, mostly of coarse,
stiff guinara, which forms ugly folds, and when not colored black
is very transparent. But dirt and a filthy existence form a better
screen than opaque garments. The inhabitants of Lauang rightly,
indeed, enjoy the reputation of being very idle. Their industry is
limited to a little tillage, even fishing being so neglected that
frequently there is a scarcity of fish. In the absence of roads by
land, there is hardly any communication by water; and trade is mostly
carried on by mariners from Catbalogan, who exchange the surplus of
the harvests for other produce.

From the convent a view is had of part of the island of Samar, the
mountain forms of which appear to be a continuation of the horizontal
strata. In the centre of the district, at the distance of some miles,
a table mountain, famous in the history of the country, towers
aloft. [The Palapat revolt.] The natives of the neighboring village
of Palapat retreated to it after having killed their priest, a too
covetous Jesuit father, and for years carried on a guerilla warfare
with the Spaniards until they were finally overpowered by treachery.

[Pirate outrages.] The interior of the country is difficult to
traverse from the absence of roads, and the coasts are much infested
by pirates. Quite recently several pontins and four schooners,
laden with abacá, were captured, and the crews cruelly murdered,
their bodies having been cut to pieces. This, however, was opposed
to their general practice, for the captives are usually employed at
the oars during the continuance of the foray, and afterwards sold as
slaves in the islands of the Sulu sea. It was well that we did not
encounter the pirates, for, although we carried four small cannons
on board, nobody understood how to use them. [164]

[Electing officers.]  The governor, who was expected to conduct the
election of the district officials in person, but was prevented
by illness, sent a deputy. As the annual elections are conducted
in the same manner over the whole country, that at which I was
present may be taken as typical of the rest. It took place in the
common hall; the governor (or his deputy) sitting at the table,
with the pastor on his right hand, and the clerk on his left--the
latter also acting as interpreter; while Cabezas de Barangay, the
gobernadorcillo, and those who had previously filled the office, took
their places all together on benches. First of all, six cabezas and
as many gobernadorcillos are chosen by lot as electors; the actual
gobernadorcillo is the thirteenth, and the rest quit the hall. After
the reading of the statutes by the president, who exhorts the electors
to the conscientious performance of their duty, the latter advance
singly to the table, and write three names on a piece of paper. Unless
a valid protest be made either by the parish priest or by the electors,
the one who has the most votes is forthwith named gobernadorcillo for
the coming year, subject to the approval of the superior jurisdiction
at Manila; which, however, always consents, for the influence of the
priest would provide against a disagreeable election. The election of
the other functionaries takes place in the same manner, after the new
gobernadorcillo has been first summoned into the hall, in order that,
if he have any important objections to the officers then about to be
elected, he may be able to make them. The whole affair was conducted
very quietly and with dignity. [165]

[Unsatisfactory forced labor.] On the following morning, accompanied
by the obliging priest, who was followed by nearly all the boys
of the village, I crossed over in a large boat to Samar. Out of
eleven strong baggage porters whom the governor's representative had
selected for me, four took possession of some trifling articles and
sped away with them, three others hid themselves in the bush, and
four had previously decamped at Lauang. The baggage was divided and
distributed amongst the four porters who were detained, and the little
boys who had accompanied us for their own pleasure. We followed the
sea-shore in a westerly direction, and at a very late hour reached the
nearest visita (a suburban chapel and settlement) where the priest
was successful, after much difficulty, in supplying the places of
the missing porters. On the west side of the mouth of the Pambujan
a neck of land projects into the sea, which is a favorite resort
of the [A pirate base.] sea-pirates, who from their shelter in the
wood command the shore which extends in a wide curve on both sides,
and forms the only communication between Lauang and Catarman. Many
travellers had already been robbed in this place; and the father, who
was now accompanying me thus far, had, with the greatest difficulty,
escaped the same danger only a few weeks before.

The last part of our day's journey was performed very cautiously. A
messenger who had been sent on had placed boats at all the mouths of
rivers, and, as hardly any other Europeans besides ecclesiastics are
known in this district, I was taken in the darkness for a Capuchin in
travelling attire; the men lighting me with torches during the passage,
and the women pressing forward to kiss my hand. I passed the night
on the road, and on the following day reached Catarman (Caladman on
Coello's map), a clean, spacious locality numbering 6,358 souls, at
the mouth of the river of the same name. Six pontins from Catbalogan
awaited their cargoes of rice for Albay. The inhabitants of the north
coast are too indifferent sailors to export their products themselves,
and leave it to the people of [Catbalogan monopoly of interisland
traffic.] Catbalogan, who, having no rice-fields, are obliged to find
employment for their activity in other places.

[A changed river and a new town.] The river Catarman formerly emptied
further to the east, and was much choked with mud. In the year 1851,
after a continuous heavy rain, it worked for itself, in the loose
soil which consists of quartz sand and fragments of mussels, a new
and shorter passage to the sea--the present harbor, in which ships
of two hundred tons can load close to the land; but in doing so it
destroyed the greater part of the village, as well as the stone church
and the priest's residence. In the new convent there are two salons,
one 16.2 by 8.8, the other 9 by 7.6 paces in dimensions, boarded with
planks from a single branch of a dipterocarpus (guiso). The pace is
equivalent to 30 inches; and, assuming the thickness of the boards,
inclusive of waste, to be one inch, this would give a solid block of
wood as high as a table (two and one-half feet), the same in breadth,
eighteen feet in length, and of about one hundred and ten cubic
feet. [166] The houses are enclosed in gardens; but some of them only
by fencing, within which weeds luxuriate. At the rebuilding of the
village, after the great flood of water, the laying out of gardens
was commanded; but the industry which is required to preserve them is
often wanting. Pasture grounds extend themselves, on the south side
of the village, covered with fine short grass; but, with the exception
of some oxen and sheep belonging to the priest, there are no cattle.

[Up the river.] Still without servants, I proceeded with my baggage in
two small boats up the river, on both sides of which rice-fields and
coco-groves extended; but the latter, being concealed by a thick border
of Nipa palms and lofty cane, are only visible occasionally through
the gaps. The sandy banks, at first flat, became gradually steeper,
and the rock soon showed itself close at hand, with firm banks of sandy
clay containing occasional traces of indistinguishable petrifactions. A
small mussel [167] has pierced the clay banks at the water-line, in
such number that they look like honeycombs. About twelve we cooked
our rice in an isolated hut, amongst friendly people. The women whom
we surprised in dark ragged clothing of guinara drew back ashamed,
and soon after appeared in clean chequered sayas, with earrings of
brass and tortoise-shell combs. When I drew a little naked girl, the
mother forced her to put on a garment. About two we again stepped into
the boat, and after rowing the whole night reached a small visita,
Cobocobo, about nine in the forenoon. The rowers had worked without
interruption for twenty-four hours, exclusive of the two hours'
rest at noon, and though somewhat tired were in good spirits.

[Salta Sangley ridge.] At half-past two we set out on the road over
the Salta Sangley (Chinese leap) to Tragbucan, which, distant about a
mile in a straight line, is situated at the place where the Calbayot,
which empties on the west coast at Point Hibaton, becomes navigable for
small boats. By means of these two rivers and the short but troublesome
road, a communication exists between the important stations of Catarman
on the north coast, and Calbayot on the west coast. The road, which
at its best part is a small path in the thick wood uninvaded by the
sun, and frequently is only a track, passes over slippery ridges of
clay, disappearing in the mud puddles in the intervening hollows, and
sometimes running into the bed of the brooks. The watershed between
the Catarman and Calbayot is formed by the Salta Sangley already
mentioned, a flat ridge composed of banks of clay and sandstone,
which succeed one another ladder-wise downwards on both its sides,
and from which the water collected at the top descends in little
cascades. In the most difficult places rough ladders of bamboo are
fixed. I counted fifteen brooks on the north-east side which feed the
Catarman, and about the same number of feeders of the Calbayot on the
south-west side. About forty minutes past four we reached the highest
point of the Salta Sangley, about ninety feet above the sea; and at
half-past six we got to a stream, the highest part of the Calbayot,
in the bed of which we wandered until its increasing depth forced us,
in the dark, laboriously to beat out our path through the underwood
to its bank; and about eight o'clock we found ourselves opposite the
visita Tragbucan. The river at this place was already six feet deep,
and there was not a boat. After shouting entreaties and threats for
a long time, the people, who were startled out of sleep by a revolver
shot, agreed to construct a raft of bamboo, on which they put us and
our baggage. The little place, which consists of only a few poor huts,
is prettily situated, surrounded as it is by wooded hillocks on a
plateau of sand fifty feet above the reed-bordered river.

[On the Calbayot River.] Thanks to the activity of the teniente of
Catarman who accompanied me, a boat was procured without delay, so
that we were able to continue our journey about seven o'clock. The
banks were from twenty to forty feet high; and, with the exception of
the cry of some rhinoceros birds which fluttered from bough to bough
on the tops of the trees, we neither heard nor saw a trace of animal
life. About half-past eleven we reached Taibago, a small visita,
and about half-past one a similar one, Magubay; and after two hours'
rest at noon, about five o'clock, we got into a current down which
we skilfully floated, almost without admitting any water. The river,
which up to this point is thirty feet broad, and on account of many
projecting branches of trees difficult to navigate, here is twice as
broad. About eleven at night we reached the sea, and in a complete
calm rowed for the distance of a league along the coast to Calbayot,
the convent at which place affords a commanding view of the islands
lying before it.

A thunderstorm obliged us to postpone the journey to the chief town,
Catbalogan (or Catbalonga), which was seven leagues distant, until
the afternoon. In a long boat, formed out of the stem of one tree,
and furnished with outriggers, we travelled along the shore, which
is margined by a row of low-wooded hills with many small visitas;
and as night was setting in we rounded the point of Napalisan,
a rock of trachytic conglomerate shaped by perpendicular fissures
with rounded edges into a series of projections like towers,
which rises up out of the sea to the height of sixty feet, like
a knight's castle. [Catbalogan.] At night we reached Catbalogan,
the chief town of the island, with a population of six thousand,
which is picturesquely situated in the middle of the western border,
in a little bay surrounded by islands and necks of land, difficult
to approach and, therefore, little guarded. Not a single vessel was
anchored in the harbor.

The houses, many of which are of boards, are neater than those
in Camarines; and the people, though idle, are more modest, more
honorable, more obliging, and of cleaner habits, than the inhabitants
of South Luzon. Through the courtesy of the governor I quickly obtained
a roomy dwelling, and a servant who understood Spanish. [An ingenious
mechanic.] Here I also met a very intelligent Filipino who had acquired
great skill in a large variety of crafts. With the simplest tools he
improved in many points on my instruments and apparatus, the purpose
of which he quickly comprehended to my entire satisfaction, and gave
many proofs of considerable intellectual ability.

[The flying monkey.] In Samar the flying monkey or lemur (the kaguang
of the Bisayans--galeopithecus) is not rare. These animals, which are
of the size of the domestic cat, belong to the quadrumana; but, like
the flying squirrels, they are provided with a bird-like membrane,
which, commencing at the neck, and passing over the fore and hinder
limbs, reaches to the tail; by means of which they are able to glide
from one tree to another at a very obtuse angle. [168] Body and
membrane are clothed with a very short fur, which nearly equals the
chinchilla in firmness and softness, and is on that account in great
request. While I was there, six live kaguangs arrived as a present for
the priest (three light grey, one dark brown, and two greyish brown;
all with irregularly distributed spots); and from these I secured a
little female with her young.

[A hasty and unfounded judgment.] It appeared to be a very harmless,
awkward animal. When liberated from its fetters, it remained lying
on the ground with all its four limbs stretched out, and its belly
in contact with the earth, and then hopped in short awkward leaps,
without thereby raising itself from the ground, to the nearest wall,
which was of planed boards. Arrived there, it felt about it for a long
time with the sharp claw, which is bent inwards, of its fore-hand,
until at length it realized the impossiblity of climbing it at any
part. It succeeded by means of a corner or an accidental crevice in
climbing a foot upwards, and fell down again immediately, because it
had abandoned the comparatively secure footing of its hinder limbs
before its fore-claws had obtained a firm hold. It received no hurt,
as the violence of the fall was broken by the flying membrane which
was rapidly extended. These attempts, which were continued with steady
perseverance, showed an astonishing deficiency of judgment, the animal
endeavoring to do much more than was in its power to accomplish. All
its endeavors, therefore, were unsuccessful, though made without
doing itself any hurt--thanks to the parachute with which Nature
had provided it. Had the kaguang not been in the habit of relying
so entirely on this convenient contrivance, it probably would have
exercised its judgment to a greater extent, and formed a more correct
estimate of its ability. The animal repeated its fruitless efforts so
often that I no longer took any notice of it, and after some time it
disappeared: but I found it again in a dark corner, under the roof,
where it would probably have waited for the night in order to continue
its flight. Evidently it had succeeded in reaching the upper edge of
the boarded wall by squeezing its body between this and the elastic
covering of bamboo hurdle-work which lay firmly imposed upon it;
so that the poor creature, which I had rashly concluded was stupid
and awkward, had, under the circumstances, manifested the greatest
possible skill, prudence, and perseverance.

[A promise of rare animals and wild people.] A priest who was
present on a visit from Calbigan promised me so many wonders in his
district--abundance of the rarest animals, and Cimarrones uncivilized
in the highest degree--that I accompanied him, on the following day,
in his journey home. In an hour after our departure we reached the
little island of Majava, which consists of perpendicular strata of
a hard, fine-grained, volcanic tufa, with small, bright crystals of
hornblende. The island of Buat (on Coello's map) is called by our
mariners Tubigan. In three hours we reached Umauas, a dependency
of Calbigan. It is situated, fifty feet above the sea, in a bay,
before which (as is so often the case on this coast) a row of small
picturesque islands succeed one another, and is exactly four leagues
from Catbalogan. But Calbigan, which we reached towards evening, is
situated two leagues N.N.E. from Umauas, surrounded by rice-fields,
forty feet above the river of the same name, and almost a league and
a half from its mouth. A tree with beautiful violet-blue panicles
of blossoms is especially abundant on the banks of the Calbigan,
and supplies a most valuable wood for building purposes in the
Philippines. It is considered equal to teak, like which it belongs
to the class verbenaceae; and its inland name is [Molave.] molave
(Vitex geniculata, Blanco).

[Serpent-charmers.] According to the statements of credible men,
there are serpent-tamers in this country. They are said to pipe the
serpents out of their holes, directing their movements, and stopping
and handling them at will, without being injured by them. The most
famous individual amongst them, however, had been carried off by
the sea-pirates a short time before; another had run away to the
Cimarronese in the mountains; and the third, whose reputation did not
appear to be rightly established, accompanied me on my excursion,
but did not justify the representations of his friends. He caught
two poisonous serpents, [169] which we encountered on the road, by
dexterously seizing them immediately behind the head, so that they were
incapable of doing harm; and, when he commanded them to lie still,
he took the precaution of placing his foot on their necks. In the
chase I hurt my foot so severely against a sharp-pointed branch which
was concealed by the mud that I was obliged to return to Catbalogan
without effecting my object. The inhabitants of Calbigan are considered
more active and circumspect than those on the west coast, and they are
praised for their honesty. I found them very skilful; and they seemed
to take an evident pleasure in making collections and preparing plants
and animals, so that I would gladly have taken with me a servant from
the place; but they are so reluctant to leave their village that all
the priest's efforts to induce one to ride with us were fruitless.

[A coral garden.] At a short distance north-west from Catbalogan a most
luxuriant garden of corals is to be observed in less than two fathoms,
at the ebb. On a yellow carpet of calcareous polyps and sponges,
groups of leather-like stalks, finger-thick, lift themselves up like
stems of vegetable growth; their upper ends thickly covered with polyps
(Sarcophyton pulmo Esp.), which display their roses of tentacula wide
open, and resplendent with the most beautiful varying colors, looking,
in fact, like flowers in full bloom. Very large serpulites extend
from their calcareous tubes, elegant red, blue, and yellow crowns of
feelers, and, while little fishes of marvellously gorgeous color dart
about in this fairy garden, in their midst luxuriantly grow delicate,
feathered plumulariae.

[Ornamental but useless forts.] Bad weather and the flight of my
servant, who had gambled away some money with which he had been
entrusted, at a cock-fight, having detained me some days in the
chief town, I proceeded up the bay, which extends southwards from
Catbalogan and from west to east as far as Paranas. Its northern
shore consists of ridges of earth, regular and of equal height,
extending from north to south, with gentle slopes towards the west,
but steep declivities on the east, and terminating abruptly towards
the sea. Nine little villages are situated on this coast between
Catbalogan and Paranas. From the hollows, amidst coco and betel
palms, they expand in isolated groups of houses up the gentle western
slopes, and, on reaching the summit, terminate in a little castle,
which hardly affords protection against the pirates, but generally
forms a pretty feature in the landscape. In front of the southern
edge of the bay, and to the south-west, many small islands and wooded
rocks are visible, with the mountains of Leyte in the high-ground,
constituting an ever-shifting series of views.

[Paranas.] As the men, owing to the sultry heat, the complete calm,
and almost cloudless sky, slept quite as much as they rowed, we
did not reach Paranas before the afternoon. It is a clean village,
situated on a declivity between twenty and a hundred and fifty feet
above the sea. The sides, which stand perpendicularly in the sea,
consist of grey banks of clay receding landwards, and overspread
with a layer of fragments of mussels, the intervals between which
are filled up with clay, and over the latter is a solid breccia,
cemented with lime, composed of similar fragments. In the clay banks
are well-preserved petrifactions, so similar in color, habitat, and
aspect to many of those in the German tertiary formations that they
might be taken for them. The breccia also is fossil, probably also
tertiary; at all events, the identity of the few species which were
recognisable in it--Cerithium, Pecten, and Venus--with living species
could not be determined. [170]

[A canal through the bog.] On the following morning I proceeded
northwards by a small canal, through a stinking bog of rhizophora
(mangroves), and then continued my journey on land to Loquilocun,
a little village which is situated in the forest. Half-way we passed
through a river, twenty feet broad, flowing east to west, with steep
banks rendered accessible by ladders.

[Hammock-travelling.] As I still continued lame (wounds in the feet are
difficult to heal in warm countries), I caused myself to be carried
part of the way in the manner which is customary hereabouts. The
traveller lies on a loose mat, which is fastened to a bamboo frame,
borne on the shoulders of four robust polistas. About every ten
minutes the bearers are relieved by others. As a protection against
sun and rain, the frame is furnished with a light roof of pandanus.

[Poor roads.] The roads were pretty nearly as bad as those at the
Salta Sangley; and, with the exception of the sea-shore, which is
sometimes available, there appear to be none better in Samar. After
three hours we reached the Loquilocun, which, coming from the north,
here touches its most southerly point, and then flows south-east to
the great ocean. Through the kind care of the governor, I found two
small boats ready, which were propelled with wonderful dexterity by
two men squatted at the extreme ends, and [Running the rapids.] glided
between the branches of the trees and rocks into the bed of the rapid
mountain torrent. Amidst loud cheers both the boats glided down a
cascade of a foot and a half in height without shipping any water.

[Loquilocun.] The little village of Loquilocun consists of three
groups of houses on three hillocks. The inhabitants were very friendly,
modest, and obliging, and so successful in collecting that the spirits
of wine which I had with me was quickly consumed. In Catbalogan
my messengers were able with difficulty to procure a few small
flasks. Through the awkward arrangements of a too obliging friend,
my own stores, having been sent to a wrong address, did not reach
me until some months afterwards; and the palm-wine, which was to be
bought in Samar, was too weak. One or two boats went out daily to fish
for me; but I obtained only a few specimens, which belonged to almost
as many species and genera. Probably the bad custom of poisoning the
water in order to kill the fish (the pounded fruit of a Barringtonia
here being employed for the purpose) is the cause of the river being
so empty of fish.

[Numerous small streams.] After a few days we left the little place
about half-past nine in the forenoon, packed closely in two small
boats; and, by seven minutes past one when we reached an inhabited
hut in the forest, we had descended more than forty streams of a
foot and a foot and a half and more in depth. The more important of
them have names which are correctly given on Coello's map; and the
following are their distances by the watch:--At ten o'clock we came
to a narrow, rocky chasm, at the extremity of which the water falls
several feet below into a large basin; and here we unloaded the boats,
which hitherto had, under skilful management, wound their way, like
well-trained horses, between all the impediments in the bed of the
river and over all the cascades and waves, almost without taking any
water; only two men remaining in each boat, who, loudly cheering,
shot downwards; in doing which the boats were filled to the brim.

[Jasper and Coal.] Opposite this waterfall a bank of rubbish had been
formed by the alluvium, in which, besides fragments of the subjacent
rock, were found well-rounded pieces of jasper and porphyry, as well
as some bits of coal containing several pyrites, which had probably
been brought during the rain from higher up the river. Its origin was
unknown to the sailors. From fifty-six minutes past eleven to twelve
o'clock there was an uninterrupted succession of rapids, which were
passed with the greatest dexterity, without taking in water. Somewhat
lower down, at about three minutes past twelve, we took in so much
water that we were compelled to land and bale it out. At about fifteen
minutes past twelve, we proceeded onwards, the river now being on
the average sixty feet broad. On the edge of the wood some slender
palms, hardly ten feet high, were remarkable by their frequency,
and many phalaenopses by their display of blossoms, which is of
rare occurrence. Neither birds nor apes, nor serpents were observed;
but large pythons, as thick as one's leg are said to be not unfrequent.

[Big pythons.] About thirty-six minutes past twelve we reached one
of the most difficult places--a succession of waves, with many rocks
projecting out of the water, between which the boats, now in full
career, and with rapid evolutions, glided successfully. The adventure
was accomplished with equal skill by the two crews, who exerted their
powers to the utmost. At seventeen minutes past one we arrived at
[Dini portage.] Dini, the most considerable waterfall in the whole
distance; and here we had to take the boats out of the water; and,
availing ourselves of the lianas which hung down from the lofty forest
trees like ropes, we dragged them over the rocks. At twenty-one minutes
past two we resumed our journey; and from twenty-two minutes past to
half past eight we descended an irregular stair composed of several
ledges, shipping much water. Up to this point the Loquilocun flowed in
a rocky bed, with (for the most part) steep banks, and sometimes for
a long distance under a thick canopy of boughs, from which powerful
tendrils and ferns, more than a fathom in length, were suspended. Here
the country was to some extent open; flat hillocks, with low underwood,
came to view, and, on the north-west, loftier wooded mountains. The
last two hours were notable for a heavy fall of rain, and, about half
past five, we reached a solitary house occupied by friendly people,
where we took up our quarters for the night.

[Down the river.] On the following morning the journey was continued
down the river. Within ten minutes we glided past the last waterfall,
between white calcareous rocks of a kind of marble, covered with
magnificent vegetation. Branches, completely covered with phalaenopses
(P. Aphrodite, Reichb. fls.), projected over the river, their flowers
waving like large gorgeous butterflies over its foaming current. Two
hours later the stream became two hundred feet broad, and, after
leaping down a ladder of fifty meters in height from Loquilocun,
it steals away in gentle windings through a flat inundated country
to the east coast; forming a broad estuary, on the right bank of
which, half a league from the sea, the district of Jubasan or Paric
(population 2,300) is situated. The latter give their names to the
lower portion of the stream. Here the excellent fellows of Loquilocun
left me in order to begin their very arduous return journey.

[Along the coast.] Owing to bad weather, I could not embark for Tubig
(population 2,858), south of Paric, before the following day; and,
being continually hindered by difficulties of land transit, I proceeded
in the rowboat along the coast to Borongan (population 7,685), with
the equally intelligent and obliging priest with whom I remained
some days, and then continued my journey to Guiuan (also Guiuang,
Guiguan), the most important district in Samar (population 10,781),
situated on a small neck of land which projects from the south-east
point of the island into the sea.

[A tideland spring.] Close to the shore at the latter place
a copious spring bursts out of five or six openings, smelling
slightly of sulphuretted hydrogen. It is covered by the sea during
the flow, but is open during the ebb, when its salt taste is hardly
perceptible. In order to test the water, a well was formed by sinking
a deep bottomless jar, and from this, after the water had flowed for
the space of half an hour, a sample was taken, which, to my regret,
was afterwards lost. The temperature of the water of the spring, at
eight o'clock in the forenoon, was 27.7°; of the atmosphere, 28.7°;
of the sea-water, 31.2°C. The spring is used by the women to dye
their sarongs. The materials, after being steeped in the decoction
of a bark abounding in tannin (materials made of the abacá are first
soaked in a calcareous preparation), and dried in the sun, are placed
in the spring during the ebb, taken out during the flow, re-dried,
dipped in the decoction of bark, and again, while wet, placed in the
spring; and this is repeated for the space of three days; when the
result is a durable, but ugly inky black (gallussaures, oxide of iron).

[East Indian monkeys.] At Loquilocun and Borongan I had an opportunity
of purchasing two live macaques. [171] These extremely delicate
and rare little animals, which belong to the class of semi-apes,
are, as I was assured in Luzon and Leyte, to be found only in
Samar, and live exclusively on charcoal. My first "mago" was, in the
beginning, somewhat voracious, but he disdained vegetable food, and was
particular in his choice of insects, devouring live grasshoppers with
delight. [172] It was extremely ludicrous, when he was fed in the day
time, to see the animal standing, perched up perpendicularly on his two
thin legs with his bare tail, and turning his large head--round as a
ball, and with very large, yellow, owl-like eyes--in every direction,
looking like a dark lantern on a pedestal with a circular swivel. Only
gradually did he succeed in fixing his eyes on the object presented
to him; but, as soon as he did perceive it, he immediately extended
his little arms sideways, as though somewhat bashful, and then, like
a delighted child, suddenly seizing it with hand and mouth at once,
he deliberately tore the prey to pieces. During the day the mago
was sleepy, short-sighted, and, when disturbed, morose; but with
the decreasing daylight he expanded his pupils, and moved about in
a lively and agile manner, with rapid noiseless leaps, generally
sideways. He soon became tame, but to my regret died after a few
weeks; and I succeeded only for a short time in keeping the second
little animal alive.


CHAPTER XX


[Pearl divers from the Carolines.] In Guiuan I was visited by some
Micronesians, who for the last fourteen days had been engaged at
Sulangan on the small neck of land south-east from Guiuan, in diving
for pearl mussels (mother-of-pearl), having undertaken the dangerous
journey for the express purpose. [173]

[Hardships and perils of their voyage.] They had sailed from Uleai
(Uliai, 7° 20' N., 143°57' E. Gr.) in five boats, each of which had a
crew of nine men and carried forty gourds full of water, with coconuts
and batata. Every man received one coconut daily, and two batatas,
which they baked in the ashes of the coco shells; and they caught
some fish on the way, and collected a little rain-water. During
the day they directed their course by the sun, and at night by
the stars. A storm destroyed the boats. Two of them sank, together
with their crews, before the eyes of their companions, and of these,
only one--probably the sole individual rescued--two weeks afterwards
reached the harbor of Tandag, on the east coast of Mindanao. The
party remained at Tandag two weeks, working in the fields for hire,
and then proceeded northwards along the coast to Cantilang, 8° 25' N.;
Banouan (called erroneously Bancuan by Coello), 9° 1' N.; Taganaan, 9°
25' N.; thence to Surigao, on the north point of Mindanao; and then,
with an easterly wind, in two days, direct to Guiuan. In the German
translation of Captain Salmon's "History of the Oriental Islands"
(Altona, 1733), it is stated that:

[Castaways from the Pelews.] "Some other islands on the east of
the Philippines have lately been discovered which have received
the name of the New Philippines because they are situated in the
neighborhood of the old, which have been already described. Father Clan
(Clain), in a letter from Manila, which has been incorporated in the
'Philosophical Transactions,' makes the following statement respecting
them:--It happened that when he was in the town of Guivam, on the
island of Samar, he met twenty-nine Palaos (there had been thirty,
but one died soon after in Guiuan), or natives of certain recently
discovered islands, who had been driven thither by the east winds,
which prevail from December to May. According to their own statement,
they were driven about by the winds for seventy days, without getting
sight of land, until they arrived opposite to Guivam. When they
sailed from their own country, their two boats were quite full,
carrying thirty-five souls, including their wives and children;
but several had died miserably on the way from the fatigue which
they had undergone. When some one from Guivam wished to go on board
to them, they were thrown into such a state of terror that all who
were in one of the boats sprang overboard, along with their wives
and children. However, they at last thought it best to come into
the harbor; so they came ashore on December 28, 1696. They fed on
coconuts and roots, which were charitably supplied to them, but
refused even to taste cooked rice, which is the general food of the
Asiatic nations. [Previous castaways.] Two women who had previously
been cast away on the same islands acted as interpreters for them....

[Lived by sea-fishing and rain water.] "The people of the country
went half naked, and the men painted their bodies with spots and
all kinds of devices.... As long as they were on the sea they lived
on fish, which they caught in a certain kind of fish-basket, with a
wide mouth but tapering to a point at the bottom, which was dragged
along underneath the boats; and rain-water, when they could catch it
(or, as is stated in the letter itself, preserved in the shells of the
coconut), served them for drink. When they were about to be taken into
the presence of the Father, whom, from the great respect which was
shown to him, they took for the governor, they colored their bodies
entirely yellow, an operation which they considered highly important,
as enabling them to appear as persons of consideration. They are very
skilful divers, and now and then find pearls in the mussels which
they bring up, which, however, they throw away as useless things."

[Not the first time for one.] But one of the most important parts of
Father Clain's letter has been omitted by Capt. Salmon:--"The oldest
of these strangers had once before been cast away on the coast of
the province of Caragan, on one of our islands (Mindanao); but as he
found only heathens (infidels), who lived in the mountains or on the
desert shore, he returned to his own country."

[Yap camotes from Philippines.] In a letter from Father Cantova to
Father d'Aubenton, dated from Agdana (i.e. Agaña, of the Marianne
Islands), March 20, 1722, describing the Caroline and Pelew Islands,
it is said:--"The fourth district lies to the west. Yap (9° 25' N.,
138° 1' E. Gr.), [174] which is the principal island, is more than
forty leagues in circumference. Besides the different roots which
are used by the natives of the island instead of bread, there is the
batata, which they call camote, and which they have acquired from
the Philippines, as I was informed by one of our Caroline Indians,
who is a native of the island. He states that his father, named
Coorr, ... three of his brothers, and himself had been cast away in
a storm on one of the provinces in the Philippines, which was called
Bisayas; that a missionary of our society (Jesus) received them in a
friendly manner ... that on returning to their own island they took
with them the seeds of different plants, amongst others the [Other
arrivals of Micronesians.] batata, which multiplied so fast that they
had sufficient to supply the other islands of the Archipelago with
them." Murillo Velarde states that in 1708 some Palaos were wrecked
in a storm on Palapag (north coast of Samar); and I personally had
the opportunity, in Manila, of photographing a company of Palaos and
Caroline islanders, who had been the year before cast on the coast of
Samar by foul weather. Apart from the question of their transport,
whether voluntary or not, these simply were six examples, such
as still occur occasionally, of Micronesians cast up on the shore
of the Philippines; and probably it would not be difficult to find
several more; but how often, both before and after the arrival of the
Spaniards, might not vessels from those islands have come within the
influence of the north-east storms, and been driven violently on the
east coast of the Philippines without any record of such facts being
preserved? [175] Even as, on the west side of the Archipelago, the
type of the race seems to have been modified by its long intercourse
with China, Japan, Lower India, and later with Europe, so likewise may
Polynesian [Possible influence on Filipinos.] influences have operated
in a similar manner on the east side; and the further circumstance
that the inhabitants of the Ladrones [176] and the Bisayans [177]
possess the art of coloring their teeth black, seems to point to
early intercourse between the Bisayans and the Polynesians. [178]

[A futile sea voyage in an open boat.] At Guiuan I embarked on board
an inconveniently cranky, open boat, which was provided with an awning
only three feet square, for Tacloban, the chief town of Leyte. After
first experiencing an uninterrupted calm, we incurred great danger
in a sudden tempest, so that we had to retrace the whole distance
by means of the oars. The passage was very laborious for the crew,
who were not protected by an awning (temperature in the sun 35° R.,
of the water 25° R. [179]), and lasted thirty-one hours, with few
intermissions; the party voluntarily abridging their intervals of rest
in order to get back quickly to Tacloban, which keeps up an active
intercourse with Manila, and has all the attractions of a luxurious
city for the men living on the inhospitable eastern coast. [Beauty
of Samar-Leyte strait.]  It is questionable whether the sea anywhere
washes over a spot of such peculiar beauty as the narrow strait which
divides Samar from Leyte. On the west it is enclosed by steep banks
of tuff, which tolerate no swamps of mangroves on their borders. There
the lofty primeval forest approaches in all its sublimity close to the
shore, interrupted only here and there by groves of cocos, in whose
sharply defined shadows solitary huts are to be found; and the steep
hills facing the sea, and numerous small rocky islands, are crowned
with little castles of blocks of coral. At the eastern entrance of
the strait the south coast of Samar consists of white limestone,
like marble, but of quite modern date, which in many places forms
precipitous cliffs. [180] At Nipa-Nipa, a small hamlet two leagues from
Basey, they project into the sea in a succession of picturesque rocks,
above one hundred feet in height, which, rounded above like a dome,
thickly covered with vegetation, and corroded at the base by the waters
of the sea, rise out of the waves like gigantic mushrooms. A peculiar
atmosphere of enchantment pervades this locality, whose influence upon
the native mariner must be all the more powerful when, fortunately
escaping from the billows outside and the buffeting of the north-east
wind, he suddenly enters this tranquil place of refuge. No wonder
that superstitious imagination has peopled the place with spirits.

[Burial caves.] In the caverns of these rocks the ancient Pintados
interred the corpses of their heroes and ancestors in well-locked
coffins, surrounded by those objects which had been held in the highest
regard by them during life. Slaves were also sacrificed by them at
their obsequies, in order that they might not be without attendance
in the world of shadows; [181] and the numerous coffins, implements,
arms, and trinkets, protected by superstitious terrors, continued to
be undisturbed for centuries. No boat ventured to cross over without
the observance of a religious ceremony, derived from heathen times,
to propitiate the spirits of the caverns who were believed to punish
the omission of it with storm and ship-wreck.

[Objects destroyed but superstition persists.] About thirty years ago
a zealous young ecclesiastic, to whom these heathen practices were an
abomination, determined to extirpate them by the roots. With several
boats well equipped with crosses, banners, pictures of saints, and
all the approved machinery for driving out the Devil, he undertook
the expedition against the haunted rocks, which were climbed amidst
the sounds of music, prayers, and the reports of fireworks. A whole
pailful of holy water first having been thrown into the cave for the
purpose of confounding the evil spirits, the intrepid priest rushed
in with elevated cross, and was followed by his faithful companions,
who were fired with his example. A brilliant victory was the reward
of the well-contrived and carefully executed plot. The coffins were
broken to fragments, the vessels dashed to pieces, and the skeletons
thrown into the sea; and the remaining caverns were stormed with like
results. The objects of superstition have indeed been annihilated,
but the superstition itself survives to the present day.

[Skulls from a rock near Basey.] I subsequently learned from the
priest at Basey that there were still some remains on a rock, and
a few days afterwards the worthy man surprised me with several
skulls and a child's coffin, which he had had brought from the
place. Notwithstanding the great respect in which he was held by his
flock, he had to exert all his powers of persuasion to induce the
boldest of them to engage in so daring an enterprise. A boat manned
by sixteen rowers was fitted out for the purpose; with a smaller crew
they would not have ventured to undertake the journey. On their return
home a thunderstorm broke over them, and the sailors, believing it to
be a punishment for their outrage, were prevented only by the fear
of making the matter worse from throwing coffin and skulls into the
sea. Fortunately the land was near, and they rowed with all their
might towards it; and, when they arrived, I was obliged to take the
objects out of the boat myself, as no native would touch them.

[The cavern's contents.] Notwithstanding, I was the next morning
successful in finding some resolute individuals who accompanied
me to the caverns. In the first two which we examined we found
nothing; the third contained several broken coffins, some skulls,
and potsherds of glazed and crudely painted earthenware, of which,
however, it was impossible to find two pieces that belonged to each
other. A narrow hole led from the large cavern into an obscure space,
which was so small that one could remain in it only for a few seconds
with the burning torch. This circumstance may explain the discovery,
in a coffin which was eaten to pieces by worms, and quite mouldered
away, of a well-preserved skeleton, or rather a mummy, for in many
places there were carcasses clothed with dry fibers of muscle and
skin. It lay upon a mat of pandanus, which was yet recognizable, with
a cushion under the head stuffed with plants, and covered with matting
of pandanus. There were no other remains of woven material. The coffins
were of three shapes and without any ornament. Those of the first form,
which were of excellent molave-wood, showed no trace of worm-holes or
decay, whereas the others had entirely fallen to dust; and those of
the third kind, which were most numerous, were distinguishable from
the first only by a less curved form and inferior material.

[Impressive location of burial cave.] No legend could have supplied
an enchanted royal sepulchre with a more suitable approach than that
of the last of these caverns. The rock rises out of the sea with
perpendicular sides of marble, and only in one spot is to be observed
a natural opening made by the water, hardly two feet high, through
which the boat passed at once into a spacious court, almost circular,
and over-arched by the sky, the floor of which was covered by the sea,
and adorned with a garden of corals. The steep sides are thickly hung
with lianas, ferns, and orchids, by help of which one climbs upwards
to the cavern, sixty feet above the surface of the water. To add to
the singularity of the situation, we also found at the entrance to
the grotto, on a large block of rock projecting two feet above the
ground, [A sea snake.] a sea-snake, which tranquilly gazed at us,
but which had to be killed, because, like all genuine sea-snakes,
it was poisonous. Twice before I had found the same species in
crevices of rock on the dry land, where the ebb might have left it;
but it was strange to meet with it in this place, at such a height
above the sea. It now reposes, as Platurus fasciatus Daud., in the
Zoological Museum of the Berlin University.

[Chinese dishers from a cave.] In Guiuan I had an opportunity of
purchasing four richly painted Chinese dishes which came from a
similar cavern, and a gold signet ring; the latter consisting of a
plate of gold, originally bent into a tube of the thickness of a quill
with a gaping seam, and afterwards into a ring as large as a thaler,
which did not quite meet. The dishes were stolen from me at Manila.

[Burial caves.] There are similar caverns which have been used
as burial-places in many other localities in this country; on the
island of Andog, in Borongan (a short time ago it contained skulls);
also at Batinguitan, three hours from Borongan, on the banks of a
little brook; and in Guiuan, on the little island of Monhon, which is
difficult of approach by reason of the boisterous sea. In Catubig
trinkets of gold have been found, but they have been converted
into modern articles of adornment. One cavern at Lauang, however,
is famous over the whole country on account of the gigantic, flat,
compressed skulls, without sutures, which have been found in it.
[182] It will not be uninteresting to compare the particulars here
described with the statements of older authors; and for this reason
I submit the following extracts:--

[Embalming.] Mas (Informe, i. 21), who does not give the sources of
his information, thus describes the customs of the ancient inhabitants
of the archipelago at their interments:--They sometimes embalmed
their dead with aromatic substances * * * and placed those who were
of note in chests carved out of a branch of a tree, and furnished
with well-fitted lids * * * The coffin was placed, in accordance with
the wish of the deceased, expressed before his death, either in the
uppermost room of the house, where articles of value were secreted,
or under the dwelling-house, in a kind of grave, which was not
covered, but enclosed with a railing; or in a distant field, or on
an elevated place or rock on the bank of a river, where he might be
venerated by the pious. A watch was set over it for a certain time,
lest boats should cross over, and the dead person should drag the
living after him.

[Burial customs.] According to Gaspar San Agustín (p. 169), the
dead were rolled up in cloths, and placed in clumsy chests, carved
out of a block of wood, and buried under their houses, together with
their jewels, gold rings, and some plates of gold over the mouth and
eyes, and furnished with provisions, cups, and dishes. They were also
accustomed to bury slaves along with men of note, in order that they
might be attended in the other world.

"Their chief idolatry consisted in the worship of those of their
ancestors who had most distinguished themselves by courage and genius,
whom they regarded as deities * * * * They called them humalagar,
which is the same as manes in the Latin * * * Even the aged died under
this conceit, choosing particular places, such as one on the island of
Leyte, which allowed of their being interred at the edge of the sea,
in order that the mariners who crossed over might acknowledge them
as deities, and pay them respect." (Thévenot, Religieux, p. 2.)

[Slaves sacrificed.] "They did not place them (the dead) in the earth,
but in coffins of very hard, indestructible wood * * * Male and female
slaves were sacrificed to them, that they should not be unattended
in the other world. If a person of consideration died, silence was
imposed upon the whole of the people, and its duration was regulated
by the rank of the deceased; and under certain circumstances it was
not discontinued until his relations had killed many other persons
to appease the spirit of the dead." (Ibid., p. 7.)

"For this reason (to be worshipped as deities) the oldest of them
chose some remarkable spot in the mountains, and particularly on
headlands projecting into the sea, in order to be worshipped by the
sailors." (Gemelli Careri, p. 449.)

[Basey and its river.] From Tacloban, which I chose for my headquarters
on account of its convenient tribunal, and because it is well supplied
with provisions, I returned on the following day to Samar, and then
to Basey, which is opposite to Tacloban. The people of Basey are
notorious over all Samar for their laziness and their stupidity, but
are advantageously distinguished from the inhabitants of Tacloban by
their purity of manners. Basey is situated on the delta of the river,
which is named after it. We proceeded up a small arm of the principal
stream, which winds, with a very slight fall, through the plain;
the brackish water, and the fringe of nipa-palms which accompanies
it, consequently extending several leagues into the country. Coco
plantations stretch behind them; and there the floods of water
(avenidas), which sometimes take place in consequence of the narrow
rocky bed of the upper part of the river, cause great devastation,
as was evident from the mutilated palms which, torn away from their
standing-place, rise up out of the middle of the river. After five
hours' rowing we passed out of the flat country into a narrow valley,
with steep sides of marble, which progressively closed in and became
higher. In several places they are underwashed, cleft, and hurled over
each other, and with their naked side-walls form a beautiful contrast
to the blue sky, the clear, greenish river, and the luxuriant lianas,
which, attaching themselves to every inequality to which they could
cling, hung in long garlands over the rocks.

[A frontage.] The stream became so rapid and so shallow that the party
disembarked and dragged the boat over the stony bed. In this manner
we passed through a sharp curve, twelve feet in height, formed by two
rocks thrown opposite to each other, into a tranquil oval-shaped basin
of water enclosed in a circle of limestone walls, inclining inwards,
of from sixty to seventy feet in height; on the upper edge of which a
circle of trees permitted only a misty sunlight to glimmer through the
thick foliage. A magnificent gateway of rock, fifty to sixty feet high,
and adorned with numerous stalactites, raised itself up opposite the
low entrance; and through it we could see, at some distance, the upper
portion of the river bathed in the sun. [A beautiful grotto.] A cavern
of a hundred feet in length, and easily climbed, opened itself in the
left side of the oval court, some sixty feet above the surface of the
water; and it ended in a small gateway, through which you stepped on
to a projection like a balcony, studded with stalactites. From this
point both the landscape and the rocky cauldron are visible, and
the latter is seen to be the remainder of a stalactitic cavern, the
roof of which has fallen in. The beauty and peculiar character of the
place have been felt even by the natives, who have called it Sogoton
(properly, a bay in the sea). In the very hard limestone, which is
like marble, I observed traces of bivalves and multitudes of spines of
the sea-urchin, but no well-defined remains could be knocked off. The
river could still be followed a short distance further upwards; and in
its bed there were disjointed fragments of talcose and chloritic rocks.

[Fishing.] A few small fishes were obtained with much difficulty;
and amongst them was a new and interesting species, viviparous. [183]
An allied species (H. fluviatilis, Bleeker) which I had two years
previously found in a limestone cavern on Nusa Kambangan, in Java,
likewise contained living young ones. The net employed in fishing
appears to be suited to the locality, which is a shallow river, full of
transparent blocks. It is a fine-meshed, longish, four-cornered net,
having its ample sides fastened to two poles of bamboo, which at the
bottom were provided with a kind of wooden shoes, which curve upwards
towards the stems when pushed forwards. The fisherman, taking hold of
the upper ends of the poles, pushes the net, which is held obliquely
before him, and the wooden shoes cause it to slide over the stones,
while another person drives the fish towards him.

[Fossil beds.] On the right bank, below the cavern, and twenty
feet above the surface of the water, there are beds of fossils,
pectunculus, tapes, and placuna, some of which, from the fact of
their barely adhering by the tip, must be of very recent date. I
passed the night in a small hut, which was quickly erected for me,
and on the following day attempted to pass up the river as far as the
limits of the crystalline rock, but in vain. In the afternoon we set
out on our return to Basey, which we reached at night.

[Recent elevation of coast.] Basey is situated on a bank of clay,
about fifty feet above the sea, which towards the west elevates itself
into a hill several hundred feet in height, and with steep sides. At
twenty-five to thirty feet above the sea I found the same recent beds
of mussels as in the stalactitic cavern of Sogoton. From the statements
of the parish priest and of other persons, a rapid elevation of the
coasts seems to be taking place in this country. Thirty years ago
ships could lie alongside the land in three fathoms of water at the
flood, whereas the depth at the same place now is not much more than
one fathom. Immediately opposite to Basey lie two small islands,
Genamok and Tapontonan, which, at the present time, appear to be
surrounded by a sandbank at the lowest ebb-tide. Twenty years ago
nothing of the kind was to be seen. Supposing these particulars to
be correct, we must next ascertain what proportion of these changes
of level is due to the floods, and how much to volcanic elevation;
which, if we may judge by the neighboring active solfatara at Leyte,
must always be of considerable amount.

[Crocodiles.] As the priest assured us, there are crocodiles in the
river Basey over thirty feet in length, those in excess of twenty
feet being numerous. The obliging father promised me one of at least
twenty-four feet, whose skeleton I would gladly have secured; and he
sent out some men who are so practised in the capture of these animals
that they are dispatched to distant places for the purpose. Their
contrivance for capturing them, which I, however, never personally
witnessed, consists of a light raft of bamboo, with a stage, on which,
several feet above the water, a dog or a cat is bound. Alongside
the animal is placed a strong iron hook, which is fastened to the
swimming bamboo by means of fibers of abacá. The crocodile, when
it has swallowed the bait and the hook at the same time, endeavors
in vain to get away, for the pliability of the raft prevents its
being torn to pieces, and the peculiar elasticity of the bundle of
fibers prevents its being bitten through. The raft serves likewise
as a buoy for the captured animal. According to the statements of
the hunters, the large crocodiles live far from human habitations,
generally selecting the close vegetation in an oozy swamp, in which
their bellies, dragging heavily along, leave trails behind them which
betray them to the initiated. After a week the priest mentioned that
his party had sent in three crocodiles, the largest of which, however,
measured only eighteen feet, but that he had not kept one for me,
as he hoped to obtain one of thirty feet. His expectation, however,
was not fulfilled.

[Ignatius bean.] In the environs of Basey the Ignatius bean grows
in remarkable abundance, as it also does in the south of Samar and
in some other of the Bisayan islands. It is not met with in Luzon,
but it is very likely that I have introduced it there unwittingly. Its
sphere of propagation is very limited; and my attempts to transplant
it to the Botanical Garden of Buitenzorg were fruitless. Some large
plants intended for that purpose, which during my absence arrived
for me at Daraga, were incorporated by one of my patrons into his
own garden; and some, which were collected by himself and brought
to Manila, were afterwards lost. Every effort to get these seeds
(kernels), which are used over the whole of Eastern Asia as medicine,
to germinate miscarried, they having been boiled before transmission,
ostensibly for their preservation, but most probably to secure the
monopoly of them.

[Strychnine.] According to Flueckinger, [184] the gourd-shaped
berry of the climbing shrub (Ignatia amara, L. Strychnos Ignatii,
Berg. Ignatiana Philippinica. Lour.) contains twenty-four irregular
egg-shaped seeds of the size of an inch which, however, are not so
poisonous as the Ignatius beans, which taste like crack-nuts. In
these seeds strychnine was found by Pelletier and Caventou in 1818,
as it subsequently was in crack-nuts. The former contained twice as
much of it as the latter, viz. one and a half per cent; but, as they
are four times as dear, it is only produced from the latter.

[Cholera and snake-bite cure.] In many households in the Philippines
the dangerous drug is to be found as a highly prized remedy, under the
name of Pepita de Catbalonga. Gemelli Careri mentions it, and quotes
thirteen different uses of it. Dr. Rosenthal ("Synopsis Plantarum
Diaphor." p. 363) says:--"In India it has been employed as a remedy
against cholera under the name of Papecta." Papecta is probably a
clerical error. In K. Lall Dey's "Indigenous Drugs of India," it is
called Papeeta, which is pronounced Pepita in English; and Pepita is
the Spanish word for the kernel of a fruit. It is also held in high
estimation as an antidote for the bite of serpents. Father Blanco
("Flora of the Philippines," 61), states that he has more than once
proved its efficacy in this respect in his own person; but he cautions
against its employment internally, as it had been fatal in very many
cases. It should not be taken into the mouth, for should the spittle
be swallowed, and vomiting not ensue, death would be inevitable. The
parish priest of Tabaco, however, almost always carried a pepita in
his mouth. From 1842 he began occasionally to take an Ignatius bean
into his mouth as a protection against cholera, and so gradually
accustomed himself to it. When I met him in 1860 he was quite well,
and ascribed his health and vigor expressly to that habit. According to
his communication, in cases of cholera the decoction was successfully
administered in small doses introduced into tea; but it was most
efficacious when, mixed with brandy, it was applied as a liniment.

[Superstitions regarding the "Bisayan" bean.] Huc also ("Thibet,"
I. 252) commends the expressed juice of the kouo-kouo (Faba
Ign. amar.) both for internal and external use, and remarks that it
plays a great part in Chinese medicine, no apothecary's shop being
without it. Formerly the poisonous drug was considered a charm, as
it is still by many. Father Camel [185] states that the Catbalogan
or Bisayan-bean, which the Indians call Igasur or Mananaog (the
victorious), was generally worn as an amulet round the neck, being
a preservative against poison, contagion, magic, and philtres, so
potent, indeed, that the Devil in propia persona could not harm the
wearer. Especially efficacious is it against a poison communicated by
breathing upon one, for not only does it protect the wearer, but it
kills the individual who wishes to poison him. Camel further mentions
a series of miracles which superstition ascribed to the Ignatius bean.

[Coconuts.] On the southern half of the eastern border, on the shore
from Borongan by Lauang as far as Guiuan, there are considerable
plantations of cocos, which are most imperfectly applied to the
production of oil. From Borongan and its visitas twelve thousand
pitchers of coconut oil are yearly exported to Manila, and the nuts
consumed by men and pigs would suffice for at least eight thousand
pitchers. As a thousand nuts yield eight pitchers and a half, the
vicinity of Borongan alone yields annually six million nuts; for
which, assuming the average produce at fifty nuts, one hundred-twenty
thousand fullbearing palms are required. The statement that their
number in the above-mentioned district amounts to several millions
must be an exaggeration.

[Getting coco oil.] The oil is obtained in a very rude manner. The
kernel is rasped out of the woody shell of the nut on rough boards,
and left to rot; and a few boats in a state of decay, elevated on posts
in the open air, serve as reservoirs, the oil dropping through their
crevices into pitchers placed underneath; and finally the boards are
subjected to pressure. This operation, which requires several months
for its completion, yields such a bad, dark-brown, and viscid product
that the pitcher fetches only two dollars and a quarter in Manila,
while a superior oil costs six dollars. [186]

[Oil factory.] Recently a young Spaniard has erected a factory
in Borongan for the better preparation of oil. A winch, turned by
two carabaos, sets a number of rasps in motion by means of toothed
wheels and leather straps. They are somewhat like a gimlet in form,
and consist of five iron plates, with dentated edges, which are
placed radiating on the end of an iron rod, and close together,
forming a blunt point towards the front. The other end of the rod
passes through the center of a disk, which communicates the rotary
motion to it, and projects beyond it. The workman, taking a divided
coconut in his two hands, holds its interior arch, which contains the
oil-bearing nut, with a firm pressure against the revolving rasp, at
the same time urging with his breast, which is protected by a padded
board, against the projecting end of the rod. The fine shreds of the
nut remain for twelve hours in flat pans, in order that they may be
partially decomposed. They are then lightly pressed in hand-presses;
and the liquor, which consists of one-third oil and two-thirds water,
is caught in tubs, from which, at the end of six hours, the oil,
floating on the surface, is skimmed off. It is then heated in iron
pans, containing 100 liters, until the whole of the water in it has
evaporated, which takes from two to three hours. In order that the
oil may cool rapidly, and not become dark in color, two pailfuls of
cold oil, freed from water, are poured into it, and the fire quickly
removed to a distance. The compressed shreds are once more exposed
to the atmosphere, and then subjected to a powerful pressure. After
these two operations have been twice repeated, the rasped substance
is suspended in sacks between two strong vertical boards and crushed
to the utmost by means of clamp screws, and repeatedly shaken up. The
refuse serves as food for pigs. The oil which runs from the sacks is
free from water, and is consequently very clear, and is employed in
the cooling of that which is obtained in the first instance. [187]

[Limited output.] The factory produces fifteen hundred tinajas of
oil. It is in operation only nine months in the year; from December to
February the transport of nuts being prevented by the tempestuous seas,
there being no land communication. The manufacturer was not successful
in procuring nuts from the immediate vicinity in sufficient quantity
to enable him to carry on his operations without interruption, nor,
during the favorable season of the year, could he lay up a store for
the winter months, although he paid the comparatively high price of
three dollars per thousand.

[Illogical business.] While the natives manufactured oil in the manner
just described, they obtained from a thousand nuts three and a half
pots, which, at six reals each, fetched twenty-one reals; that is three
reals less than was offered them for the raw nuts. These data, which
are obtained from the manufacturers, are probably exaggerated, but
they are in the main well founded; and the traveller in the Philippines
often has the opportunity of observing similar anomalies. For example,
in Daet, North Camarines, I bought six coconuts for one cuarto, at
the rate of nine hundred and sixty for one dollar, the common price
there. On my asking why no oil-factory had been erected, I received
for answer that the nuts were cheaper singly than in quantities. In
the first place, the native sells only when he wants money; but he
knows that the manufacturer cannot well afford to have his business
suspended; so, careless of the result, he makes a temporary profit,
and never thinks of ensuring for himself a permanent source of income.

[Sugar venders.] In the province of Laguna, where the natives prepare
coarse brown sugar from sugar-cane, the women carry it for leagues to
the market, or expose it for sale on the country roads, in small loaves
(panoche), generally along with buyo. Every passenger chats with the
seller, weighs the loaf in the hand, eats a bit, and probably passes
on without buying any. In the evening the woman returns to her home
with her wares, and the next day repeats the same process.

[Disproportionate prices.] I have lost my special notes, but I
remember that in two cases at least the price of the sugar in these
loaves was cheaper than by the picul. Moreover, the Government of the
day anticipated the people in setting the example, by selling cigars
cheaper singly than in quantities.

[Uncertain trading.] In Europe a speculator generally can calculate
beforehand, with the greatest certainty, the cost of production of any
article; but in the Philippines it is not always so easy. Independently
of the uncertainty of labor, the regularity of the supply of raw
material is disturbed, not only by laziness and caprice, but also
by jealousy and distrust. The natives, as a rule, do not willingly
see Europeans settle amongst them and engage successfully in local
operations which they themselves do not understand how to execute; and
in like manner the creoles are reserved with foreigners, who generally
are superior to them in capital, skill, and activity. Besides jealousy,
suspicion also plays a great part, and this influences the native
as well against the mestizo as against the Castilian. Enough takes
place to the present day to justify this feeling; but formerly, when
the most thrifty subjects could buy governorships, and shamelessly
fleece their provinces, such outrageous abuses are said to have been
permitted until, in process of time, suspicion has become a kind of
instinct amongst the Filipinos.


CHAPTER XXI


[Leyte.] The island of Leyte, between 9° 49' and 11° 34' N., and
124° 7' and 125° 9' E. Gr., is above twenty-five miles in length,
and almost twelve miles broad, and contains one hundred seventy
square miles. As I have already remarked, it is divided from Samar
only by the small strait of San Juanico. The chief town, Tacloban or
Taclobang, lies at the eastern entrance of this strait, with a very
good harbor and uninterrupted communication with Manila, and has
consequently become the chief emporium of trade to Leyte, Biliran,
and South and East Samar. [188]

[Obliging Spanish officials.] The local governor likewise showed me
much obliging attention; indeed, almost without exception I have,
since my return, retained the most agreeable remembrances of the
Spanish officials; and, therefore, if fitting opportunity occurred,
I could treat of the improprieties of the Administration with greater
impartiality.

[Locusts.] In the afternoon of the day after my arrival at Tacloban, on
a sudden there came a sound like the rush of a furious torrent; the air
became dark, and a large cloud of locusts swept over the place. [189]
I will not again recount that phenomenon, which has been so often
described, and is essentially the same in all quarters of the globe,
but will simply remark that the swarm, which was more than five hundred
feet in width, and about fifty feet in depth, its extremity being
lost in the forest, was not thought a very considerable one. It caused
vigilance, but not consternation. Old and young eagerly endeavored to
catch as many of the delicate creatures as they could, with cloths,
nets, and flags, in order, as Dampier relates, "to roast them in
an earthen pan over fire until their legs and wings drop off, and
their heads and backs assume the color of boiled crabs;" after which
process he says they had a pleasant taste. In Burma at the present day,
they are considered as delicacies at the royal court. [190]

[Plan for their extermination.] The locusts are one of the greatest
plagues of the Philippines, and sometimes destroy the harvest of entire
provinces. The Legislación Ultramarina (iv. 504) contains a special
edict respecting the extirpation of these devastating pests. As soon
as they appear, the population of the invaded localities are to be
drawn out in the greatest possible numbers, under the conduct of the
authorities, in order to effect their destruction. The most approved
means for the attainment of this object are set forth in an official
document referring to the adoption of extraordinary measures in cases
of public emergency; and in this the locusts are placed midway between
sea-pirates and conflagrations. Of the various means that have been
contrived against the destructive creatures, that, at times, appear
in incredible numbers, but have been as frequently ineffectual as
otherwise, only a few will be now mentioned. On April 27, 1824,
the Sociedad Economica determined to import the bird, the martin
(Gracula sp.), "which feeds by instinct on locusts." In the autumn
of the following year the first consignment arrived from China; in
1829 a second; and in 1852 again occurs the item of $1,311 for martins.

[Tacloban to Tanauan.] On the following day I proceeded with the
priest of Dagami (there are roads in Leyte) from Tacloban southwards
to Palos and Tanauan, two flourishing places on the east coast. Hardly
half a league from the latter place, and close to the sea, a cliff
of crystal lime rock rises up out of the sandy plain, which was level
up to this point. It is of a greyish-green quartzose chlorite schist,
from which the enterprising Father had endeavored, with a perseverance
worthy of better success, to procure lime by burning. After an ample
breakfast in the convent, we proceeded in the afternoon to Dagami,
and, on the next day, to Burauen. [191]

[A pleasing people.] The country was still flat. Coco-groves and
rice-fields here and there interrupted the thick forest; but the
country is thinly inhabited, and the people appear more cheerful,
handsomer, and cleaner than those of Samar. South of Burauen rises
the mountain ridge of Manacagan, on the further slope of which is a
large solfatara, which yields sulphur for the powder manufactory in
Manila, and for commerce. A Spanish sailor accompanied me. Where the
road passed through swamp we rode on carabaos. The pace of the animals
is not unpleasant, but the stretching across the broad backs of the
gigantic carabaos of the Philippines is very fatiguing. A quarter of an
hour beyond Burauen we crossed the Daguitan, which flows south-west to
north-east, and is a hundred feet broad, its bed being full of large
volcanic blocks; and, soon after, a small river in a broad bed; and,
some hundred paces farther, one of a hundred and fifty feet in breadth;
the two latter being arms of the Burauen. They flow from west to east,
and enter the sea at Dulag. The second arm was originated only the
preceding year, during a flood.

[The height of hospitality.] We passed the night in a hut on
the northern slope of the Manacagan, which the owner, on seeing
us approach, had voluntarily quitted, and with his wife and child
sought other lodgings. The customs of the country require this when
the accommodation does not suffice for both parties; and payment for
the same is neither demanded nor, except very rarely, tendered.

[Up the Manacagan.] About six o'clock on the following morning we
started; and about half-past six climbed, by a pleasant path through
the forest, to the ridge of the Manacagan, which consists of trachytic
hornblende; and about seven o'clock we crossed two small rivers flowing
north-west, and then, by a curve, reached the coast at Dulag. From the
ridge we caught sight, towards the south, of the great white heaps
of débris of the mountain Danan glimmering through the trees. About
nine o'clock we came through the thickly-wooded crater of the Kasiboi,
and, further south, to some sheds in which the sulphur is smelted.

[Sulphur.] The raw material obtained from the solfatara is bought in
three classes: firstly, sulphur already melted to crusts; secondly,
sublimated, which contains much condensed water in its interstices;
and thirdly, in the clay, which is divided into the more or less
rich, from which the greatest quantity is obtained. Coconut oil,
which is thrown into flat iron pans holding six arrobas, is added to
the sulphurous clay, in the proportion of six quarts to four arrobas,
and it is melted and continually stirred. The clay which floats on
the surface, now freed from the sulphur, being skimmed off, fresh
sulphurous clay is thrown into the cauldron, and so on. In two or
three hours six arrobas of sulphur, on an average, may be obtained
in this manner from twenty-four arrobas of sulphurous clay, and,
poured into wooden chests, it is moulded into blocks of about four
arrobas. Half the oil employed is recovered by throwing the clay
which has been saturated with it into a frame formed by two narrow
bamboo hurdles, placed at a sharp angle. The oil drops into a sloping
gutter of bamboo which is placed underneath, and from that flows into a
pot. The price of the sulphur at Manila varies between [Prices.] $1.25
and $4.50 per picul. I saw the frames, full of clay, from which the
oil exuded; but the operation itself I did not, unfortunately, then
witness, and I cannot explain in what manner the oil is added. From
some experiments made on a small scale, therefore under essentially
different conditions, and never with the same material, it appeared
that the oil accelerates the separation of the sulphur, and retards
the access of the air to the sulphur. In these experiments, the sulphur
contained in the bottom of the crucible was always colored black by the
separation of charcoal from the oil, and it was necessary to purify it
by distillation beforehand. Of this, however, the smelters at Leyte
made no mention, and they even had no apparatus for the purpose,
while their sulphur was of a pure yellow color.

[Hot spring.] Some hundreds of paces further south, a hot spring
(50° R.), [192] twelve feet broad, flows from the east, depositing
silicious sinter at its edges.

[A solfatara.] As we followed a ravine stretching from north to south,
with sides one hundred to two hundred feet in height, the vegetation
gradually ceased, the rock being of a dazzling white, or colored by
sublimated sulphur. In numerous places thick clouds of vapor burst from
the ground, with a strong smell of sulphurated water. At some thousand
paces further, the ravine bends round to the left (east), and expands
itself to the bay; and here numerous silicious springs break through
the loose clay-earth, which is permeated with sulphur. This solfatara
must formerly have been much more active than it is now. The ravine,
which has been formed by its destruction of the rock, and is full
of lofty heaps of débris, may be one thousand feet in breadth, and
quite five times as long. At the east end there are a number of small,
boiling quagmires, which, on forcing a stick into the matted ground,
send forth water and steam. In some deep spots further west, grey,
white, red, and yellow clays have been deposited in small beds over
each other, giving them the appearance of variegated marls.

[Petrifying water] To the south, right opposite to the ridge which
leads to Burauen, may be seen a basin twenty-five feet broad, in a
cavern in the white decomposed rock, from which a petrifying water
containing silicious acid flows abundantly. The roof of the cavern is
hung with stalactites, which either are covered with solid sulphur,
or consist entirely of that substance.

[Danan solfatara.] On the upper slope of the Danan mountain, near
to the summit, so much sulphur is deposited by the vapors from the
sulphurated water that it may be collected with coconut shells. In
some crevices, which are protected against the cooling effects of
the atmospheric air, it melts together in thick, brown crusts. The
solfatara of Danan is situated exactly south of that below, at
the end of the ravine of the Kasiboi. The clay earth, from which
the silicic acid has been washed out by the rains, is carried into
the valley, where it forms a plain, the greater part of which is
occupied by a small lake, Malaksan (sour), slightly impregnated with
sulphuric acid. Its surface, which, by reason of the very flat banks,
is protected against the weather, I found to be about five hundred
paces long and one hundred broad. From the elevation of the solfatara,
a rather large fresh-water lake, surrounded by wooded mountains, is
seen through a gap, exactly south, which is named Jaruanan. The night
was passed in a ruined shed at the south-east of the lake Malaksan;
and on the following morning we climbed the south side of the mountain
ridge and, skirting the solfatara of the Danan, arrived in an hour
and a half at lake Jaruanan.

[Jaruanan Lake.] This lake, as well as the Malaksan, inspires
the natives with superstitious fear on account of the suspicious
neighborhood of the solfatara, and therefore has not been profaned by
either mariner, fisher, or swimmer, and was very full of fish. For the
purpose of measuring its depth, I had a raft of bamboos constructed;
and when my companions saw me floating safely on the lake, they
all, without exception, sprang into it, and tumbled about in the
water with infinite delight and loud outcries, as if they wished
to indemnify themselves for their long abstinence; so that the raft
was not ready before three o'clock. The soundings at the centre of
the basin, which was, at the southern edge, steeper than on the
north, gave thirteen brazas, or over twenty-one meters of depth;
the greatest length of the lake amounted to nearly eight hundred
varas (six hundred and sixty-eight meters), and the breadth to about
half as much. As we returned in the evening, by torchlight, over the
crest of the mountain to our night-quarters at the lake, we passed
by the very modest dwelling-place of a married pair. Three branches,
projecting outwards from the principal trunk of a tree, and lopped at
equal points, sustained a hut of bamboos and palm-leaves of eight feet
square. A hole in the floor formed the entrance, and it was divided
into a chamber and ante-chamber, and four bamboo poles supported,
above and below, two layers of bamboos, one of which furnished a
balcony, and the other a shop in which betel was sold.

[To Dulag.] The day after my return to Burauen an obliging Spanish
merchant drove me through the fertile plain of volcanic sand, on
which rice, maize, and sugar-cane were cultivated, to Dulag, which
lies directly to the west, on the shore of the tranquil sea. The
distance (according to Coello three leagues) hardly amounts to two
leagues. From this place, Point Guiuan, the south point of Samar,
appears like an island separated from the mainland, and further south
(N. 102° 4' to 103° 65° S.) Jomonjol is seen, the first island of the
Archipelago sighted by Magellan on April 16, 1521. At Dulag, my former
companion joined us in order to accompany us on the journey to the
Bito Lake. The arrangement of transportation and of provisions, and,
still more, the due consideration of all the propositions of three
individuals, each of whose claims were entitled to equal respect,
occupied much time and required some address. We at length sailed
in a large casco (barge) southwards along the coast to the mouth
of the river [Up Mayo River.] Mayo, which, according to the map and
the information there given, is said to come from the Bito Lake. We
proceeded upwards in a boat, but were informed at the first hut that
the lake could be reached only by making a long circuit through swampy
forest; when most of our party proposed to return. Various reasons
besides the want of unanimity in the conduct of our adventure, which
had proceeded thus far, delayed our arrival at Abuyog until eleven
o'clock at night. In the first place, on our way, we had to cross a
small branch of the Mayo, and after that the Bito River. The distance
of the latter from Abuyog (extravagantly set down on Coello's map)
amounts to fourteen hundred brazas, according to the measurement of
the gobernadorcillo, which is probably correct. [193]

[An unpromising road.] The following day, as it rained heavily, was
employed in making inquiries respecting the road to the Bito Lake. We
received very varied statements as to the distance, but all agreed
in painting the road thither in a discouraging light. A troublesome
journey of at least ten hours appeared to us to be what most probably
awaited us.

[Bito Lake.] On the morrow, through a pleasant forest road, we reached
in an hour the Bito River, and proceeded in boats, which we met
there, up the river between flat sandy banks covered with tall cane
and reeds. In about ten minutes, some trees fallen right across the
stream compelled us to make a circuit on land, which in half an hour
brought us again to the river, above the obstacles. Here we constructed
rafts of bamboo, upon which, immersed to the depth of half a foot,
the material being very loosely adjusted, we reached the lake in ten
minutes. We found it covered with green confervae; a double border
of pistia and broad-leaved reed grasses, six to seven feet high,
enclosing it all round. On the south and west some low hillocks rose
up, while from the middle it appeared to be almost circular, with a
girdle of forest. Coello makes the lake much too large (four instead
of one square mile), and its distance from Abuyog can be only a little
over a league. With the assistance of a cord of lianas tied together,
and rods placed in a line, we found its breadth five hundred and
eighty-five brazas or nine hundred and seventy-seven meters, (in the
broadest part it might be a little over one thousand meters); and the
length, as computed from some imperfect observations, one thousand
and seven brazas (sixteen hundred and eighty meters), consequently
less than one square mile. Soundings showed a gently inclined basin,
eight brazas, or over thirteen meters, deep in the middle. I would
gladly have determined the proportions with more accuracy; but want of
time, the inaccessibility of the edge of the bank, and the miserable
condition of our raft, allowed of only a few rough measurements.

[A forest home.] Not a trace of human habitations was observable
on the shore; but a quarter of an hour's distance from the northern
edge we found a comfortable hut, surrounded by deep mud and prickly
calamus, the tenants of which, however, were living in plenty, and
with greater conveniences than many dwellers in the villages. We were
very well received and had fish in abundance, as well as tomatoes,
and capsicum to season them with, and dishes of English earthenware
out of which to eat them.

[Snaring swine.] The abundance of wild swine had led the settlers
to invent a peculiar contrivance, by which they are apprised of
their approach even when asleep, and guided to their trail in the
darkness. A rope made of strips of banana tied together, and upwards
of a thousand feet in length, is extended along the ground, one end
of which is attached to a coconut shell, full of water, which is
suspended immediately over the sleeping-place of the hunter. When a
pig comes in contact with the rope, the water is overturned by the
jerk upon the sleeper, who, seizing the rope in his hand, is thereby
conducted to his prey. The principal employment of our hosts appeared
to be fishing, which is so productive that the roughest apparatus
is sufficient. There was not a single boat, but only loosely-bound
rafts of bamboo, on which the fishers, sinking, as we ourselves did
on our raft, half a foot deep, moved about amongst the crocodiles,
which I never beheld in such numbers and of so large a size as in
this lake. Some swam about on the surface with their backs projecting
out of the water. It was striking to see the complete indifference
with which even two little girls waded in the water in the face of
the great monsters. Fortunately the latter appeared to be satisfied
with their ample rations of fish. Four kinds of fish are said to be
found in the lake, amongst them an eel; but we got only one. [194]

[A secret still.] Early on the following morning our native attendants
were already intoxicated. This led to the discovery of another
occupation of the settlers, which I do not hesitate to disclose
now that the Government monopoly has been abolished. They secretly
distilled palm-brandy and carried on a considerable trade in it; and
this also explained to me why the horrors of the road to the Mayo River
and to Abuyog had been painted in such warm colors. [195] We returned
on our rafts to the place where we had found them, a distance of
about fifteen hundred feet; and onwards, through wild cane with large
clusters of flowers (Saccharum sp.), sixteen feet high, east by north,
we got to our boats, and then to the bar, whence, after a march of an
hour and a half, we reached Abuyog. From Abuyog we returned by water to
Dulag, and by land to Burauen, where we arrived at night, sooner than
our hostlers had expected, for we caught them sleeping in our beds.

[Tobacco prohibition.] Not long ago much tobacco was cultivated in this
country, and was allowed to be sold to the peasantry under certain
conditions; but recently it was forbidden to be sold, except by the
Government, who themselves determined its value at so very low a rate
that the culture of tobacco has almost entirely ceased. As the tobacco
company, however, had already erected stores and appointed collectors,
the knowing ones rightly foresaw that these steps would be followed by
compulsory labor, even as it occurred in other places. The east coast
of Leyte is said to be rising while the west is being destroyed by the
sea, and at Ormog the sea is said to have advanced about fifty ells
[196] in six years.



CHAPTER XXII


[The Bisayans.] The Bisayans--at least the inhabitants of the
Islands of Samar and Leyte (I have not become closely acquainted
with any others)--belong to one race. [197] They are, physically and
intellectually, in character, dress, manners and customs, so similar
that my notes, which were originally made at different points of
the two Islands, have, after removal of the numerous repetitions,
fused into one, which affords a more complete picture, and affords,
at the same time, opportunity for the small differences, where they
do occur, to stand out more conspicuously.

[Mountaineers.] There are no Negritos either in Samar or Leyte, but
Cimarronese, who pay no tribute, and who do not live in villages,
but independently in the forests. Unfortunately I have had no personal
intercourse with them, and what I have learned respecting them from the
Christian inhabitants of Samar is too uncertain to be repeated. But it
does seem certain that all these Cimarronese or their ancestors have
traded with the Spaniards, and that their religion has appropriated
many Catholic forms. Thus, when planting rice, and, according to
ancient practices, setting apart some of the seed to be offered in
the four corners of the field as sacrifice, they are accustomed to
repeat some mutilated Catholic prayers, which they appear to consider
as efficacious as their old heathenish ones. Some have their children
baptized as well, as it costs nothing; but, save in these respects,
they perform no other Christian or civil obligations. They are very
peaceable, neither making war with one another, nor having poisoned
arrows. Instances of Cimarronese, who go over to Christianity and
village life, together with tribute and servitude, are very rare;
and the number of the civilized, who return to the forests in order
to become Cimarronese, is, on the other hand, very inconsiderable
indeed--still smaller than in Luzon, as the natives, from the dull,
almost vegetating life which they lead, are not easily brought into
such straitened circumstances as to be compelled to leave their
village, which, still more than in Luzon, is all the world to them.

[Rice-farming.] The culture of rice follows the seasons of the year. In
some places where there are large fields the plough (arado) and the
sod-sod (here called surod) are employed; but, almost universally, the
rice-field is only trodden over by carabaos in the rainy season. Sowing
is done on the west coast in May and June, planting in July and August,
and reaping from November to January. One ganta of seed-corn gives two,
sometimes from three to four, cabanes (i.e., fifty, seventy-five,
and a hundred fold). In the chief town, Catbalogan, there are but
very few irrigated fields (tubigan, from tubig, water), the produce
of which does not suffice for the requirements, and the deficiency
is made up from other places on the coasts of the Island. On the
other hand, Catbalogan produces abaca, coconut oil, wax, balate
(edible holothuria, sea cucumber), dried fish, and woven stuffs. On
the north and east coasts sowing takes place from November to January,
and reaping six months later. During the remaining six months the field
serves as pasture for the cattle; but in many places rice culture goes
on even during these months, but on other fields. A large portion of
this rice is frequently lost on account of the bad weather.

[Land tenure.] Purchases of land are seldom made, it being generally
acquired by cultivation, by inheritance, or forfeiture. In Catbalogan
the best rice land was paid for at the rate of one dollar for a ganta
of seed-corn, and, on the north coast of Lauang, a field producing
yearly one hundred cabanes was purchased for thirty dollars. Reckoning,
as in Naga, one ganta of seed-corn at four loanes, and seventy-five
cabanes of produce at one quiñon, the eastern rice land costs, in
the first instance, three thalers and a third, in the second three
thalers. The owner lets the bare property out on leases, and receives
one-half the harvest as rent. [198] The cultivation of rice in Leyte
is conducted as in Samar, but it has given way to the cultivation of
abacá; the governors, while they were allowed to trade, compelled
the natives to devote a part of their fields and of their labor to
it. Should a peasant be in arrears, it is the prevalent custom in
the country for him to pay to the dealer double the balance remaining
due at the next harvest.

[Mountain rice.] Mountain-rice culture, which in Catbalogan is almost
the only cultivation, requires no other implement of agriculture
than the bolo to loosen the soil somewhat, and a sharp stick for
making holes at distances of six inches for the reception of five or
six grains of rice. Sowing is done from May to June, weeding twice,
and five months later it is cut stalk by stalk; the reaper receiving
half a real daily wages and food. The produce is between two and three
cabanes per ganta, or fifty to seventy fold. The land costs nothing,
and wages amount to nearly five reals per ganta of seed-corn. After a
good harvest the caban fetches four reales; but just before the harvest
the price rises to one dollar, and often much higher. The ground is
used only once for dry rice; camote (batata), abacá, and caladium being
planted on it after the harvest. Mountain rice is more remunerative
than watered rice about in the proportion of nine to eight.

[Other products.] Next to rice the principal articles of sustenance
are camote (convolvulus batatas), ubi (dioscorea), gabi (caladium),
palauan (a large arum, with taper leaves and spotted stalk). Camote
can be planted all the year around, and ripens in four months; but
it takes place generally when the rice culture is over, when little
labor is available. When the cultivation of camote is retained,
the old plants are allowed to multiply their runners, and only the
tubers are taken out of the ground. But larger produce is obtained by
cleaning out the ground and planting anew. From eighteen to fifteen
gantas may be had for half a real.

[Abacá.] Although there are large plantations of abacá, during my
visit it was but little cultivated, the price not being sufficiently
remunerative.

[Tobacco.] Tobacco also is cultivated. Formerly it might be sold in
the country, but now it has to be delivered to the government.

[Balao oil.] A resinous oil (balao or malapajo) is found in Samar
and Albay, probably also in other provinces. It is obtained from a
dipterocarpus (apiton), one of the loftiest trees of the forest, by
cutting in the trunk a wide hole, half a foot deep, hollowed out into
the form of a basin, and from time to time lighting a fire in it, so as
to free the channels, through which it flows, of obstructions. The oil
thus is collected daily and comes into commerce without any further
preparation. Its chief application is in the preservation of iron
in shipbuilding. Nails dipped in the oil of the balao, before being
driven in, will, as I have been assured by credible individuals,
defy the action of rust for ten years; but it is principally used as a
varnish for ships, which are painted with it both within and without,
and it also protects wood against termites and other insects. The
balao is sold in Albay at four reals for the tinaja of ten gantas (the
liter at eight pence). A cement formed by the mixture of burnt lime,
gum elemi, and coconut oil, in such proportions as to form a thick
paste before application, is used for the protection of the bottoms
of ships; and the coating is said to last a year. [199] [Wax.] Wax
is bartered by the Cimarronese. The whole of Samar annually yields
from two hundred to three hundred piculs, whose value ranges between
twenty-five and fifty dollars per picul, while in Manila the price
is generally five to ten dollars higher; but it fluctuates very much,
as the same product is brought from many other localities and at very
irregular intervals of time.

[Scarcity of stock.] There is hardly any breeding of cattle,
notwithstanding the luxuriant growth of grasses and the absence of
destructive animals. Horses and carabao are very rare, and are said
to have been introduced late, not before the present century. As in
Samar there are hardly any other country roads than the seashore and
the shallow beds of rivers (it is better in the north of Leyte),
the carabao is used only once every year in treading over the
earth of the rice-field. During the year he roams at large on the
pastures, in the forest, or on a small island, where such exists,
in the neighborhood. Some times in the year one may see several
carabaos, attached to the large trunk of a tree, dragging it to the
village. Their number, consequently, is extremely small. Carabaos
which tread the rice land well are worth as much as ten dollars. The
mean price is three dollars for a carabao, and five to six dollars
for a caraballa. Horned cattle are only occasionally used as victims
at festivals. The property of several owners, they are very limited in
number, and live half-wild in the mountains. There is hardly any trade
in them, but the average price is three dollars for a heifer, and five
or six dollars for a cow. [Swine.] Almost every family possesses a pig;
some, three or four of them. A fat pig costs six or seven dollars,
even more than a cow. Many Filipino tribes abstain strictly from beef;
but pork is essential to their feasts. Grease, too, is so dear that
from three to four dollars would, under favorable circumstances,
be got on that account for a fat animal. [Sheep and goats.] Sheep
and goats thrive well, and propagate easily, but also exist only in
small numbers, and are hardly utilized either for their wool or their
flesh. Creoles and mestizos are for the most part too idle even to
keep sheep, preferring daily to eat chicken. The sheep of Shanghai,
imported by the governor of Tacloban, also thrive and propagate
famously. [Poultry.] A laying hen costs half a real, a rooster the
same, and a game cock as much as three dollars, often considerably
more. Six or eight hens, or thirty eggs, may be bought for one real.

[Cost of food.] A family consisting of father, mother, and five
children requires daily nearly twenty-four chupas of palay (rice in
the husk), which, after winnowing, comes to about twelve chupas. This
at the average price of four reals per cavan costs about half a
real. The price, however, varies. Sometimes, after the harvest, it
is three reals per cavan; before it, ten; and in Albay, even about
thirty reals. Then about three cuartos are wanted for extras (as fish,
crabs, vegetables, etc.), which, however, are generally collected
by the children; and, lastly, for oil two cuartos, buyo one cuarto,
tobacco three cuartos (three leaves for one cuarto), the latter being
smoked, not chewed. A woman consumes half as much buyo and tobacco
as a man. Buyo and tobacco are less used in Leyte than in Samar.

[Clothing cost.] For clothing a man requires yearly--four rough
shirts of guinara, costing from one to two reals; three or four pairs
of trousers, at one to two and a half reals; two kerchiefs for the
head, at one and a half real (hats are not worn on the south and west
coasts), and for the church festivals generally one pair of shoes,
seven reals; one fine shirt, a dollar or more; and fine pantaloons,
at four reals. A woman requires--four to six camisas of guinara,
at one real; two to three sayas of guinara, at three to four reals,
and one or two sayas of European printed cotton, at five reals; two
head-kerchiefs at one and a half to two reals; and one or two pairs
of slippers (chinelas) to go to mass in, at two reals and upwards.

[Women's extras.] The women generally have, besides, a fine camisa
costing at least six reals; a mantilla for churchgoing, six reals
(it lasts four years); and a comb, two cuartos. Many also have under
skirts (nabuas), two pieces at four reals, and earrings of brass
and a rosary, which last articles are purchased once for all. In the
poorer localities, Lauang for instance, only the home-woven guinaras
are worn; and there a man requires--three shirts and three pairs of
trousers, which are cut out of three pieces of guinara, at two reals,
and a salacot (hat), generally home made, worth half a real; while a
woman uses yearly--four sayas, value six reals; and a camisa, with a
finer one for the festivals, eight reals. Underskirts are not worn;
and the clothing of the children may be estimated at about half of
the above rates.

[Household furniture.] For household furniture a family has a cooking
pot [200] of unglazed burnt clay, imported by ships from Manila, the
cost of which is fixed by the value of its contents in rice; a supply
of bamboo-canes; seven plates, costing between two and five cuartos;
a carahai (iron pan), three to four reals; coconut shells serving
for glasses; a few small pots, altogether half a real; a sundang,
four to six reals, or a bolo (large forest knife), one dollar; and
a pair of scissors (for the women), two reals. The loom, which every
household constructs for itself of bamboo of course costs nothing.

[Wages.] The rate of daily wages, in the case of Filipino employers,
is half a real, without food; but Europeans always have to give
one real and food, unless, by favor of the gobernadorcillo, they
get polistas at the former rate, which then regularly goes into the
public coffers. An ordinary carpenter earns from one to two reals;
a skilful man, three reals daily. The hours of work are from six to
noon, and from two to six in the evening.

[Industries.] Almost every village has a rude smith, who understands
the making of sundangs and bolos; but the iron and the coal required
for the purpose must be supplied with the order. No other work in
metal is executed. With the exception of a little ship-building,
hardly any other pursuit than weaving is carried on; the loom is
rarely wanting in a household. Guinara, i.e., stuff made of the abacá,
is manufactured, as well as also some piña, or figured silk stuffs,
the silk being brought from Manila, and of Chinese origin. All these
fabrics are made in private homes; there are no factories.

[Barter.] In places where rice is scarce the lower class of people
catch fish, salt and dry them, and barter them for rice. In the
chief towns purchases are made with the current money; but, in the
interior, where there is hardly any money, fabrics and dried fish are
the most usual means of exchange. Salt is obtained by evaporating
the seawater in small iron hand-pans (carahais), without previous
evaporation in the sun. The navigation between Catbalogan and Manila
continues from December to July, and in the interval between those
months the ships lie dismantled under sheds. [Communication.] There
also is communication by the coast eastwards to Guian, northwards
to Catarman, and sometimes to Lauang. The crews consist partly of
natives, and partly of foreigners, as the natives take to the sea
with great reluctance; indeed, almost only when compelled to leave
their villages. Samar has scarcely any other means of communication
besides the navigation of the coast and rivers, the interior being
roadless; and burdens have to be conveyed on the shoulders. An
able-bodied porter, who receives a real and a half without food,
will carry three arrobas (seventy-five pounds at most) six leagues in
a day, but he cannot accomplish the same work on the following day,
requiring at least one day's rest. A strong man will carry an arroba
and a half daily for a distance of six leagues for a whole week.

[No markets.] There are no markets in Samar and Leyte; so that whoever
wishes to buy seeks what he requires in the houses, and in like manner
the seller offers his goods.

[Debts.] A Filipino seeking to borrow money has to give ample security
and pay interest at the rate of one real for every dollar per month
(twelve and one-half per cent. monthly); and it is not easy for
him to borrow more than five dollars, for which sum only he is
legally liable. Trade and credit are less developed in eastern and
northern Samar than in the western part of the island, which keeps
up a more active communication with the other inhabitants of the
Archipelago. There current money is rarely lent, but only its value
in goods is advanced at the rate of a real per dollar per mensem. If
the debtor fails to pay within the time appointed, he frequently
has to part with one of his children, who is obliged to serve the
lender for his bare food, without wages, until the debt has been
extinguished. I saw a young man who had so served for the term of
five years, in liquidation of a debt of five dollars which his father,
who had formerly been a gobernadorcillo in Paranas, owed to a mestizo
in Catbalogan; and on the east coast a pretty young girl, who, for
a debt of three dollars due by her father, had then, for two years,
served a native, who had the reputation of being a spendthrift. I was
shown in Borongan a coconut plantation of three hundred trees, which
was pledged for a debt of ten dollars about twenty years ago, since
which period it had been used by the creditor as his own property;
and it was only a few years since that, upon the death of the debtor,
his children succeeded, with great difficulty, in paying the original
debt and redeeming the property. It is no uncommon thing for a native
to borrow two dollars and a half from another in order to purchase
his exemption from the forty days of annual service, and then,
failing to repay the loan punctually, to serve his creditor for a
whole year. [201]

[People of Samar and Leyte.] The inhabitants of Samar and Leyte,
who are at once idler and filthier than those of Luzon, seem to be
as much behind the Bicols as the latter are behind the Tagalogs. In
Tacloban, where a more active intercourse with Manila exists, these
qualities are less pronounced, and the women, who are agreeable,
bathe frequently. For the rest, the inhabitants of the two islands
are friendly, obliging, tractable, and peaceable. Abusive language or
violence very rarely occurs, and, in case of injury, information is
laid against the offender at the tribunal. Great purity of manners
seems to prevail on the north and west coasts, but not on the east
coast, nor in Leyte. External piety is universally conspicuous, through
the training imparted by the priests; the families are very united,
and great influence is wielded by the women, who are principally
engaged in household employments, and are tolerably skilful in weaving,
and to whom only the lighter labors of the field are assigned. The
authority of the parents and of the eldest brother is supreme, the
younger sisters never venturing to oppose it; women and children are
kindly treated.

[Leyte.] The natives of Leyte, clinging as strongly to their native
soil as those of Samar, like them, have no partiality for the sea,
though their antipathy to it is not quite so manifest as that of the
inhabitants of Samar. [202]

[Public charity not accepted.] There are no benevolent institutions
in either of the two islands. Each family maintains its own poor
and crippled, and treats them tenderly. In Catbalogan, the chief
town of the island, with five to six thousand inhabitants, there
were only eight recipients of charity; but in Albay mendicants are
not wanting. In Lauang, when a Spaniard, on a solemn festival, had
caused it to be proclaimed that he would distribute rice to the poor,
not a single applicant came forward. The honesty of the inhabitants of
Samar is much commended. Obligations are said to be contracted almost
always without written documents, and never forsworn, even if they
make default in payment. Robberies are of rare occurrence in Samar,
and thefts almost unknown. There are schools also here in the pueblos,
which accomplish quite as much as they do in Camarines.

[Amusements.] Of the public amusements cock-fighting is the chief,
but it is not so eagerly pursued as in Luzon. At the church festivals
they perform a drama translated from the Spanish, generally of
a religious character; and the expense of the entertainment is
defrayed by voluntary contributions of the wealthy. The chief vices
of the population are play and drunkenness; in which latter even
women and young girls occasionally indulge. The marriage feasts,
combining song and dance, often continue for several days and
nights together, where they have a sufficient supply of food and
drink. [Suitor's service.] The suitor has to serve in the house
of the bride's parents two, three, and even five years, before he
takes his bride home; and money cannot purchase exemption from this
onerous restriction. He boards in the house of the bride's parents
who furnish the rice, but he has to supply the vegetables himself.
[203] At the expiration of his term of service he builds, with the
assistance of his relations and friends, the house for the family
which is about to be newly established.

[Morals.] Though adultery is not unknown, jealousy is rare, and
never leads to violence. The injured individual generally goes with
the culprit to the minister, who, with a severe lecture to one,
and words of consolation to the other, sets everything straight
again. Married women are more easily accessible than girls, whose
prospect of marriage, however, it seems is not greatly diminished
by a false step during single life. While under parental authority
girls, as a rule, are kept under rigid control, doubtless in order
to prolong the time of servitude of the suitor. External appearance
is more strictly regarded among the Bisayans than by the Bicols and
Tagalogs. Here also the erroneous opinion prevails, that the number of
the women exceeds that of the men. Instances occur of girls of twelve
being mothers; but they are rare; and though women bear twelve or
thirteen children, many of these, however, do not live. [Great infant
mortality.] So much so is this the case, that families of more than
six or eight children are very rarely met with.

[Superstitions.] Superstition is rife. Besides the little church images
of the Virgin, which every Filipina wears by a string round the neck,
many also have heathen amulets, of which I had an opportunity of
examining one that had been taken from a very daring criminal. It
consisted of a small ounce flask, stuffed full of vegetable root
fibres, which appeared to have been fried in oil. This flask, which is
prepared by the heathen tribes, is accredited with the virtue of making
its owner strong and courageous. The capture of this individual was
very difficult; but, as soon as the little flask was taken from him,
he gave up all resistance, and allowed himself to be bound. In almost
every large village there are one or more [Ghouls.] Asuang families who
are generally dreaded and avoided, and regarded as outlaws, and who
can marry only amongst themselves. They have the reputation of being
cannibals. [204] Perhaps they are descended from such tribes? At any
rate, the belief is very general and firmly  rooted; and intelligent
old natives when questioned by me on the subject, answered that they
certainly did not believe that the Asuangs ate men at the present time,
but that their forefathers had assuredly done so. [205]

[Ancient Literature.] Of ancient legends, traditions, or ballads,
it is stated that there are none. It is true they have songs at their
dances, but these are spiritless improvisations, and mostly in a high
key. They have not preserved any memorials of former civilization. "The
ancient Pintados possessed no temples, every one performing his
anitos in his own house, without any special solemnity"--(Morga,
f. 145 v). Pigafetta (p. 92) certainly mentions that the King of Cebu,
after his conversion to Christianity, caused many temples built on the
seashore to be destroyed; but these might only have been structures of
a very perishable kind. [Festivals and shrines.] On certain occasions
the Bisayans celebrated a great festival, called Pandot, at which
they worshipped their gods in huts, which were expressly built for the
purpose, covered with foliage, and adorned with flowers and lamps. They
called these huts simba or simbahan (the churches are so called to the
present day), "and this is the only thing which they have similar to a
church or a temple"--(Informe, I., i., 17). According to Gemelli Careri
they prayed to some particular gods, derived from their forefathers,
who are called by the Bisayans Davata (Divata), and by the Tagalogs
Anito; one anito being for the sea and another for the house, to
watch over the children. [206] [Ancestor worship.] In the number of
these anitos they placed their grandfathers and great-grandfathers,
whom they invoked in all their necessities, and in whose honor they
preserved little statues of stone, wood, gold, and ivory, which they
called liche or laravan. Amongst their gods they also reckoned all
who perished by the sword, or were killed by lightning, or devoured
by crocodiles, believing that their souls ascended to heaven on a
bow which they called balangas. Pigafetta thus describes the idols
which were seen by him:--"They are of wood, and concave, or hollow,
without any hind quarters, with their arms extended, and their legs
and feet bent upwards. They have very large faces, with four powerful
teeth like boars' tusks, and are painted all over." [207]

In conclusion, let me take a brief account of the religion of the
ancient Bisayans from Fr. Gaspar San Agustin (Conquest, 169):

[Old religion.] The daemon, or genius, to whom they sacrificed was
called by them Divata, which appears to denote an antithesis to the
Deity, and a rebel against him. Hell was called Solad, and Heaven
(in the language of the educated people) Ologan * * * The souls of
the departed go to a mountain in the province of Oton, [208] called
Medias, where they are well entertained and served. The creation of
the universe is thus explained. [Creation myth.] A vulture hovering
between heaven and earth finds no place to settle himself upon,
and the water rises towards heaven; whereupon Heaven, in its wrath,
creates islands. The vulture splits a bamboo, out of which spring man
and woman, who beget many children, and, when their number becomes
too great, drive them out with blows. Some conceal themselves in the
chamber, and these become the Datos; others in the kitchen, and these
become the slaves. The rest go down the stairs and become the people.


CHAPTER XXIII


[Ports of entry.] In 1830 seven new ports were opened as an experiment,
but, owing to great frauds in the charges, were soon afterwards
closed again. In 1831 a custom-house was established at Zamboanga,
on the south-west point of Mindanao; and in 1855 Sual, in the Gulf
of Lingayen, one of the safest harbors on the west coast of Luzon,
and Iloilo in Panay, were thrown open; and in 1863 Cebu, on the island
of the same name, for the direct communication with foreign countries.

[Old Zamboanga fort.] Before 1635 the Spaniards had established
a fort at Zamboanga, which, although it certainly could not
wholly prevent the piratical excursions against the colonies, yet
considerably diminished them. [209] Until 1848 from eight hundred
to fifteen hundred individuals are stated to have been carried off
yearly by the Moros. [210] The establishment of this custom-house
has, therefore, been based upon political rather than commercial
motives, it being found desirable to open an easily accessible
place to the piratical states of the Sulu Sea for the disposal of
their products. [Exports.] Trade, up to the present date, is but
of very inconsiderable amount, the exports consisting chiefly of a
little coffee (in 1871 nearly six thousand piculs), which, from bad
management, is worth thirty per cent. less than Manila coffee, and of
the collected products of the forest and of the water, such as wax,
birds'-nests, tortoise-shell, pearls, mother-of-pearl, and edible
holothuria. This trade, as well as that with Sulu, is entirely in the
hands of the Chinese, who alone possess the patience, adaptiveness,
and adroitness which are required for the purpose.

[Sual's foreign trade.] Sual is specially important for its exports
of rice; and its foreign trade is therefore affected by the results of
the harvests in Saigon, Burma, and China. In 1868, when the harvests in
those countries turned out good, Sual carried on only a coasting trade.

[Cebu.] Cebu (with a population of 34,000) is the chief town of the
island of the same name, the seat of Government and of the bishop of
the Bisayas, and within forty-eight hours from Manila by steamer. It
is as favorably situated with regard to the eatern portion of the
Bisayan group as Iloilo is for the western, and is acquiring increased
importance as the emporium for its products. Sugar and tobacco are
obtained from Bohol; rice from Panay; abacá from Leyte and Mindanao;
and coffee, wax, Spanish cane, and mother-of-pearl from Misamis
(Mindanao). Its distance from Samar is twenty-six, from Leyte two
and a half, from Bohol four, and from Negros eighteen miles.

[Cebu island.] The island of Cebu extends over seventy-five square
miles. A lofty mountain range traverses it from north to south,
dividing the east from the west side, and its population is
estimated at 340,000,--4,533 to the square mile. The inhabitants
are peaceable and docile; thefts occur very seldom, and robberies
never. Their occupations are agriculture, fishing, and weaving for
home consumption. Cebu produces sugar, tobacco, maize, rice, etc.,
and in the mountains potatoes; but the rice produced does not suffice
for their requirements, there being only a little level land, and
the deficiency is imported from Panay.

[Land tenure.] The island possesses considerable beds of coal, the
full yield of which may now be looked for, as the duty on export was
abandoned by a decree of the 5th of May, 1869. [211] While in Luzon
and Panay the land is for the most part the property of the peasantry,
in Cebu it mostly belongs to the mestizos, and is let out by them,
in very small allotments, upon lease. The owners of the soil know how
to keep the peasants in a state of dependence by usurious loans; and
one of the results of this abuse is that agriculture in this island
stands lower than in almost any other part of the archipelago. [212]
[Customhouse data.] The entire value of the exports in 1868 amounted
to $1,181,050; of which sugar to the value of $481,127, and abacá to
the value of $378,256; went to England, abacá amounting to $112,000
to America, and tobacco to $118,260 to Spain. The imports of foreign
goods, mostly by the Chinese, come through Manila, where they
purchase from the foreign import houses. The value of these imports
amounted in 1868 to $182,522; of which $150,000 were for English
cotton stuffs. The entire imports of the island were estimated at
$1,243,582, and the exports at $226,898. Among the importations
were twenty chests of images, a sign of the deeply-rooted worship
of the Virgin. Formerly the products for exportation were bought up
by the foreign merchants, mostly Chinese mestizos; but now they are
bought direct from the producers, who thus obtain better prices in
consequence of the abolition of the high brokerages. To this and to
the energy of the foreign merchants, under favorable circumstances,
is the gradual improvement of agriculture principally to be ascribed.

[Iloilo.] Iloilo is the most important of the newly opened ports,
being the central point of the Bisayan group, and situated in one
of the most thickly populated and industrious provinces. Nicholas
Loney [213] estimates the export of goods woven from the fiber of
the piña, from Iloilo, and the neighboring provinces, at about one
million dollars annually. The harbor is excellent, being completely
protected by an island which lies immediately before it; and at high
tide there is about twelve feet of water close in shore for vessels
to lie in. On account of the bar, however, ships of a deeper draught
than this are obliged to complete their loading outside. Previous
to the opening of the new harbors, all the provinces were compelled
as well to bring their products intended for exportation to Manila,
as to receive from the same place their foreign imports; the cost
of which therefore was greatly increased through the extra expenses
incurred by the double voyage, reloading, brokerage, and wharfage
charges. According to a written account by N. Loney, it is shown how
profitable, even after a few years, the opening of Iloilo has been to
the provinces immediately adjoining--the islands of Panay and Negros.

[Sugar.] The higher prices which can be obtained for directly
exported sugar, combined with the facility and security of the
trade as contrasted with the late monopoly enjoyed by Manila, have
occasioned a great extension of the cultivation of that article. Not
only in Iloilo, but also in Antique and Negros, many new plantations
have arisen, and the old ones have been enlarged as much as possible;
and not less important has been the progress in the manufacture. In
1857 there was not one iron mill to be found on the island; so that,
in working with the wooden mill, about thirty per cent. of the sap
remained in the cane, even after it had thrice passed through. The
old wooden presses, which were worked by steam or carabaos, have now
been supplanted by new ones; and these the native planters have no
difficulty in obtaining, as they can get them on credit from the
warehouses of the English importers. Instead of the old Chinese
cast-iron pans which were in use, far superior articles have been
imported from Europe; and many large factories worked by steam-power
and with all modern improvements have been established. In agriculture,
likewise, creditable progress is noticeable. Improved ploughs, carts,
and farming implements generally, are to be had in plenty. These
changes naturally show how important it was to establish at different
points, extending over two hundred miles of the Archipelago, commercial
centers, where it was desirable that foreigners should settle. Without
these latter, and the facilities afforded to credit which thereby
ensued, the sudden rise and prosperity of Iloilo would not have been
possible, inasmuch as the mercantile houses in that capital would have
been debarred from trading with unknown planters in distant provinces,
otherwise than for ready money. A large number of half-castes, too,
who before traded in manufactured goods purchased in Manila, were
enabled after this to send their goods direct to the provinces, to the
foreign firms settled there; and as, ultimately, neither these latter
nor the Chinese retail dealers could successfully compete with them,
the result has been that, as much to their own profit as to that of the
country, they have betaken themselves to the cultivation of sugar. In
this manner important plantations have been established in Negros,
which are managed by natives of Iloilo: but there is a scarcity of
laborers on the island.

[Land disputes.] Foreigners now can legally acquire property, and
possess a marketable title; in which respect the law, until a very
recent period, was of an extremely uncertain nature. Land is to be
obtained by purchase, or, when not already taken up, by "denuncia"
(i.e. priority of claim). In such case, the would-be possessor of
the land must enter into an undertaking in the nearest of the native
Courts to cultivate and keep the said land in a fit and serviceable
condition. Should no other claim be put in, notice is thereupon given
of the grant, and the magistrate or alcalde concludes the compact
without other cost than the usual stamp duty.

[Lack of capital for large plantations.] Many mestizos and natives,
not having the necessary capital to carry on a large plantation
successfully, sell the fields which they have already partially
cultivated to European capitalists, who are thus relieved of all the
preliminary tedious work. Evidently the Colonial Government is now
sincerely disposed to favor the laying out of large plantations.

[Lack of roads.] The want of good roads is particularly felt: but, with
the increase of agriculture, this defect will naturally be remedied;
and, moreover, most of the sugar factories are situated on rivers which
are unnavigable even by flat freight boats. The value of land in many
parts of the country has doubled within the last ten years. [214]

[Sugar prices.] Up to 1854 the picul of sugar was worth in Iloilo from
$1.05 to $1.25 and seldom over $2.00 in Manila; in 1866, $3.25; and
in 1868, $4.75 to $5.00 in Iloilo. The business in Iloilo therefore
shows an increase of $1.75 per picul. [215]

[Negros.] At the end of 1856 there were as many as twenty Europeans
established on the island of Negros as sugar planters, besides a
number of mestizos. Some of them were working with steam machinery
and vacuum pans. The general rate of pay is from $2.05 to $3.00 per
month. On some plantations the principle of acsa, i.e. part share,
is in operation. The owner lets out a piece of ground, providing
draught cattle and all necessary ploughing implements, to a native,
who works it, and supplies the mill with the cut cane, receiving as
payment a share, generally a third, of the product. In Negros the
violet cane is cultivated, and in Manila the white (Otaheiti). The
land does not require manuring. On new ground, or what we may term
virgin soil, the cane often grows to a height of thirteen feet. A vast
improvement is to be observed in the mode of dress of the people. Piña
and silk stuffs are beoming quite common. Advance in luxury is always
a favorable sign; according to the increase of requirements, industry
flourishes in proportion.

[The future sugar market.] As I have already mentioned,
California, Japan, China, and Australia appear designed by nature
to be the principal consumers of the products of the Philippine
Islands. Certainly at present England is the best customer; but
nearly half the account is for sugar, in consequence of their own
custom duties. Sometimes it happens that not more than one-fourth of
the sugar crop is sufficiently refined to compete in the Australian
and Californian markets with the sorts from Bengal, Java, and the
Mauritius; the remaining three-fourths, if particularly white, must
perforce undertake the long voyage to England, despite the high freight
and certain loss on the voyage of from ten to twelve per cent. through
the leakage of the molasses. The inferior quality of the Philippine
sugar is at once perceived by the English refiners, and is only taxed
at 8s. per cwt., while purer sorts pay 10s. to 12s. [216]

[A valuable by-product.] In this manner the English customs favor the
inferior qualities of manufactured sugar. The colonial Government
did not allow those engaged in the manufacture of sugar to distil
rum from the molasses until the year 1862. They had, therefore,
little inducement to extract, at a certain expense, a substance the
value on which they were not permitted to realize; but under ordinary
circumstances the distillation of the rum not only covered the cost
of refining, but gave, in addition, a fair margin of profit.


CHAPTER XXIV


[Manila hemp.] One of the most interesting productions of the island
is Manila hemp. The French, who, however, hardly use it, call it
"Silk-Plant," because of its silky appearance.

The natives call the fiber bandala, and in commerce (generally
speaking) abacá, just as the plant from which it is obtained.

[Abacá.] The latter is a wild species of banana growing in the
Philippine Islands, known also as Arbol de Cañamo (hemp-tree), Musa
textilis, Lin. It does not differ in appearance to any great extent
from the edible banana (Musa paradisiaca), one of the most important
plants of the torrid zone, and familiar to us as being one of our
most beautiful hot-house favorites.

[Undetermined plant relations.] Whether this and the "musae"
(M. troglodytarum, M. sylvestris, and others), frequently known,
too, as M. textilis, are of the same species, has not yet been
determined. The species Musaceae are herbaceous plants only. The
outer stem consists of crescent-shaped petioles crossing one another
alternately, and encircling the thin main stem. These petioles contain
a quantity of bast fiber, which is used as string, but otherwise is
of no commercial value. The serviceable hemp fiber has, up to the
present time, been exclusively obtained from the southern portion of
the Philippines.

[Abacá districts.] The southern Camarines and Albay are favorably
adapted for the cultivation of this plant, as are also the islands
of Samar and Leyte, and the adjacent islands; and Cebu likewise,
although a portion of the so-called "Cebu hemp" comes from Mindanao. In
Negros the bast-banana thrives only in the south, not in the north;
and Iloilo, which produces most of the hemp cloth (guinara), is
obliged to import the raw material from the eastern district, as it
does not flourish in the island of Panay. In Capiz, it is true, some
abacá may be noticed growing, but it is of trifling value. Hitherto
all attempts, strenuous though the efforts were, to acclimatize the
growth of hemp in the western and northern provinces have failed. The
plants rarely grow as high as two feet, and the trouble and expense
are simply unremunerative. This failure may be accounted for by the
extreme dryness prevailing during many months of the year, whereas
in the eastern provinces plentiful showers fall the whole year round.

[Peculiar to the Philippines.] The great profit which the Manila
hemp has yielded in the few years since its production, however, has
given encouragement to still further experiments; so that, indeed,
it will shortly be shown whether the cultivation of abacá is to be
confined to its present limited area, while the edible species of
banana has spread itself over the whole surface of the earth within
the tropics. On the volcanic mountains of Western Java a species
of the Musaceae grows in great luxuriance. The Government has not,
however, made any real effort to cultivate it, and what has been done
in that respect has been effected, up to the present date, by private
enterprise. Various writers have stated that abacá is to be obtained
in the north of the Celebes. Bickmore, however, says positively that
the inhabitants having made great efforts in attempting its successful
cultivation, have abandoned it again in favor of the cultivation of
coffee, which is found to be far more profitable. [217] According to
previous statements, Guadaloupe appears to be able to produce abacá
(fiber of the M. textilis?); [218] and Pondicherry and Guadaloupe
have produced fabrics woven from abacá, and French Guiana stuffs
from the fiber of the edible banana; [219] all these, however, are
only experiments.

[Superiority of fiber.] Royle affirms that the Manila hemp (abacá
fiber) excels the Russian in firmness, lightness, and strength in
tension, as well as in cheapness, and has only the one disadvantage
that ropes made from it become stiff in wet weather. The reason,
however, is found in the manner in which it is spun, and may be
avoided by proper preparation. [220] Through the better preparation
of the raw material in Manila by means of adequate machinery, these
difficulties have been overcome; but abacá no longer has the advantage
of superior cheapness, as the demand has increased much faster than
the supply. During the year 1859 it was worth from £22 to £25 per ton;
in 1868, £45 per ton; while Russian hemp fetched £31 per ton. Thus
in nine years it rose to double its value.

[Banana varieties.] In Albay there are about twelve varieties
of the best banana cultivated, which are particularly favored by
the qualities of the soil. The cultivation is extremely simple,
and entirely independent of the seasons. The plants thrive best on
the slopes of the volcanic mountains (in which Albay and Camarines
abound), in open spaces of the woods protected by the trees, which
cast their shadows to an extent of about sixty feet. In exposed level
ground they do not thrive so well, and in marshy land not at all.

[Cultivation.] In the laying out of a new plantation the young shoots
are generally made use of, which sprout so abundantly from the roots
that each individual one soon becomes a perfect plant. In favorable
ground the custom is to allow a distance of about ten feet between
each plant; in poor ground six feet. The only care necessary is
the extermination of the weeds, and clearing away the undergrowth
during the first season; later on, the plants grow so luxuriantly
and strongly that they entirely prevent the growth of anything
else in their vicinity. The protection afforded by the shade of the
trees at this period is no longer required, the young buds finding
sufficient protection against the sun's rays under cover of the
fan-like leaves. Only in exceptional cases, contrary to the usual
practice, are the plants raised from seed. The fruit, when ready,
is cut off and dried, though care must be taken that it is not over
ripe; otherwise the kernels will not germinate. These latter are about
the size of peppercorns; and the extraction of them in the edible
species almost always brings about decay. Two days before sowing,
the kernels are taken out of the fruit, and steeped overnight in
water; on the following day they are dried in a shady place; and on
the third day they are sown in holes an inch deep in fresh, unbroken,
and well-shaded forest ground, allowing six inches distance between
each plant and row. After a year the seedlings, which are then about
two feet high, are planted out, and tended in the same way as the
suckers. [Differences with abacá.] While many of the edible bananas
bear fruit after one year, and a few varieties even after six months,
the abacá plant requires on an average three years to produce its
fiber in a proper condition; when raised from suckers four years;
and raised from year-old seedlings, even under the most favorable
conditions, two years.

[Cutting.] On the first crop, only one stalk is cut from each bush;
but later on the new branches grow so quickly that they can be cut
every two months. [221] After a few years the plants become so strong
and dense that it is scarcely possible to push through them. Bast is
in its best condition at the time of blossoming; but, when the price
of the fiber happens to stand high in the market, this particular
time is not always waited for.

[Prejudice against cutting after blossoming.] Plants which have
blossomed cease to be profitable in any way, by reason of the fiber
becoming too weak--a matter of too great nicety for the unpractical
consumers on the other side of the Atlantic to decide upon, and one
in which, despite inquiries and careful inspections, they might be
deceived. There really is no perceptible reason why the fiber should
become weaker through fructification, which simply consists in the fact
of the contents of the vascular cells changing into soluble matter,
and gradually oozing away, the consequence of which is that the cells
of the fiber are not replenished. These, on the contrary, acquire
additional strength with the age of the plant, because the emptied
cells cling so firmly together, by means of a certain resinous deposit,
that it is impossible to obtain them unbroken without a great deal of
trouble. The idea may have erroneously arisen from the circumstance
that, previously to drying, as with hemp, the old plants were picked
out, and allowed to be thrown away, though not without considerably
increasing the rate of pay, which already consumed the greater part
of the general expenses. [222]

[Extracting the fiber.] In order to obtain the bast, the stalk above
ground is closely pruned and freed from leaves and other encumbrances;
each leaf is then singly divided into strips--a cross incision being
made through the membrane on the inner or concave side, and connected
by means of the pulpy parts (the parenchym) clinging together. In
this manner as much as possible of the clear outer skin only remains
behind. Another method is to strip the bast from the undivided stem. To
effect this the operator makes an oblique incision in the skin of
the under part of the stalk, drawing the knife gradually to the tip,
and stripping off the whole length as broad a piece as possible; and
the operation is repeated as many times as practicable. This method
of handling is more productive than the one previously described;
but, on the other hand, it takes considerably more time, and for
that reason is not often practised. The strips of bast are then drawn
under a knife, the blade of which is three inches broad by six long,
fastened at one end to the extremity of a flexible stick so that it
is suspended perpendicularly over a well-smoothed block, and at the
other end to a handle connected by means of a cord to a treadle, which
can be pressed firmly down, as occasion requires. The workman draws
the bast, without any regard to quality, between the knife and block,
commencing in the middle, and then from side to side. The knife must
be free from notches, or all indentations, according to the direction
of Father Blanco. [223]

[Laborers' work and wages.] Three hired-men usually get twenty-five
pounds per day. One worker cuts up the stalks, strips off the leaves,
and attends to the supply; the second, frequently a boy, spreads out
the strips; and the third draws them under the knife. A single plant
has been known to yield as much as two pounds of fiber; but the most
favorable average rarely affords more than one pound, and plants grown
in indifferent soil scarcely a sixth of that quantity. The plantations
are worked either by the owner or by day-laborers, who, when the market
prices are very low, take half share of the crop harvested by them. In
these cases an industrious workman may obtain as much as one picul in
a week. During my stay exceptionally low prices ruled--sixteen and
one-half reals per picul undelivered. The workman could, therefore,
in six days earn half the amount, viz., eight and a quarter reals at
a rate of one and three-eighths reals per day. The day's pay at that
time was half a real, and board a quarter of a real, making together
three-quarters of a real.

[Profit.]


                                        By daily pay.   Half share.

The workman therefore earned daily                   0.75 r. or     1.375 r.
Wages amounted to per picul                         12. 6 r. or     8. 25 r.
Profit of the planters after deduction of the wages  3. 9 r. or     8. 25 r.


[Lupis and bandala.] The edges of the petioles, which contain much
finer fiber than the middle parts, are separately divided into strips
an inch wide, and with strong pressure are drawn several times under
the knife. This substance, which is called lupis, is in high request,
being employed in the native weaving; while is chiefly used for ships'
rigging. [224]

[Grades of Lupis.] Lupis, according to the fineness of the fiber,
is sorted into four classes--first, Binani; second, Totogna; third,
Sogotan; and fourth, Cadaclan. A bundle of these is then taken up in
the left hand, and, while with the right the first three sorts are
inserted between the fingers, the fourth is held between the thumb and
forefinger. This last description is no longer used in fine weaving,
and is therefore sold with bandala. After the fine sorts have been
pounded in a rice-mortar, in order to render the fiber soft and
pliable, they are severally knotted into one another, and converted
into web.

[Lupis fabrics.] Generally the first sort is worked as woof with the
second as warp, and the third as warp with the second as woof. The
fabrics so woven are nearly as fine as piña fabrics (Nipis de Piña),
and almost equal the best quality of cambric; and, notwithstanding
the many little nodules occasioned by the tangling of the fiber,
which may be discerned on close inspection, are clearer and stouter,
and possess a warmer yellowish tint. [225] As to these last three
qualities--purity, flexibility, and color--they stand in relation to
cambric somewhat as cardboard to tissue-paper.

[Weaving.] Weaving such fabrics on very simple looms is exceedingly
troublesome as the fibers, which are not spun but twisted, very
frequently break. The finest stuffs require so great an amount of
dexterity, patience, and time in their preparation, and for that reason
are so expensive, that they would find no purchasers in Europe where
there is the competition of cheap, machine-made goods. Their fine,
warm yellowish color also is objected to by the European women, who are
accustomed to linen and calicoes strongly blued in the washing. In the
country, however, high prices are paid for them by the rich mestizos,
who understand the real goodness of their qualities.

[Bandala fabrics.] The fibers of the inner petioles, which are softer
but not so strong as the outer, are called tupus, and sold with
bandala, or mixed with tapis and used in the native weaving. Bandala
also serves for weaving purposes; and, in that portion of the
Archipelago where the native abacá plantations are, the entire dress
of both sexes is made of coarse guinara. Still coarser and stronger
fabrics are prepared for the European market, such as crinoline and
stiff muslin used by dressmakers.

[A Pre-Spanish product.] Before the arrival of the Spaniards the
natives wore stuffs from abacá; which became an important article of
export only some few decades since. This is in great measure due to
the enterprising spirit of two American firms, and would not have been
attained without great perseverance and liberal pecuniary assistance.

[Unbusinesslike early methods.] The plants flourish without any care
or attention, the only trouble being to collect the fiber; and, the
bounteousness of Nature having provided them against want, the natives
shirk even this trouble when the market price is not very enticing. In
general low prices are scarcely to be reckoned on, because of the
utter indifference of the laborers, over whom the traders do not
possess enough influence to keep them at work. Advances to them are
made both in goods and money, which the creditor must repay either
by produce from his own plantation or by giving an equivalent in
labor. [226] As long as the produce stands high in price, everything
goes on pretty smoothly, although even then, through the dishonesty of
the workers and the laziness, extravagance, and mercantile incapacity
of the middlemen, considerable loss frequently ensues. If, however,
prices experience any considerable fall, then the laborers seek in any
and every way to get out of their uncomfortable position, whilst the
percentage of profit secured to the middleman is barely sufficient
to cover the interest on his outlay. Nevertheless, they must still
continue the supplies, inasmuch as they possess no other means of
securing payment of their debt in the future. The laborers, in their
turn, bring bitter complaints against the agents, to the effect that
they are forced to severe labor, unprofitable to themselves, through
their acceptance of advances made to them at most exorbitant rates; and
the agents (generally mestizos or creoles) blame the crafty, greedy,
extortionate foreigners, who shamelessly tempt the lords of the soil
with false promises, and bring about their utter ruin. [Change to a
safer basis.] As a general rule, the "crafty foreigner" experiences
a considerable diminution of his capital. It was just so that one of
the most important firms suffered the loss of a very large sum. At
length, however, the Americans, who had capital invested in this trade,
succeeded in putting an end to the custom of advances, which hitherto
had prevailed, erected stores and presses on their own account,
and bought through their agents direct from the growers. All earlier
efforts tending in this direction had been effectually thwarted by
the Spaniards and creoles, who considered the profits derived from
the country, and especially the inland retail trade, to be their own
by prescriptive right. They are particularly jealous of the foreign
intruders, who enrich themselves at their expense; consequently they
place every obstacle in their way. If it depended upon the will of
these people, all foreigners would be ejected from the country--the
Chinese alone, as workmen (coolies), being allowed to remain. [227]

[Anti-Chinese feeling.] The same feeling was exhibited by the natives
towards the Chinese, whom they hated for being industrious and
trustworthy workers. All attempts to carry out great undertakings
by means of Chinese labor were frustrated by the native workmen
intimidating them, and driving them away either by open violence or
by secret persecution; and the Colonial authorities were reproached
for not affording suitable protection against these and similar
outrages. That, as a rule, great undertakings did not succeed in the
Philippines, or at least did not yield a profit commensurate with
the outlay and trouble, is a fact beyond dispute, and is solely to
be ascribed to many of the circumstances related above. [Good work
for good pay.] There are those, however, who explain these mishaps
in other ways, and insist upon the fact that the natives work well
enough when they are punctually and sufficiently paid. The Government,
at any rate, appears gradually to have come to the conclusion that
the resources of the country cannot be properly opened up without
the assistance of the capital and enterprise of the [Tardy justice
to foreigners.] foreigners; and, therefore, of late years it has not
in any way interfered with their establishment. In 1869 their right
of establishment was tardily conceded to them by law.

[Abacá production and prospects.] At this period the prospects of the
abacá cultivation seemed very promising; and since the close of the
American war, which had the effect of causing a considerable fall in
the value of this article in America, the prices have been steadily
increasing. It is stated (on authority) that, in 1840, 136,034 piculs
of abacá, to the value of $397,995 were exported, the value per picul
being reckoned at about $2.09. The rate gradually rose and stood
between four and five dollars--and, during the civil war, reached the
enormous sum of nine dollars per picul--the export of Russian hemp
preventing, however, a further rise. This state of affairs occasioned
the laying out of many new plantations, the produce of which, when
it came on the market, after three years, was valued at $3.50 per
picul, in consequence of the prices having returned to their normal
condition; and even then it paid to take up an existing plantation,
but not to lay out a new one. This rate continued until 1860, since
which time it has gradually risen (only during the American civil
war was there any stoppage), and it now stands once more as high as
during the civil war; and there is no apparent prospect of a fall so
long as the Philippines have no competitors in the trade. In 1865 the
picul in Manila never cost less than $7 which two years previously
was the maximum value; and it rose gradually, until $9.50 was asked
for ordinary qualities. The production in many provinces had reached
the extreme limit; and a further increase, in the former at least,
is impossible, as the work of cultivation occupies the whole of the
male population--an evidence surely that a suitable recompense will
overcome any natural laziness of the natives. [228]

An examination of the following table will confirm the accuracy of
these views:--

[Export of "Manila hemp."]

Export of Abacá (In Piculs).

To                  1861    1864    1866    1868    1870    1871

Great Britain       198,954 226,258  96,000 125,540 131,180 143,498
North America,
Atlantic Ports      158,610 249,106 280,000 294,728 327,728 285,112
California            6,600   9,426      --  14,200  15,900  22,500
Europe                  901   1,134      --     200     244     640
Australia                16   5,194      --  21,244  11,434   6,716
Singapore             2,648   1,932      --   3,646   1,202   2,992
China                 5,531     302      --      --     882   2,294

Total               273,260 493,352 406,682 460,588 488,570 463,752

Commercial Report
Prussian Consular Report
Belgian Consular Report
English Consular Report
Market Report, T.H. & Co.


[Large local consumption.] The consumption in the country is not
contained in the above schedule, and is difficult to ascertain; but
it must certainly be very considerable, as the natives throughout
entire provinces are clothed in guinara, the weaving of which for
the family requirements generally is done at home.

[Sisal-hemp.] Sisal, also sisal-hemp, or, as it is sometimes known,
Mexican grass, has for some years past been used in the trade in
increasing quantities as a substitute for abacá, which it somewhat
resembles in appearance, though wanting that fine gloss which the
latter possesses. It is somewhat weaker, and costs from £5 to £10 less
per ton; it is only used for ships' rigging. The refuse from it has
been found an extremely useful adjunct to the materials ordinarily
used in the manufacture of paper. The Technologist for July, 1865,
calls attention to the origin of this substitute, in a detailed
essay differing essentially from the representations contained in the
"U. S. Agricultural Report" published at Washington in 1870; and the
growing importance of the article, and the ignorance prevailing abroad
as to its extraction, may render a short account of it acceptable. The
description shows the superior fineness of the abacá fiber, but not
its greater strength. [229]

[Varieties of sisal.] Sisal-hemp, which is named after the export
harbor of Sisal (in the north-western part of the peninsula), is by
far the most important product of Yucatan; and this rocky, sun-burnt
country seems peculiarly adapted to the growth of the fiber. In Yucatan
the fiber is known as jenequem, as indeed the plant is obtained from
it. Of the latter there are seven sorts or varieties for purposes of
cultivation; only two, the first and seventh, are also to be found
in a wild state. First, Chelem, apparently identical with Agave
angustifolia; this ranks first. Second, Yaxci (pronounced Yachki;
from yax, green, and tri, agave), the second in order; this is used
only for fine weaving. Third, Sacci (pronounced Sakki; sack, white),
the most important and productive, supplying almost exclusively the
fiber for exportation; each plant yields annually twenty-five leaves,
weighing twenty-five pounds, from which is obtained one pound of clear
fiber. Fourth, Chucumci, similar to No. 3, but coarser. Fifth, Babci;
the fiber very fair, but the leaves rather small, therefore not very
productive. Sixth, Citamci (pronounced Kitamki; kitam, hog); neither
good nor productive. Seventh, Cajun or Cajum, probably Fourcroya
cubensis; leaves small, from four to five inches long.

[Machine-spinning.] The cultivation of sisal has only in recent times
been prosecuted vigorously; and the extraction of the fiber from the
leaves, and the subsequent spinning for ships' rigging, are already
done by steam-machinery. This occupation is especially practiced by
the Maya Indians, a memorial of the Toltecs, who brought it with them
upon their emigration from Mexico, where it was in vogue long before
the arrival of the Spaniards.

[Profit.] The sisal cultivation yields an annual profit of 95 per
cent. A mecate, equal to five hundred seventy-six square yards (varas),
contains sixty-four plants, giving sixty-four pounds of clear fiber,
of the value of $3.84; which, after deducting $1.71, the cost of
obtaining it, leaves $2.13 remaining. The harvesting commences from
four to five years after the first laying out of the plantation,
and continues annually for about fifty or sixty years.

[Banana substitute unsatisfactory.] In tropical countries there
is scarcely a hut to be seen without banana trees surrounding it;
and the idea presented itself to many to utilize the fiber of these
plants, at that time entirely neglected, which might be done by the
mere labor of obtaining it; besides which, the little labor required
for their proper cultivation is quickly and amply repaid by their
abundant fruitfulness. [230]

This idea, however, under the existing circumstances, would certainly
not be advantageous in the Philippines, as it does not pay to obtain
bast from the genuine abacá plant as soon as it has borne fruit. The
fiber of the edible banana might very well be used as material for
paper-making, though obtaining it would cost more than the genuine
bandala.

[Fiber-extracting machinery.] In the Report of the Council of the
Society of Arts, London, May 11, 1860, attention was called to a
machine invented by F. Burke, of Montserrat, for obtaining fiber from
banana and other endogenous plants. While all the earlier machines
worked the fiber parallelwise, this one operated obliquely on it;
the consequence of which was that it was turned out particularly
clear. With this machine, from seven to nine per cent. of fibrous
substance may be obtained from the banana. The Tropical Fiber Company
have sent these machines to Demerara, also to Java and other places,
with the design of spinning the fiber of the edible banana, and also
to utilize some portions of the plant as materials in the manufacture
of paper. Proofs have already been brought forward of fiber obtained
in this manner in Java, the value of which to the spinner has been
reckoned at from £20 to £25. It does not appear, however, that these
promising experiments have led to any important results; at least,
the consular reports which have come to hand contain no information
on the subject. In the obtaining of bandala in the Philippines this
machine has not yet been used; nor has it even been seen, though the
English consul, in his latest report, complains that all the hitherto
ingeniously constructed machines have proved virtually useless.

The bast of the edible banana continues still to be used in the
Philippines, notwithstanding that the plants, instead of being grown,
as in many parts of America, in large well-tended gardens, are here
scattered around the huts; but the forwarding of the raw material,
the local transport, and the high freightage will always render this
material too expensive for the European market (considering always its
very ordinary quality)--£10 per ton at the very least; while "Sparto
grass" (Lygaeum spartum, Loeffl.), [Paper-making materials.] which
was imported some few years since in considerable quantities for
the purpose of paper-making, costs in London only £5 per ton. [231]
The jute (Corchurus casularis) coffee-sacks supply another cheap paper
material. These serve in the fabrication of strong brown packing paper,
as the fiber will not stand bleaching. According to P. Symmonds,
the United States in recent years have largely used bamboo. The rind
of the Adansonia digitata also yields an extremely good material;
in particular, paper made entirely from New Zealand flax deserves
consideration, being, by virtue of its superior toughness, eminently
suited for "bill paper."

[Preferability of discarded cloth.] It must not be overlooked that, in
the manufacture of paper, worn linen and cotton rags are the very best
materials that can be employed, and make the best paper. Moreover,
they are generally to be had for the trouble of collecting them,
after they have once covered the cost of their production in the
form of clothing materials; when, through being frayed by repeated
washings, they undergo a preparation which particularly adapts them
to the purpose of paper-making.

[Increasing use of wood and straw.] The more paper-making progresses,
the more are ligneous fibers brought forward, particularly wood and
straw, which produce really good pastes; all the raw materials being
imported from a distance. That England takes so much sparto is easily
explained by the fact that she has very little straw of her own,
for most of the grain consumed by her is received from abroad in a
granulated condition.


CHAPTER XXV


[Tobacco revenue.] Of all the productions of the country tobacco is
the most important, so far (at least) as concerns the Government,
which have the cultivation of this plant, its manipulation, and sale,
the subjects of an extensive and strictly guarded monopoly, and derives
a very considerable portion of the public revenue therefrom. [232]
As to the objections raised against this revenue on the score of its
being opposed to justice and morality, many other sources of revenue in
the colonial budget might be condemned (such as the poll-tax, gaming
and opium licenses, the brandy trade, and the sale of indulgences);
yet none is so invidious and pernicious as the tobacco monopoly.

[Injustice of the monopoly.] Often in the course of this narrative
of my travels I have had occasion to commend the clemency of the
Spanish Government. In glaring contrast therewith, however, stands the
management of the tobacco regulations. They appropriated the fields of
the peasantry without the slightest indemnification--fields which had
been brought under cultivation for their necessary means of sustenance;
forced them, under penalty of bodily punishment, to raise, on the
confiscated property, an article which required an immense amount
of trouble and attention, and which yielded a very uncertain crop;
and they then valued the harvested leaves arbitrarily and without any
appeal, and, in the most favorable case, paid for them at a nominal
price fixed by themselves. To be paid at all, indeed, appears to have
been a favor, for it has not been done in full now for several years in
succession. Spain regularly remains indebted to the unlucky peasants
in the amount of the miserable pittance allowed, from one year's end
to another. The Government ordered the officials to exact a higher
return from the impoverished population of the tobacco districts; and
even rewarded informers who, after pointing out fields already owned,
but which were considered suitable to the cultivation of tobacco,
were installed into possession of the proclaimed lands in the place
of the original owners.

For proofs of these accusations, one need only peruse a few paragraphs
contained in the following stringent regulations, entitled "General
Instructions," [233] and, further, a few extracts from the official
dispatches of Intendant-General Agius to the Colonial Minister:-- [234]

[Résumé of regulations] Cap. 25, § 329. The compulsory system of
cultivation in Cagayan, New Vizcaya, Gapan, Igorots, and Abra to
remain in force.

§ 331. The Director-General of the Government is authorized to
extend compulsory labor to the other provinces, or to abolish it
where already introduced. These instructions may be altered wholly
or in part as occasion requires.

§ 332. Prices may be either increased or lowered.

§ 337. Claims or actions concerning the possession of tobacco
lands pending before the usual tribunal shall not prevent such
lands from being used for the purposes of tobacco cultivation, the
present proprietor being under strict obligation to continue the
cultivation either in person or by substitute. (If he omits to do so,
the magistrate or judge takes upon himself to appoint such substitute.)

§ 351. The collectors have received denuncies, i.e. information,
that land adapted to tobacco growing is lying fallow, and that it is
private property. In case such land is really suitable to the purposes
of tobacco cultivation, the owners thereof are hereby summoned to
cultivate the same with tobacco in preference to anything else. At
the expiration of a certain space of time the land in question
is to be handed over to the informer. Be it known, however, that,
notwithstanding these enactments, the possessory title is not lost to
the owner, but he is compelled to relinquish all rights and usufruct
for three years.

Cap. 27, § 357. An important duty of the collector is to insure the
greatest possible extension of the tobacco cultivation upon all
suitable lands, but in particular upon those which are specially
convenient and fertile. Lands which, although suitable for tobacco
growing, were previously planted with rice or corn, shall, as far
as practicable, be replaced by forest clearings, in order, as far as
possible, to prevent famine and to bring the interests of the natives
into harmony with those of the authorities.

§ 351. In order that the work which the tobacco cultivation requires
may not be neglected by the natives, and that they may perform the
field work necessary for their sustenance, it is ordered that every
two persons working together shall, between them cultivate eight
thousand square varas, that is, two and one-half acres of tobacco land.

§ 362. Should this arrangement fail to be carried out either through
age, sickness, or death, it shall be left to the priest of the district
to determine what quantity of work can be accomplished by the little
children, having regard to their strength and number.

§ 369. Every collector who consigns from his district 1,000 fardos
more than in former years, shall receive for the overplus a double
gratuity, but this only where the proportion of first-class leaves
has not decreased.

§ 370. The same gratuity will be bestowed when there is no diminution
in bulk, and one-third of the leaves is of first-class quality.

The following sections regulate the action of the local authorities:--

§ 379. Every governor must present annually a list, revised by the
priest of the district, of all the inhabitants in his district of both
sexes, and of those of their children who are old enough to help in
the fields.

§ 430. The officers shall forward the emigrants on to Cagayan and
Nueva Vizcaya, and will be entrusted with $5 for that purpose, which
must be repaid by each individual, as they cannot be allowed to remain
indebted in their province.

§ 436. Further it is ordered by the Buen Gobierno (good government)
that no Filipino shall be liable for a sum exceeding $5, incurred
either as a loan or a simple debt. Thus the claim of a higher sum
can not impede emigration.

§ 437. The Hacienda (Public Treasury) shall pay the passage money
and the cost of maintenance from Ilocos.

§ 438. They are to be provided with the means of procuring cattle,
tools, etc., until the first harvest (although the Indian is only
liable for $5).

§ 439. Such advances are, it is true, personal and individual; but,
in the case of death or flight of the debtor, the whole village is
to be liable for the amount due.

[Tobacco from Mexico.] Tobacco (Nicotiana tabacum, L.) was introduced
into the Philippines soon after the arrival of the Spaniards by the
missionaries, who brought the seed with them from Mexico. [235] The
soil and climate being favorable to its production, and the pleasure
derived from it being speedily discovered by the natives, naturally
assisted in its rapid adoption. Next to the Cuban tobacco and a
few sorts of Turkish [236]it is admitted to be the best; and in the
colony it is asserted by competent judges that it would soon surpass
all others, if the existing regulations were abolished and free trade
established. There can be no doubt in the minds of impartial observers
that the quality and quantity of the produce might be considerably
increased by such a change; on the other hand, many of the prejudiced
officials certainly maintain the direct contrary. The real question is,
to what extent these expectations may be realized in the fulfilment of
such a measure; of course, bearing in mind that the judgment is swayed
by a strong desire for the abolition of a system which interferes at
present with their prospects of gain. But the fact is that, even now,
the native grown tobacco, notwithstanding all the defects inseparable
from an illicit trade, is equal to that produced by the [High grade
of Philippine product.] Government officials in their own factories,
and is valued at the same rate with many of the Havana brands; and
the Government cigars of the Philippines are preferred to all others
throughout Eastern Asia. Indeed, rich merchants, to whom a difference
of price is no object, as a rule take the Manila cigars before Havanas.

[Manila tobacco handicapped.] According to Agius ("Memoria," 1871), in
the European market the Manila tobacco was admitted to be without any
rival, with the sole exception of the Vuelta abajo of Cuba; and most
certainly in the Asiatic and Oceanic ports its superior quality was
undisputed, as the Havana tobacco loses its flavor on the long voyage
to these countries; but now, from year to year, it is surely losing its
reputation. If, then, the Manila cigars have not hitherto succeeded in
making themselves acceptable in Europe on account of their inferiority,
the blame is attributable simply to the system of compulsory labor,
and the chronic insolvency of the Insular Treasury, whilst the produce
of other tobacco countries has steadily progressed in quality in
consequence of free competition. The fame of the Manila cigars may
also have suffered in some slight measure from the wide-spread,
though perfectly erroneous, idea that they contained opium.

[Hampered by government restrictions.] How greatly the produce might be
increased by means of free trade is shown under other circumstances by
the example of Cuba. At the time when the Government there monopolized
the tobacco trade, the crops were only partly sufficient to cover
the home consumption; whereas, at the present time, Cuba supplies
all the markets of the world. [237] The decision of Captain-General
De la Gandara upon this question is in the highest degree worthy
of notice. In a MS. Report to the Colonial Minister, March, 1858,
concerning a measure for rendering the regulations of the tobacco
monopoly still more stringent, he says: "If the tobacco cultivation
is placed without restriction into the hands of private traders,
we shall most probably, in a few years, be in a position to command
nearly all the markets in the world." Most of the islands produce
tobacco. According to the quality of the produce, the tobacco
provinces rank in the following order: First, Cagayan and Isabela;
Second, Igorots; Third, Island of Mindanao; Fourth, Bisayas; Fifth,
Nueva Ecija.

[Origin of monopoly.] From the Government Order, dated November 20,
1625, it is evident that even at that early period the sale of betel
nut, palm spirit (toddy), tobacco, etc., was a Government monopoly: but
it does not seem to have been very strictly carried out. The tobacco
monopoly, as it stands at present, the whole trade of which from the
sowing of the seedling plants to the sale of the manufactured article
is exclusively in the hands of the Government, was first introduced by
Captain-General José Basco y Vargas. And a Government Order, under date
of January 9, 1780 (confirmed by Departmental Regulations, December
13, 1781), further enacted that the tobacco regulations should be
extended to the Philippine Islands, in like manner as in all Spanish
possessions in this and the other hemisphere (de uno y otto mundo).

[Governor Basco's innovations.] Before the administration of this
very jealous Governor, for a period of two hundred years the colony
received annual contributions from New Spain (Situado de Nueva
España). In order to relieve the Spanish Exchequer, from this charge
Basco introduced (at that time national economic ideas prevailed of
making the natural resources of a State supply its immediate wants)
a plan upon which, fifty years later, Java modelled its "Culture
System." In the Philippines, however, the conditions for this system
were less favorable. In addition to the very slight submissiveness
of the population, there were two great obstacles in the opposition
of the priests and the want of trustworthy officials. Of all the
provincial trades brought into existence by the energy of Basco, the
indigo cultivation is the only one that remains in the hands of private
individuals, the tobacco trade still being a Government monopoly. [238]
Basco first of all confined the monopoly to the provinces immediately
contiguous to the capital, in all of which the cultivation of tobacco
was forbidden under penalty of severe punishment, except by persons
duly authorized and in the service of the Government. [239] In the
other provinces the cultivation was to a certain extent permitted;
but the supply remaining after deduction of what was consumed in each
province was to be sold to the Government only.

[Speculation with public funds.] In the Bisayas the magistrates
purchased the tobacco for the Government and paid for it at the rate
previously fixed by the Government factories at Manila; and they
were allowed to employ the surplus money of the Government treasury
chest for this purpose. A worse system than this could scarcely be
devised. Officials, thinking only of their own private advantage,
suffered no competition in their provinces, employed their official
power to oppress the producer to the utmost extent, and thereby
naturally checked the production; and the Government treasury chest
consequently suffered frequent losses through bankruptcies, inasmuch
as the magistrates, who drew a salary of $600 and paid a license
of from $100 to $300 for the right of trading, in order to make
money quickly, engaged in the most hazardous speculations. In 1814
this stupid arrangement was first put an end to; and forthwith the
tobacco supplies from the Bisayas increased, through the competition
of the private dealers, who then, for the first time, had the power of
purchase; and from 1839 the planters were empowered to obtain higher
prices than those afforded by the greedy monopolizing magistrates. At
present, the following general regulations are in force, subject,
however, to continual variation in details.

[Changes bring improvement.] By a Departmental Order, September 5,
1865, the cultivation of tobacco was permitted in all the provinces,
though the produce was allowed to be sold only to the Government at
the price regulated by them. The wholesale purchases are made in Luzon
and the adjacent islands in fardos, [240] by "colleccion," that is,
direct through the finance officials, who have the management of
the plants from the sowing; but in the Bisayas by acopio; that is,
the Government officials buy up the tobacco tendered by the growers
or speculators by the cwt.

[Different usages in Bisayas and Mindanao.] In the Bisayas and in
Mindanao everybody is allowed to manufacture cigars for his own
particular use, though trade therein is strictly prohibited; and
advances to the tobacco growers are also made there; while in Luzon
and the neighboring islands the Government provides seed and seedling
plants. Here, however, no land which is adapted to the cultivation
of tobacco is allowed to be used for any other purpose of agriculture.

[Crude system of grading.] As the Financial Administration is
unable to classify the tobacco at its true value, as might be done
were free competition permitted, they have adopted the expedient of
determining the price by the size of the leaves; the care necessary
to be bestowed upon the training of the plants in order to produce
leaves of the required size being at least a guarantee of a certain
amount of proper attention and handling, even if it be productive of
no other direct good. [241]

[Burden knowingly increased.] It is well known at Madrid how the
tobacco monopoly, by oppressing the wretched population, interferes
with the prosperity of the colony; yet, to the present day, the
Government measures have been so arranged as to exact a still larger
gain from this very impolitic source of revenue.

["Killing the goose that lays the golden egg."] A Government Order of
January, 1866, directed the tobacco cultivation in the Philippines to
be extended as much as possible, in order to satisfy the requirements
of the colony, the mother country, and also the export trade;
and in the memorial already quoted, "reforms" are proposed by the
Captain-General, in the spirit of the goose with golden eggs. By
grafting new monopolies upon those already existing, he believes that
the tobacco produce can be increased from 182,102 cwt. (average of
the years 1860 to 1857) to 500,000, and even 800,000 cwt. Meantime,
with a view to obtaining increased prices, the Government resolved
to export the tobacco themselves to the usual markets for sale; and
in the year 1868 this resolution was really carried out. It was sent
to London, where it secured so favorable a market that it was at once
decreed that no tobacco in Manila should thenceforth be sold at less
than $25 per cwt. [242] This decree, however, referred only to the
first three qualities, the quantity of which decreased in a relative
measure with the increased pressure upon the population. Even in
the table annexed to the record of La Gandara this is very clearly
shown. Whilst the total produce for 1867 stood at 176,018 cwt. (not
much under the average of the years 1860 to 1857, viz., 182,102 cwt.),
the tobacco of the first class had decreased in quantity since 1862
from over 13,000 to less than 5,000 cwt.

[Gift to Spain of unusable tobacco.] The fourth, fifth, and sixth
classes, the greater part of which would before have been burnt, but
which now form no inconsiderable portion of the total crop, are in the
open markets positively unsaleable, and can be utilized only in the
form of a bonus to Spain, which annually receives, under the title of
atenciones á la peninsula, upwards of 100,000 cwt. If the colony were
not compelled to pay half the freight of these gifts, Spain would
certainly ask to be relieved of these "marks of attention." Seeing
that, according to the decision of the chief of the Government, the
greater portion of this tobacco is of such inferior quality that it
can find no purchaser at any price, it is impossible that its value
should cover either the cost of carriage or the customs duty. Moreover,
this tobacco tribute is a great burden on the colonial budget; which,
in spite of all deficits, is charged with the expenses attending the
collection of the tobacco, its packing, its cost of local transport,
and half the expense of its carriage to Europe.

[De La Gandara's proposed reforms.] Dated in March, 1871,--the
beginning of a Golden Age, if De La Gandara's plans had been carried
out and his expectations realized,--there exists an excellent
statement from the Intendant-General addressed to the Minister of
Colonies pointing out plainly to the chief of the Government the
disadvantages arising from this mode of administration, and urging the
immediate repeal of the monopoly. In the next place proof was adduced,
supported by official vouchers, that the profits derived from the
tobacco monopoly were much smaller than usual. The total average
receipts of the tobacco administration for the five years 1855 to
1869, according to official accounts, amounted to $5,367,262; for the
years 1866 to 1870, only $5,240,935. The expenses cannot be accurately
estimated, inasmuch as there are no strict accounts obtainable; if,
however, the respective expenses charged in the colonial budget are
added together, they amount to $3,717,322 of which $1,812,250 is for
purchase of raw tobacco.

[Slight real profit from monopoly.] Besides these expenses pertaining
exclusively to the tobacco administration there are still many other
different items to be taken into account; yet the cost incurred in
this branch of the service would be saved, if not altogether, at
least largely, if the State surrendered the tobacco monopoly. The
total of the disbursements must certainly, at the very lowest, be
estimated at $4,000,000; so, therefore, the State receives only a net
profit of $1,357,000; but even this is not to be reckoned on in the
future, for if the Government does not speedily cease carrying on this
trade, they will be forced into a very considerable and unavoidable
expense. To begin with, they must erect new factories and warehouses;
better machinery must be bought; wages will have to be considerably
increased; and, above all, means must be devised to pay off the
enormous sum of $1,600,000 in which the Government is indebted to the
peasants for the crops of 1869 and 1870, and to assure cash payments
for future harvests. "This is the only possible mode of preventing
the decay of the tobacco cultivation in the different provinces,
as well as relieving the misery of the wretched inhabitants."

[Suffering and law-breaking thru the monopoly.] Later Agius proved
how trifling in reality the arrears were on account of which the
Government was abandoning the future of the colony, and showed the
misfortunes, of which I shall mention, these briefly, only a few,
resulting from the monopoly. He represented that the people of the
tobacco district, who were the richest and most contented of all in the
Archipelago, found themselves plunged into the deepest distress after
the increase of the Government dues. They were, in fact, far more
cruelly treated than the slaves in Cuba, who, from self-interested
motives, are well-nourished and taken care of; whereas in this case,
the produce of compulsory labor has to be delivered to the State at an
arbitrarily determined price; and even this price is paid only when
the condition of the treasury, which is invariably in difficulties,
permits. Frequently their very means of subsistence failed them,
in consequence of their being forbidden to carry on the cultivation;
and the unfortunate people, having no other resources for the relief
of their pressing necessities, were compelled to alienate the debtor's
bond, which purchased the fruits of their enforced toil but had been
left unpaid. Thus, for an inconsiderable deficit of about $1,330,000,
the whole population of one of the richest provinces is thrown into
abject misery; a deep-rooted hatred naturally arises between the people
and their rulers; and incessant war ensues between the authorities
and their subjects. Besides which, an extremely dangerous class of
smugglers have recently arisen, who even now do not confine themselves
to mere smuggling, but who, on the very first opportunity presented by
the prevailing discontent, will band themselves together in one solid
body. The official administrators, too, are charged with gross bribery
and corruption; which, whether true or not, occasions great scandal,
and engenders increasing disrespect and distrust of the colonial
administration as well as of the Spanish people generally. [243]

[Growing opposition to the monopoly.] The preceding memorial has
been not only written, but also printed; and it seems to indicate
that gradually in Spain, and also in wider circles, people are
becoming convinced of the untenableness of the tobacco monopoly;
yet, in spite of this powerful review, it is considered doubtful by
competent judges whether it will be given up so long as there are any
apparent or appreciable returns derived therefrom. These acknowledged
evils have long been known to the Colonial Government; but, from
the frequent changes of ministers, and the increasing want of money,
the Government is compelled, so long as they are in office, to use
all possible means of obtaining profits, and to abstain from carrying
out these urgent reforms lest their own immediate downfall should be
involved therein. Let us, however, cherish the hope that increased
demand will cause a rise in the prices; a few particularly good crops,
and other propitious circumstances, would relieve at once the Insular
Treasury from its difficulties; and then the tobacco monopoly might be
cheerfully surrendered. One circumstance favorable to the economical
management of the State that would be produced by the surrender of
the tobacco monopoly would be the abolition of the numerous army of
officials which its administration requires. This might, however,
operate reversely in Spain. The number of place-hunters created
must be very welcome to the ministers in power, who thus have the
opportunity of providing their creatures with profitable places,
or of shipping off inconvenient persons to the Antipodes from the
mother-country, free of cost. The colony, be it known, has not only
to pay the salaries, but also to bear the cost of their outward and
homeward voyages. Any way, the custom is so liberally patronized that
occasionally new places have to be created in order to make room for
the newly-arrived nominees. [244]

[Wholesale rate highter than retail government.] At the time of
my visit, the royal factories could not turn out a supply of cigars
commensurate with the requirements of commerce; and this brought about
a peculiar condition of things; the wholesale dealer, who purchased
cigars in very considerable quantities at the government auctions,
paying higher than the retail rates at which he could buy them
singly in the estancia. In order, therefore, to prevent the merchants
drawing their stocks from the estancias, it was determined that only
a certain quantity should be purchased, which limit no merchant dared
exceed. A very intricate system of control, assisted by espionage,
had to be employed in seeing that no one, through different agents and
different estancias, collected more than the authorised supply; and
violation of this rule, when discovered, was punished by confiscation
of the offender's stock. Everybody was free to purchase cigars in the
estancia, but nobody was permitted to sell a chest of cigars to an
acquaintance at cost price. Several Spaniards with whom I have spoken
concerning these strange regulations maintained them to be perfectly
just, as otherwise all the cigars would be carried off by foreigners,
and they would not be able themselves in their own colony to smoke
a decent cigar.

[Money juggling.] There was, as I afterwards learnt, a still more
urgent reason for the existence of these decrees. The government
valued their own gold at sixteen dollars per ounce, while in commerce
it fetched less, and the premium on silver had, at one time, risen
to thirty-three per cent. Moreover, on account of the insufficient
quantity of copper money for minor currency, the small change
frequently gained a premium on the silver dollar, so much so that by
every purchaser not less than half a dollar was realized. In exchanging
the dollar from five to fifteen per cent discount was charged; it was
profitable, therefore, to purchase cigars in the estancias with the
gold ounce, and then to retail them in smaller quantities nominally
at the rate of the estancias. Both premiums together might in an
extreme case amount to as much as forty-three per cent. [245]

[Directions for cultivating tobacco] Not being able to give a
description of the cultivation of tobacco from personal knowledge
and experience, I refer the reader to the following short extract
from the Cartilla Agricola:--

Directions for preparing and laying out the seed beds.--A suitable
piece of land is to be enclosed quadrilaterally by boundaries,
ploughed two or three times, cleared of all weeds and roots, made
somewhat sloping, and surrounded by a shallow ditch, the bed of
which is to be divided by drains about two feet wide. The soil of
the same must be very fine, must be ground almost as fine as powder,
otherwise it will not mix freely and thoroughly with the extremely
fine tobacco seed. The seed is to be washed, and then suspended in
cloths during the day, in order to allow the water to run off; after
which it is to be mixed with a similar quantity of ashes, and strewn
carefully over the bed. The subsequent successful results depend
entirely upon the careful performance of this work. From the time
the seed first begins to sprout, the beds must be kept very clean, in
dry weather sprinkled daily, and protected from birds and animals by
brambles strewn over, and by means of light mats from storms and heavy
rains. After two months the plants will be between five and six inches
high, and generally have from four to six leaves; they must then be
replanted. This occurs, supposing the seed-beds to have been prepared
in September, about the beginning or the middle of November. A second
sowing takes place on the 15th of October, as much as a precaution
against possible failure, as for obtaining plants for the lowlands.

Concerning the land most advantageous to the tobacco and its
cultivation. Replanting of the seedlings.--Land must be chosen of
middling grain; somewhat difficult, calciferous soil is particularly
recommended, when it is richly fertilized with the remains of
decayed plants, and not less than two feet deep; and the deeper the
roots are inserted the higher will the plant grow. Of all the land
adapted to the tobacco cultivation, that in Cagayan is the best,
as from the overflowing of the large streams, which occurs every
year, it is laid under water, and annually receives a new stratum
of mud, which renders the soil particularly productive. Plantations
prepared upon such soil differ very materially from those less
favored and situated on a higher level. In the former the plants
shoot up quickly as soon as the roots strike; in the latter they
grow slowly and only reach a middling height. Again in the fertile
soil the plants produce quantities of large, strong, juicy leaves,
giving promise of a splendid harvest. In the other case the plants
remain considerably smaller and grow sparsely. Sometimes, however,
even the lowlands are flooded in January and February, and also in
March, when the tobacco has already been transplanted, and grown to
some little height. In that event everything is irreparably lost,
particularly if the flood should occur at a time when it is too late
to lay out new plantations. High-lying land also must, therefore, be
cultivated, in the hope that by very careful attention it may yield
a similar return. In October these fields must be ploughed three or
four times, and harrowed twice or thrice. On account of the floods,
the lowlands cannot be ploughed until the end of December, or the
middle of January; when the work is light and simple. The strongest
plants in the seed-beds are chosen, and set in the prepared grounds
at a distance of three feet from each other, care being taken that
the earth clinging to the roots is not shaken off.

Of the care necessary to be bestowed upon the plants.--In the east a
little screen, formed by two clods, is to be erected, with a view to
protecting the plant from the morning sun, and retaining the dew for
a longer time. The weeds to be carefully exterminated, and the wild
shoots removed. A grub which occasionally appears in great numbers is
particularly dangerous. Rain is very injurious immediately before the
ripening, when the plants are no longer in a condition to secrete the
gummy substance so essential to the tobacco, which, being soluble in
water, would be drawn off by the action of the rain. Tobacco which has
been exposed to bad weather is always deficient in juice and flavor,
and is full of white spots, a certain sign of its bad quality. The
injury is all the greater the nearer the tobacco is to its ripening
period; the leaves hanging down to the ground then decay, and must
be removed. If the subsoil is not deep enough, a carefully tended
plant will turn yellow, and nearly wither away. In wet seasons this
does not occur so generally, as the roots in insufficient depth are
enabled to find enough moisture.

Cutting and manipulation of the leaves in the drying shed.--The
topmost leaves ripen first; they are then of a dark yellow color, and
inflexible. They must be cut off as they ripen, collected into bundles,
and brought to the shed in covered carts. In wet or cloudy weather,
when the nightly dews have not been thoroughly evaporated by the sun,
they must not be cut. In the shed the leaves are to hang upon cords or
split Spanish cane, with sufficient room between them for ventilation
and drying. The dried leaves are then laid in piles, which must not
be too big, and frequently turned over. Extreme care must be taken
that they do not become overheated and ferment too strongly. This
operation, which is of the utmost importance to the quality of the
tobacco, demands great attention and skill, and must be continued
until nothing but an aromatic smell of tobacco can be noticed coming
from the leaves; but the necessary skill for this manipulation is only
to be acquired by long practice, and not from any written instructions.



CHAPTER XXVI


[Importance of Chinese.] An important portion of the population
remains to be discussed, viz. the Chinese, who are destined to play a
remarkable part, inasmuch as the development of the land-cultivation
demanded by the increasing trade and commercial intercourse can be
affected only by Chinese industry and perseverance. Manila has always
been a favorite place for Chinese immigrants; and neither the hostility
of the people, nor oppressing and prohibitory decrees for a long time
by the Government, not even the repeated massacres, have been able
to prevent their coming. The position of the Islands, south-east of
two of the most important of the Chinese provinces, must necessarily
have brought about a trade between the two countries very early, as
ships can make the voyage in either direction with a moderate wind,
as well in the south-west as the north-east monsoon. [Early Chinese
Associations.] In a few old writers may even be found the assertion
that the Philippine Islands were at one time subject to the dominion of
China; and Father Gaubil (Lettres Edifiantes) mentions that Jaung-lo
(of the Ming dynasty) maintained a fleet consisting of 30,000 men,
which at different times proceeded to Manila. The presence of their
ships as early as the arrival of Magellan in the extreme east
of the archipelago, as well as the China plates and earthenware
vessels discovered in the excavations, plainly show that the trade
with China had extended far earlier to the most distant islands of
the archipelago. It formed the chief support of the young Spanish
colony, and, after the rise of the Encomiendas, was nearly the only
source of its prosperity. It was feared that the junks would offer
their cargoes to the Dutch if any obstacle was put in the way of
their coming to Manila. The colony certainly could not maintain its
position without the "Sangleys," [246] who came annually in great
numbers in the junks from China, and spread all over the country and
in the towns as [Industrial and commercial activity.] shopkeepers,
artisans, gardeners, and fishermen; besides which, they were the
only skillful and industrious workers, as the Filipinos under the
priestly domination had forgotten altogether many trades in which
they had engaged in former times. I take these facts from Morga.

[Unsuccessful attempts at restriction.] In spite of all this, the
Spaniards have, from the very commencement, endeavored rigorously to
limit the number of the Chinese; who were then, as they are now, envied
and hated by the natives for their industry, frugality, and cunning, by
which means they soon became rich. They were an abomination, moreover,
in the eyes of the priests as being irreclaimable heathens, whose
example prevented the natives from making progress in the direction
of Christianity; and the government feared them on account of the
strong bond of union existing between them, and as being subjects of
so powerful a nation, whose close proximity threatened the small body
of Spaniards with destruction. [247] Fortunately for the latter, the
Ming dynasty, which at that time was hastening to its downfall, did
not think of conquest; but wickedly disposed powers which sprang into
existence upon their downfall brought the colony into extreme danger.

[Limahong and the Mandarins' visit.] In the attack of the noted pirate,
Limahong, in 1574, they escaped destruction only by a miracle; and
soon new dangers threatened them afresh. In 1603 a few mandarins came
to Manila, under the pretence of ascertaining whether the ground
about Cavite was really of gold. They were supposed to be spies,
and it was concluded, from their peculiar mission, that an attack
upon the colony was intended by the Chinese.

[Early massacre of Chinese.] The archbishop and the priests incited
the distrust which was felt against the numerous Chinese who were
settled in Manila. Mutual hate and suspicion arose; both parties feared
one another and prepared for hostilities. The Chinese commenced the
attack; but the united forces of the Spaniards, being supported by
the Japanese and the Filipinos, twenty-three thousand, according
to other reports twenty-five thousand, of the Chinese were either
killed or driven into the desert. When the news of this massacre
reached China, a letter from the Royal Commissioners was sent to the
Governor of Manila. That noteworthy document shows in so striking a
manner how hollow the great government was at that time that I have
given a literal translation of it at the end of this chapter.

[Chinese laborers limited.] After the extermination of the Chinese,
food and all Chinese other necessaries of life were difficult to
obtain on account of the utter unreliability of the natives for work;
but by 1605 the number of Chinese [248] had again so increased that
a decree was issued limiting them to six thousand, "these to be
employed in the cultivation of the country;" while at the same time
their rapid increase was taken advantage of by the captain-general
for his own interest, as he exacted eight dollars from each Chinaman
for permission to remain. In 1539 the Chinese population had risen to
thirty thousand, according to other information, to forty thousand,
when they revolted and were reduced to seven thousand. "The natives,
who generally were so listless and indifferent, showed the utmost
eagerness in assisting in the [Another massacre.] massacre of the
Chinese, but more from hatred of this industrious people than from
any feeling of friendship towards the Spaniards." [249]

[The pirate Kog-seng.] The void occasioned by this massacre was
soon filled up again by Chinese immigrants; and in 1662 the colony
was once more menaced with a new and great danger, by the Chinese
pirate Kog-seng, who had under his command between eighty and one
hundred thousand men, and who already had dispossessed the Dutch
of the Island of Formosa. He demanded the absolute submission of
the Philippines; his sudden death, however, saved the colony, and
occasioned a fresh outbreak of fury against the Chinese settlers in
Manila, a great number of whom were butchered in their own "quarter"
(ghetto). [250] Some dispersed and hid themselves; a few in their
terror plunged into the water or hanged themselves; and a great number
fled in small boats to Formosa. [251]

[Another expulsion.] In 1709 the jealousy against the Chinese once
more had reached such a height that they were accused of rebellion,
and particularly of monopolizing the trades, and, with the exception
of the most serviceable of the artisans and such of them as were
employed by the Government, they were once again expelled. Spanish
writers praise the salutariness of these measures; alleging that
"under the pretence of agriculture the Chinese carry on trade; they
are cunning and careful, making money and sending it to China, so that
they defraud the Philippines annually of an enormous amount." Sonnerat,
however, complains that art, trade, and commerce had not recovered
from these severe blows; though, he adds, fortunately the Chinese,
in spite of prohibitory decrees, are returning through the corrupt
connivance of the governor and officials.

[Thrifty traders.] To the present day they are blamed as being
monopolists, particularly by the creoles; and certainly, by means
of their steady industry and natural commercial aptitude, they
have appropriated nearly all the retail trade to themselves. The
sale of European imported goods is entirely in their hands; and the
wholesale purchase of the produce of the country for export is divided
between the natives, creoles, and the Chinese, the latter taking about
one-half. Before this time only the natives and creoles were permitted
to own ships for the purpose of forwarding the produce to Manila.

In 1757 the jealousy of the Spaniards broke out again in the form
of a new order from Madrid, directing the expulsion of the Chinese;
and in 1759 the decrees of banishment, which were repeatedly evaded,
were carried into effect: but, as the private interests of the
officials did not happen to coincide with those of the creole traders,
the consequence was that "the Chinese soon streamed back again in
incredible numbers," and made common cause with the English upon
their invasion in 1762. [252] [Anda's and 1819 massacres.] Thereupon,
Sr. Anda commanded "that all the Chinese in the Philippine Islands
should be hanged," which order was very generally carried out. [253]
The last great Chinese massacre took place in 1819, when the aliens
were suspected of having brought about the cholera by poisoning
the wells. The greater part of the Europeans in Manila also fell
victims to the fury of the populace, but the Spaniards generally were
spared. The prejudice of the Spaniards, especially of the creoles,
had always been directed against the Chinese tradesmen, who interfered
unpleasantly with the fleecing of the natives; and against this class
in particular were the laws of limitation aimed. They would willingly
have let them develop the country by farming but the hostility of
the natives generally prevented this.

[Expulsion of merchants from Manila.] A decree, issued in 1804,
commanded all Chinese shopkeepers to leave Manila within eight days,
only those who were married being allowed to keep shops; and their
residence in the provinces was permitted only upon the condition
that they confined themselves entirely to agriculture. Magistrates
who allowed these to travel in their districts were fined $200; the
deputy-governor $25; and the wretched Chinese were punished with from
two to three years' confinement in irons.

In 1839 the penalties against the Chinese were somewhat mitigated,
but those against the magistrates were still maintained on account
of their venality. In 1843 Chinese ships were placed upon terms of
equality with those of other foreign countries (Leg. Ult., II.,
476). In 1850 Captain-General Urbiztondo endeavored to introduce
Chinese colonial farming, and with this object promised a reduction
of the taxes to all agricultural immigrants. Many Chinese availed
themselves of this opportunity in order to escape the heavy poll-tax;
but in general they soon betook themselves to trading once more.

[Oppressive taxation.] Of late years the Chinese have not suffered
from the terrible massacres which used formerly to overtake them;
neither have they suffered banishment; the officials being content to
suppress their activity by means of heavy and oppressive taxes. For
instance, at the end of 1867 the Chinese shopkeepers were annually
taxed $50 for permission to send their goods to the weekly market;
this was in addition to a tax of from $12 to $100 on their occupations;
and at the same time they were commanded thenceforth to keep their
books in Spanish (English Consular Report, 1859).

[Excellent element in population.] The Chinese remain true to their
customs and mode of living in the Philippines, as they do everywhere
else. When they outwardly embrace Christianity, it is done merely to
facilitate marriage, or from some motive conducive to their worldly
advantage; and occasionally they renounce it, together with their
wives in Manila, when about to return home to China. Very many of
them, however, beget families, are excellent householders, and their
children in time form the most enterprising, industrious, and wealthy
portion of the resident population.

[Formidable competitors.] Invigorated by the severe struggle for
existence which they have experienced in their over-populated
country, the Chinese appear to preserve their capacity for labor
perfectly unimpaired by any climate. No nation can equal them in
contentedness, industry, perseverance, cunning, skill, and adroitness
in trades and mercantile matters. When once they gain a footing, they
generally appropriate the best part of the trade to themselves. In
all parts of external India they have dislodged from every field
of employment not only their native but, progressively, even their
European competitors. Not less qualified and successful are they in
the pursuance of agriculture than in trade. The emigration from the
too thickly peopled empire of China has scarcely begun. As yet it is
but a small stream, but it will by-and-by pour over all the tropical
countries of the East in one mighty torrent, completely destroying all
such minor obstacles as jealous interference and impotent precaution
might interpose.

[Sphere of futureinflunce.] Over every section of remote India,
in the South Sea, in the Indian Archipelago, in the states of South
America, the Chinese seem destined, in time, either to supplant every
other element, or to found a mixed race upon which to stamp their
individuality. In the Western States of the Union their number is
rapidly on the increase; and the factories in California are worked
entirely by them, achieving results that cannot be accomplished by
European labor.

[Mongolian vs. Caucasion in America.] One of the most interesting of
the many questions of large comprehensiveness which connect themselves
with the penetration of the Mongolian race into America, which up
till now it had been the fashion to regard as the inheritance of the
Caucasians, is the relative capacity of labor possessed by both these
two great races, who in the Western States of America have for the
first time measured their mutual strength in friendly rivalry. Both
are there represented in their most energetic individuality; [254]
and every nerve will be strained in carrying on the struggle, inasmuch
as no other country pays for labor at so high a rate.

[Efficiency and reliability of Chinese labor.] The conditions, however,
are not quite equal, as the law places certain obstacles in the way of
the Chinese. The courts do not protect them sufficiently from insult,
which at times is aggravated into malicious manslaughter through
the ill-usage of the mob, who hate them bitterly as being reserved,
uncompanionable workers. Nevertheless, the Chinese immigrants take
their stand firmly. The western division of the Pacific Railway has
been chiefly built by the Chinese, who, according to the testimony of
the engineers, surpass workmen of all other nationalities in diligence,
sobriety, and good conduct. What they lack in physical power they
make up for in perseverance and working intelligently together. The
unique and nearly incredible performance that took place on April 28,
1859, when ten miles of railway track were laid in eleven working
hours along a division of land which had in no way been prepared
beforehand, was accomplished by Chinese workmen; and indeed only by
them could it have been practicable. [255]

[Chinese cleverness and industry.] Of course, the superiority of the
European in respect Chinese of the highest intellectual faculties is
not for a moment to be doubted; but, in all branches of commercial
life in which cleverness and perservering industry are necessary to
success, the Chinese certainly appear entitled to the award. To us
it appears that the influx of Chinese must certainly sooner or later
kindle a struggle between capital and labor, in order to set a limit
upon demands perceptibly growing beyond moderation.

[Chinese problem in America.] The increasing Chinese immigration
already intrudes upon the attention of American statesmen questions of
the utmost social and political importance. What influence will this
entirely new and strange element exercise over the conformation of
American relations? Will the Chinese found a State in the States, or go
into the Union on terms of political equality with the other citizens,
and form a new race by alliance with the Caucasian element? These
problems, which can only be touched upon here in a transitory form,
have been dealt with in a masterly manner by Pumpelly, in his work
Across America and Asia, published in London in 1870.


Letter of the Commissary-General of Chinchew to Don Pedro De Acuña,
Governor of the Philippines

To the powerful Captain-General of Luzon:

"Having been given to understand that the Chinese who proceeded to
the kingdom of Luzon in order to buy and sell had been murdered by
the Spaniards, I have investigated the motives for these massacres,
and begged the Emperor to exercise justice upon those who had engaged
in these abominable offences, with a view to security in the future.

"In former years, before my arrival here as royal commissioner, a
Chinese merchant named Tioneg, together with three mandarins, went
with the permission of the Emperor of China from Luzon to Cavite,
for the purpose of prospecting for gold and silver; which appears to
have been an excuse, for he found neither gold nor silver; I thereupon
prayed the Emperor to punish this imposter Tioneg, thereby making
patent the strict justice which is exercised in China.

"It was during the administration of the ex-Viceroy and Eunuchs
that Tioneg and his companion, named Yanglion, uttered the untruth
already stated; and subsequently I begged the Emperor to transmit
all the papers bearing upon the matter, together with the minutes
of Tioneg's accusation; when I myself examined the before-mentioned
papers, and knew that everything that the accused Tioneg had said
was utterly untrue.

"I wrote to the Emperor and stated that, on account of the untruth
which Tioneg had been guilty of, the Castilians entertained the
suspicion that he wished to make war upon them, and that they,
under this idea, had murdered more than thirty thousand Chinese in
Luzon. The Emperor, complying with my request, punished the accused
Yanglion, though he omitted to put him to death; neither was Tioneg
beheaded or confined in a cage. The Chinese people who had settled in
Luzon were in no way to blame. I and others discussed this with the
Emperor in order to ascertain what his pleasure was in this matter,
as well as in another, namely, the arrival of two English ships on
the coast of Chinchew (Fukien or Amoy district)--a very dangerous
circumstance for China; and to obtain His Imperial Majesty's decision
as to both these most serious matters.

"We also wrote to the Emperor that he should direct the punishment of
both these Chinese; and, in acknowledging our communication, he replied
to us, in respect to the English ships which had arrived in China,
that in case they had come for the purpose of plundering, they should
be immediately commanded to depart thence for Luzon; and, with regard
to the Luzon difficulty, that the Castilians should be advised to give
no credence to rogues and liars from China; and both the Chinese who
had discovered the harbor to the English should be executed forthwith;
and that in all other matters upon which we had written to him, our
will should be his. Upon receipt of this message by us--the Viceroy,
the Eunuch, and myself--we hereby send this our message to the Governor
of Luzon, that his Excellency may know the greatness of the Emperor
of China and of his Empire, for he is so powerful that he commands
all upon which the sun and moon shine, and also that the Governor of
Luzon may learn with what great wisdom this mighty empire is governed,
and which power no one for many years has attempted to insult, although
the Japanese have sought to disturb the tranquillity of Korea, which
belongs to the Government of China. They did not succeed, but on the
contrary were driven out, and Korea has remained in perfect security
and peace, which those in Luzon well know by report.

"Years ago, after we learnt that so many Chinese perished in Luzon
on account of Tioneg's lies, many of us mandarins met together,
and resolved to leave it to the consideration of the Emperor to
take vengeance for so great a massacre; and we said as follows:--The
country of Luzon is a wretched one, and of very little importance. It
was at one time only the abode of devils and serpents; and only
because (within the last few years) so large a number of Chinese
went thither for the purpose of trading with the Castilians has it
improved to such an extent; in which improvement the accused Sangleyes
materially assisted by hard labor, the walls being raised by them,
houses built, and gardens laid out, and other matters accomplished
of the greatest use to the Castilians; and now the question is, why
has no consideration been paid for these services, and these good
offices acknowledged with thanks, without cruelly murdering so many
people? And although we wrote to the King twice or thrice concerning
the circumstances, he answered us that he was indignant about the
before-mentioned occurrences, and said for three reasons it is not
advisable to execute vengeance, nor to war against Luzon. The first
is that for a long time till now the Castilians have been friends
of the Chinese; the second, that no one can predict whether the
Castilians or the Chinese would be victorious; and the third and last
reason is, because those whom the Castilians have killed were wicked
people, ungrateful to China, their native country, their elders,
and their parents, as they have not returned to China now for very
many years. These people, said the Emperor, he valued but little for
the foregoing reasons; and he commanded the Viceroy, the Eunuch, and
myself, to send this letter through those messengers, so that all in
Luzon may know that the Emperor of China has a generous heart, great
forbearance, and much mercy, in not declaring war against Luzon; and
his justice is indeed manifest, as he has already punished the liar
Tioneg. Now, as the Spaniards are wise and intelligent, how does it
happen that they are not sorry for having massacred so many people,
feeling no repentance thereat, and also are not kinder to those of the
Chinese who are still left? Then when the Castilians show a feeling of
good-will, and the Chinese and Sangleyes who left after the dispute
return, and the indebted money is repaid, and the property which was
taken from the Sangleyes restored, then friendship will again exist
between this empire and that, and every year trading-ships shall come
and go; but if not, then the Emperor will allow no trading, but on the
contrary will at once command a thousand ships of war to be built,
manned with soldiers and relations of the slain, and will, with the
assistance of other peoples and kingdoms who pay tribute to China, wage
relentless war, without quarter to any one; and upon its conclusion
will present the kingdom of Luzon to those who do homage to China.

"This letter is written by the Visitor-General on the 12th of the
second month."

A contemporary letter of the Ruler of Japan forms a somewhat notable
contrast:--


Letter of Daifusama, Ruler of Japan

"To the Governor Don Pedro de Acuña, in the year 1605:

"I have received two letters from your Excellency, as also all the
donations and presents described in the inventory. Amongst them was
the wine made from grapes, which I enjoyed very much. In former years
your Excellency requested that six ships might come here, and recently
four, which request I have always complied with.

"But my great displeasure has been excited by the fact that of the four
ships upon whose behalf your Excellency interposed, one from Antonio
made the journey without my permission. This was a circumstance of
great audacity, and a mark of disrespect to me. Does your Excellency
wish to send that ship to Japan without my permission?

"Independently of this, your Excellency and others have many times
discussed with me concerning the antecedents and interests of Japan,
and many other matters, your requests respecting which I cannot comply
with. This territory is called Xincoco, which means 'consecrated to
Idols,' which have been honored with the highest reverence from the
days of our ancestor until now, and whose actions I alone can neither
undo nor destroy. Wherefore, it is in no way fitting that your laws
should be promulgated and spread over Japan; and if, in consequence
of these misunderstandings, your Excellency's friendship with the
empire of Japan should cease, and with me likewise, it must be so,
for I must do that which I think is right, and nothing which is
contrary to my own pleasure.

"Finally, I have heard it frequently said, as a reproach, that many
Japanese--wicked, corrupt men--go to your kingdom, remaining there
many years, and then return to Japan. This complaint excites my anger,
and therefore I must request your Excellency henceforth not to allow
such persons to return in the ships which trade here. Concerning the
remaining matters, I trust your Excellency will hereafter employ your
judgment and circumspection in such a manner as to avoid incurring
my displeasure for the future."


CHAPTER XXVII


[Spain's discovery and occupation.] The Philippines were discovered
by Magellan on the 16th of March, 1521--St. Lazarus' day. [256]
But it was not until 1564, [257] after many previous efforts had
miscarried, that Legaspi, who left New Spain with five ships, took
possession of the Archipelago in the name of Philip II. The discoverer
had christened the islands after the sanctified Lazarus. This name,
however, never grew into general use; [Numerous names.] the Spaniards
persistently calling them the Western Islands--Islas del Poniente;
and the Portuguese, Islas del Oriente. Legaspi gave them their present
name [258] in honor of Philip II, who, in his turn, conferred upon
them the again extinct name of New Castile. [259] Legaspi first of
all annexed Cebu, and then Panay; and six years later, in 1571, he
first sub dued Manila, which was at that time a village surrounded by
palisades, and commenced forthwith the construction of a fortified
town. The subjection of the remaining territory was effected so
quickly that, upon the death of Legaspi (in August, 1572), all the
western parts were in possession of the Spaniards. [Mindanao and
Sulu independent.] Numerous wild tribes in the interior, however,
the Mahomedan states of Mindanao and the Sulu group, for example,
have to this day preserved their independence. The character of
the people, as well as their political disposition, favored the
occupancy. There was no mighty power, no old dynasty, no influential
priestly domination to overcome, no traditions of national pride to
suppress. The natives were either heathens, or recently proselytized
superficially to Islamism, and lived under numerous petty chiefs, who
ruled them despotically, made war upon one another, and were easily
subdued. Such a community was called Barangay; and it forms to this
day, though in a considerably modified form, the foundation of the
constitutional laws. [Spanish improvemnts.] The Spaniards limited the
power of the petty chiefs, upheld slavery, and abolished hereditary
nobility and dignity, substituting in its place an aristocracy
created by themselves for services rendered to the State; but they
carried out all these changes very gradually and cautiously. [260]
The old usages and laws, so long as they did not interfere with the
natural course of government, remained untouched and were operative
by legal sanction; and even in criminal matters their validity was
equal to those emanating from the Spanish courts. To this day the
chiefs of Barangay, with the exception of those bearing the title
of "Don," have no privileges save exemption from the poll-tax and
socage service. [Unthinking policy of greed.] They are virtually
tax-collectors, excepting that they are not paid for such service,
and their private means are made responsible for any deficit. The
prudence of such a measure might well be doubted, without regard to
the fact that it tempts the chiefs to embezzlement and extortion;
and it must alienate a class of natives who would otherwise be a
support to the Government.

[High character of early administrators.] Since the measures adopted in
alleviation of the conquest and occupancy succeeded in so remarkable
a manner, the governors and their subordinates of those days, at a
time when Spain was powerful and chivalrous, naturally appear to have
been distinguished for wisdom and high spirit. Legaspi possessed both
qualities in a marked degree. Hardy adventurers were tempted there,
as in America, by privileges and inducements which power afforded
them; as well as by the hope, which, fortunately for the country, was
never realized, of its being rich in auriferous deposits. In Luzon,
for instance, Hernando Riquel stated that there were many goldmines in
several places which were seen by the Spaniards; "the ore is so rich
that I will not write any more about it, as I might possibly come under
a suspicion of exaggerating; but I swear by Christ that there is more
gold on this island than there is iron in all Biscay." [Conquerors
on commission.] They received no pay from the kingdom; but a formal
right was given them to profit by any territory which was brought into
subjection by them. Some of these expeditions in search of conquest
were enterprises undertaken for private gain, others for the benefit
of the governor; and such service was rewarded by him with grants of
lands, carrying an annuity, offices, and other benefits (encomiendas,
oficios y aprovechamientos). The grants were at first made for three
generations (in New Spain for four), but were very soon limited
to two; when De los Rios pointed this out as being a measure very
prejudicial to the Crown, "since they were little prepared to serve
his Majesty, as their grand-children had fallen into the most extreme
poverty." After the death of the feoffee the grant reverted to the
State; and the governor thereupon disposed of it anew.

[The feudal "encomiendas."] The whole country at the outset was
completely divided into these livings, the defraying of which formed by
far the largest portion of the expenses of the kingdom. Investitures of
a similar nature existed, more or less, in a territory of considerable
extent, the inhabitants of which had to pay tribute to the feoffee;
and this tribute had to be raised out of agricultural produce, the
value of which was fixed by the feudal lord at a very low rate, but
sold by him to the Chinese at a considerable profit. The feudal lords,
moreover, were not satisfied with these receipts, but held the natives
in a state of slavery, until forbidden by a Bull of Pope Gregory XIV,
dated April 18, 1591. Kafir and negro slaves, whom the Portuguese
imported by way of India, were, however, still permitted.

[Extortions of encomenderos.] The original holders of feudal tenures
amassed considerable booty therefrom. Zuñiga relates that as early
as the time of Lavezares, who was provisional governor between 1572
and 1575, he visited the Bisayas and checked the covetousness of
the encomenderos, so that at least during his rule they relaxed
their system of extortion. Towards the end of Sande's government
(1575-80) a furious quarrel broke out between the priests and the
encomenderos; the first preached against the oppression of the
latter, and memorialized Philip II thereon. The king commanded that
the natives should be protected, as the extortionate greed of the
feudal chiefs had exceeded all bounds; and the natives were then at
liberty to pay their tribute either in money or in kind. The result of
this well-intentioned regulation appears to have produced a greater
assiduity both in agriculture and trade, "as the natives preferred
to work without coercion, not on account of extreme want." [Salcedo
"most illustrious of the conquerors."] And here I may briefly refer to
the achievements of Juan de Salcedo, the most illustrious of all the
conquerors. Supported by his grandfather, Legaspi, with forty-five
Spanish soldiers, he fitted out an expedition at his own expense,
embarked at Manila, in May, 1572, examined all parts of the west coast
of the island, landed in all the bays which were accessible to his
light-draught ships, and was well received by the natives at most of
the places. He generally found great opposition in penetrating into
the interior; yet he succeeded in subduing many of the inland tribes;
and when he reached Cape Bojeador, the north-west point of Luzon, the
extensive territory which at present forms the provinces of Zambales,
Pangasinan, and Ilocos Notre and Sur, acknowledged the Spanish
rule. The exhaustion of his soldiers obliged Salcedo to return. In
Vigan, the present capital of Ilocos Sur, he constructed a fort, and
left therein for its protection his lieutenant and twenty-five men,
while he himself returned, accompanied only by seventeen soldiers, in
three small vessels. In this manner he reached the Cagayan River, and
proceeded up it until forced by the great number of hostile natives to
retreat to the sea. Pursuing the voyage to the east coast, he came down
in course of time to Paracale, where he embarked in a boat for Manila,
was capsized, and rescued from drowning by some passing natives.

["The Cortes of the Philippines."] In the meantime Legaspi had died,
and Lavezares was provisionally carrying on the government. Salcedo
heard of this with vexation at being passed over; but, when he
recovered from his jealousy, he was entrusted with the subjugation of
Camarines, which he accomplished in a short time. In 1574 he returned
to Ilocos, in order to distribute annuities among his soldiers, and to
receive his own share. While still employed upon the building of Vigan,
he discovered the fleet of the notorious Chinese pirate, Limahong, who,
bent upon taking possession of the colony, was then passing that part
of the coast with sixty-two ships and a large number of soldiers. He
hastened at once, with all the help which he could summon together in
the neighborhood, to Manila, where he was nominated to the command of
the troops, in the place of the already deposed master of the forces;
and he drove the Chinese from the town, which they had destroyed. They
then withdrew to Pangasinan, and Salcedo burnt their fleet; which
exploit was achieved with very great difficulty. In 1576 this Cortes
of the Philippines died. [261]

[Commercial importance of early Manila.] Apart from the priests, the
first-comers consisted only of officials, soldiers, and sailors; and to
them, naturally, fell all the high profits of the China trade. Manila
was their chief market, and it also attracted a great portion of the
external Indian trade, which the Portuguese had frightened away from
Malacca by their excessive cruelty. The Portuguese, it is true, still
remained in Macao and the Moluccas: but they wanted those remittances
which were almost exclusively sought after by the Chinese, viz.,
the silver which Manila received from New Spain.

[Spain and Portugal united.] In 1580 Portugal, together with all
its colonies, was handed over to the Spanish Crown; and the period
extending from this event to the decay of Portugal (1580-1640)
witnessed the Philippines at the height of their power and prosperity.

[Manila as capital of a vast empire.] The Governor of Manila ruled
over a part of Mindanao, Sulu, the Moluccas, Formosa, and the original
Portuguese possessions in Malacca and India. "All that lies between
Cape Singapore and Japan is subject to Luzon; their ships cross the
ocean to China and New Spain, and drive so magnificent a trade that,
if it were only free, it would be the most extraordinary that the
world could show. It is incredible what glory these islands confer
upon Spain. The Governor of the Philippines treats with the Kings of
Cambodia, Japan, China. The first is his ally, the last his friend;
and the same with Japan. He declares war or peace, without waiting
for the command from distant Spain." [262] [Dutch opposition.] But
the Dutch had now begun the struggle, which they managed to carry
on against Philip II in every corner of the world; and even in 1510
De Los Rios complained that he found the country very much altered
through the progress and advance made by the Dutch; also that the Moros
of Mindanao and Sulu, feeling that they were supported by Holland,
were continually in a state of discontent.

[Decline of colony.] The downfall of Portugal occasioned the loss of
her colonies once more. Spanish policy, the government of the priests,
and the jealousy of the Spanish merchants and traders especially,
did everything that remained to be done to prevent the development
of agriculture and commerce--perhaps, on the whole, fortunately,
for the natives.

[Philippine history unimportant and unsatisfactory.] The
subsequent history of the Philippines is, in all its particulars,
quite as unsatisfactory and uninteresting as that of all the other
Spanish-American possessions. Ineffectual expeditions against pirates,
and continual disputes between the clerical and secular authorities,
form the principal incidents. [263]

[Undesirable emigrants from Spain.] After the first excitement of
religious belief and military renown had subsided, the minds of those
who went later to these outlying possessions, consisting generally as
they did of the very dregs of the nation, were seized with an intense
feeling of selfishness; and frauds and speculations were the natural
sequence. The Spanish writers are full of descriptions of the wretched
state of society then existing, which it is unnecessary to repeat here.

[English occupation.] The colony had scarcely been molested by
external enemies, with the exception of pirates. In the earliest time
the Dutch had engaged occasionally in attacks on the Bisayas. But
in 1762 (during the war of the Bourbon succession) an English fleet
suddenly appeared before Manila, and took the surprised town without
any difficulty. The Chinese allied themselves with the English. A
great insurrection broke out among the Filipinos, and the colony,
under the provisional government of a feeble archbishop, was for a
time in great danger. It was reserved for other dignitaries of the
Church and Anda, an energetic patriot, to inflame the natives against
the foreigners; and the opposition incited by the zealousness of the
priests grew to such an extent that the English, who were confined in
the town, were actually glad to be able to retreat. In the following
year the news arrived from Europe of the conclusion of peace; but
in the interval this insurrection, brought about by the invasion,
had rapidly and considerably extended; and it was not suppressed
until 1765, when the work was accomplished by creating enmity among
the different tribes. [264] But this was not done without a loss to
the province of Ilocos of two hundred sixty-nine thousand two hundred
and seventy persons--half of the population, as represented by Zuñiga.

[Many minor uprisings from local grievances.] Severity and want of
tact on the part of the Government and their instruments, as well as
bigoted dissensions have caused many revolts of the natives; yet none,
it is true, of any great danger to the Spanish rule. The discontent
has always been confined to a single district, as the natives do
not form a united nation; neither the bond of a common speech nor
a general interest binding the different tribes together. The state
communications and laws among them scarcely reach beyond the borders
of the villages and their dependencies.

[Danger from mestizos and creoles.] A consideration of far more
importance to the distant metropolis than the condition of the
constantly excited natives, who are politically divided among
themselves, and really have no steady object in view, is the attitude
of the mestizos and creoles, whose discontent increases in proportion
to their numbers and prosperity. The military revolt which broke
out in 1823, the leaders of which were two creoles, might easily
have terminated fatally for Spain. The latest of all the risings of
the mestizos seems to have been the most dangerous, not only to the
Spanish power, but to all the European population. [265]

[Cavite 1872 mutiny.] On the 20th of January, 1872, between eight and
nine in the evening, the artillery, marines, and the garrison of the
arsenal revolted in Cavite, the naval base of the Philippines, and
murdered their officers; and a lieutenant who endeavored to carry the
intelligence to Manila fell into the hands of a crowd of natives. The
news therefore did not reach the capital until the next morning, when
all the available troops were at once dispatched, and, after a heavy
preliminary struggle, they succeeded the following day in storming
the citadel. A dreadful slaughter of the rebels ensued. Not a soul
escaped. Among them was not a single European; but there were many
mestizos, of whom several were priests and lawyers. Though perhaps
the first accounts, written under the influence of terror, may have
exaggerated many particulars, yet both official and private letters
agree in describing the conspiracy as being long contemplated, widely
spread, and well planned. The whole fleet and a large number of troops
were absent at the time, engaged in the expedition against Sulu. A
portion of the garrison of Manila were to rise at the same time as
the revolt in Cavite, and thousands of natives were to precipitate
themselves on the caras blancas (pale faces), and murder them. The
failure of the conspiracy was, it appears, only attributable to a
fortunate accident--to the circumstance, namely, that a body of the
rebels mistook some rocket fired upon the occasion of a Church festival
for the agreed signal, and commenced the attack too soon. [266]

[Summing up.] Let me be permitted, in conclusion, to bring together a
few observations which have been scattered through the text, touching
the relations of the Philippines with foreign countries, and briefly
speculate thereon.

[Credit due Spain.] Credit is certainly due to Spain for having
bettered the condition of a people who, though comparatively speaking
highly civilized, yet being continually distracted by petty wars,
had sunk into a disordered and uncultivated state. The inhabitants of
these beautiful islands, upon the whole, may well be considered to
have lived as comfortably during the last hundred years, protected
from all external enemies and governed by mild laws, as those of
any other tropical country under native or European sway,--owing,
in some measure, to the frequently discussed peculiar circumstances
which protect the interests of the natives.

[Friars an important factor.] The friars, also, have certainly had
an essential part in the production of the results.

[Their defects have worked out for good.] Sprung from the lowest
orders, inured to hardship and want, and on terms of the closest
intimacy with the natives, they were peculiarly fitted to introduce
them to a practical conformity with the new religion and code
of morality. Later on, also, when they possessed rich livings,
and their devout and zealous interest in the welfare of the masses
relaxed in proportion as their incomes increased, they materially
assisted in bringing about the circumstances already described,
with their favorable and unfavorable aspects. Further, possessing
neither family nor good education, they were disposed to associate
themselves intimately with the natives and their requirements;
and their arrogant opposition to the temporal power generally arose
through their connection with the natives. With the altered condition
of things, however, all this has disappeared. The colony can no
longer be kept secluded from the world. Every facility afforded for
commercial intercourse is a blow to the old system, and a great step
made in the direction of broad and liberal reforms. The more foreign
capital and foreign ideas and customs are introduced, increasing
the prosperity, enlightenment, and self-respect of the population,
the more impatiently will the existing evils be endured.

[Contrast with English colonies.] England can and does open her
possessions unconcernedly to the world. The British colonies are
united to the mother country by the bond of mutual advantage,
viz. the production of raw material by means of English capital,
and the exchange of the same for English manufactures. The wealth
of England is so great, the organization of her commerce with the
world so complete, that nearly all the foreigners even in the British
possessions are for the most part agents for English business houses,
which would scarcely be affected, at least to any marked extent,
by a political dismemberment. It is entirely different with Spain,
which possesses the colony as an inherited property, and without the
power of turning it to any useful account.

[Menaces to Spanish rule.] Government monopolies rigorously maintained,
insolent disregard and neglect of the mestizos and powerful creoles,
and the example of the United States, were the chief reasons of the
downfall of the American possessions. The same causes threaten ruin
to the Philippines: but of the monopolies I have said enough.

[Growing American influence.] Mestizos and creoles, it is true, are
not, as they formerly were in America, excluded from all official
appointments; but they feel deeply hurt and injured through the
crowds of place-hunters which the frequent changes of ministries
send to Manila. The influence, also, of the American element is at
least visible on the horizon, and will be more noticeable when the
relations increase between the two countries. At present they are
very slender. The trade in the meantime follows in its old channels to
England and to the Atlantic ports of the United States. Nevertheless,
whoever desires to form an opinion upon the future history of the
Philippines, must not consider simply their relations to Spain,
but must have regard to the prodigious changes which a few decades
produce on either side of our planet.

[Powerful neighbors] For the first time in the history of the world
the mighty powers on both sides of the ocean have commenced to enter
upon a direct intercourse with one another--Russia, which alone is
larger than any two other parts of the earth; China, which contains
within its own boundaries a third of the population of the world;
and America, with ground under cultivation nearly sufficient to feed
treble the total population of the earth. Russia's future role in
the Pacific Ocean is not to be estimated at present.

[China and America.] The trade between the two other great powers will
therefore be presumably all the heavier, as the rectification of the
pressing need of human labor on the one side, and of the corresponding
overplus on the other, will fall to them.

[Nearing predominance of the Pacific.] The world of the ancients was
confined to the shores of the Mediterranean; and the Atlantic and
Indian Oceans sufficed at one time for our traffic. When first the
shores of the Pacific re-echoed with the sounds of active commerce,
the trade of the world and the history of the world may be really
said to have begun. A start in that direction has been made; whereas
not so very long ago the immense ocean was one wide waste of waters,
traversed from both points only once a year. From 1603 to 1769 scarcely
a ship had ever visited California, that wonderful country which,
twenty-five years ago, with the exception of a few places on the coast,
was an unknown wilderness, but which is now covered with flourishing
and prosperous towns and cities, served by a sea-to-sea railway, and
its capital already ranking the third of the seaports of the Union;
even at this early stage of its existence a central point of the
world's commerce, and apparently destined, by the proposed junction
of the great oceans, to play a most important part in the future.

[The mission of America.] In proportion as the navigation of the west
coast of America extends the influence of the American element over
the South Sea, the captivating, magic power which the great republic
exercises over the Spanish colonies [267] will not fail to make itself
felt also in the Philippines, The Americans are evidently destined to
bring to a full development the germs originated by the Spaniards. As
conquerors of modern times, representing the age of free citizens in
contrast to the age of knighthood, they follow with the plow and the
axe of the pioneer, where the former advanced under the sign of the
cross with their swords.

[Superiority over Spanish system.] A considerable portion of
Spanish-America already belongs to the United States, and has since
attained an importance which could not possibly have been anticipated
either under the Spanish Government or during the anarchy which
followed. With regard to permanence, the Spanish system cannot for a
moment be compared with that of America. While each of the colonies,
in order to favor a privileged class by immediate gains, exhausted
still more the already enfeebled population of the metropolis by the
withdrawal of the best of its ability, America, on the contrary, has
attracted to itself from all countries the most energetic element,
which, once on its soil and, freed from all fetters, restlessly
progressing, has extended its power and influence still further and
further. The Philippines will escape the action of the two great
neighboring powers all the less for the fact that neither they nor
their metropolis find their condition of a stable and well-balanced
nature.

[Need of Philippine awakening.] It seems to be desirable for the
Filipinos that the above-mentioned views should not speedily become
accomplished facts, because their education and training hitherto
have not been of a nature to prepare them successfully to compete
with either of the other two energetic, creative, and progressive
nations. They have, in truth, dreamed away their best days.



PART II

State of the Philippines in 1810

By Tomas de Comyn

[Population.] The enumeration of the natives for the assessment
of tributes, in the manner ordained by the standing regulations
of the Intendants of New Spain, is not observed in the Philippine
Islands; nor indeed would this be an easy task. The wide extent of
the twenty-seven provinces of which they are composed, scattered, as
they are, through the great space comprehended between the southern
part of Mindanao, and the almost desert islands known by the name of
Batanes and Babuyanes, to the north of that of Luzon, presents almost
insurmountable obstacles, and in some measure affords an excuse for
the omission. Among these obstacles may be mentioned the necessity of
waiting for the favorable monsoon to set in, in order to perform the
several voyages from one island to the other; the encumbered state
of the grounds in many parts, the irregular and scattered situations
of the settlements and dwellings, the variety among the natives and
their dialects, the imperfect knowledge hitherto obtained of the
respective limits and extent of many districts, the general want of
guides and auxiliaries, on whom reliance can be placed, and, above all,
the extreme repugnance the natives evince to the payment of tributes,
a circumstance which induces them to resort to all kinds of stratagems,
in order to elude the vigilance of the collectors, and conceal their
real numbers.

[Estimates.] The quinquennial census, as regularly enjoined, being
thus found impracticable, no other means are left than to deduce from
the annual lists, transmitted by the district magistrates to the
superintendent's office, and those formed by the parish curates, a
prudent estimate of the total number of inhabitants subject to our laws
and religion; yet these data, although the only ones, and also the most
accurate it is possible to obtain, for this reason, inspire so little
confidence, that it is necessary to use them with great caution. It is
evident that all the district magistrates and curates do not possess
the same degree of care and minuteness in a research so important,
and the omission or connivance of their respective delegates, more
or less general, renders it probable that the number of tributes,
not included in the annual returns, is very considerable. If to
this we add the leged exemptions from tribute, justly granted to
various individuals for a certain number of years, or during the
performance of special service, we shall easily be convinced of the
imperfection of results, derived from such insecure principles. * * *
I have carefully formed my estimates corresponding to the year 1810,
and by confronting them with such data as I possess relating to the
population of 1791, I have deduced the consoling assurance that,
under a parity of circumstances, the population of these Islands,
far from having diminished, has, in the interval, greatly increased.

[Ratio to tributes.] From the collective returns recently made
out by the district magistrates, it would appear that the total
number of tributes amounts to 386,654, which multiplied by six and
one-half produces the sum of 2,515,406, at which I estimate the
total population, including old men, women and children. I ought
here to observe, that I have chosen this medium of six and one-half
between the five persons estimated in Spain and eight in the Indies,
as constituting each family, or entire tribute; for although the
prodigious fecundity of the women in the latter hemisphere, and the
facility of maintaining their numerous offspring, both the effects
of the benignity of the climate and their sober way of living,
sufficiently warrant the conclusion, that a greater number of persons
enter into the composition of each family, I have, in this case, been
induced to pay deference to the observations of religious persons,
intrusted with the care of souls, who have assured me that, whether
it be owing to the great mortality prevailing among children, or
the influence of other local causes, in many districts each family,
or entire tribute, does not exceed four and one-half persons.

[Foreigners and wild tribes.] To the above amount it is necessary to
add 7,000 Sangleys (Chinese), who have been enumerated and subjected to
tribute, for, although in the returns preserved in the public offices,
they are not rated at more than 4,700, there are ample reasons for
concluding, that many who are wandering about, or hidden in the
provinces, have eluded the general census. The European Spaniards,
and Spanish creoles and mestizos, do not exceed 4,000 persons, of both
sexes and all ages, and the distinct castes or modifications known in
America under the name of mulattos, quadroons, etc., although found
in the Philippine Islands, are generally confounded in the three
classes of pure natives, Chinese mestizos, and Chinese. Besides the
above distinctions, various infidel and independent nations or tribes
exist, more or less savage and ferocious, who have their dwellings in
the woods and glens, and are distinguished by the respective names of
Aetas, Ingolots, Negrillos, Igorots, Tinguianes, etc., nor is there
scarcely a province in Luzon, that does not give shelter to some of
those isolated tribes, who inhabit and possess many of the mountainous
ranges, which ramificate and divide the wide and extended plains of
that beautiful island.

[Origin of race.] The original race by which the Philippines are
peopled, is beyond doubt Malayan, and the same that is observed
in Sumatra, Java, Borneo, and the other islands of this immense
archipelago. The Philippine Islanders, very different from the
Malabars, whose features possess great regularity, sweetness, and even
beauty, only resemble the latter in color, although they excel them in
stature, and the good proportion of their limbs. The local population
of the capital, in consequence of its continual communication with
the Chinese and other Asiatics, with the mariners of various nations,
with the soldiery and Mexican convicts, who are generally mulattos,
and in considerable numbers sent to the Islands yearly in the way
of transportation, has become a mixture of all kinds of nations and
features, or rather a degeneration from the primitive races.

[Manila's population.] Manila, the capital of the Philippine Islands,
at present contains a population of from one hundred forty to one
hundred fifty thousand inhabitants, of all classes; but it ought,
however, to be understood, that in this computation are included
the populous suburbs of Santa Cruz, San Fernando, Binondo, Tondo,
Quiapo, San Sebastian, San Anton, and Sampaloc; for although each is
considered as a distinct town, having a separate curate, and civil
magistrate of its own, the subsequent union that has taken place rather
makes them appear as a prolongation of the city, divided into so many
wards and parishes, in the center of which their respective churches
are built. Among the chief provincial towns, several are found to
contain a population of from twenty to thirty thousand souls, and
many not less than ten to twelve thousand. Finally, it is a generally
received opinion that, besides the Moros and independent tribes, the
total population of the Philippine Islands, subject to the authority
of the king, is equal to three millions.

[Cotton.] Among the varied productions of the Philippines, for many
reasons, none is so deserving of attention as cotton. Its whiteness
and find staple give to it such a superiority over that of the rest of
Asia, and possibly of the world, that the Chinese anxiously seek it,
in order pereferably to employ it in their most perfect textures,
and purchase it thirty per cent dearer than the best from British
India. Notwithstanding this extraordinary allurement, the vicinity
of a good market, and the positive certainty that, however great the
exportation, the growth can never equal the consumption and immense
demand for this article, it has, nevertheless, hitherto been found
impossible to extend and improve its cultivation, in such a way as to
render it a staple commodity of the country. Owing to this lamentable
neglect, is it, that the annual exportation does not exceed five
thousand "arrobas" (125,000 lbs.) whereas the British import into
China at the annual rate of 100,000 bales, or 1,200,000 "arrobas,"
produced in their establishments at Bombay and Calcutta, and which,
sold at the medium price of fifteen "taels," for one hundred thirty
pounds, yield the net amount of $4,800,000.

[Its advantages.] This want of attention to so important a branch
of agriculture is the more to be regretted, as the Islands abound
in situations peculiarly adapted for the cultivation of cotton, and
the accidental failure of the crops in some provinces, might easily
be made up by their success in others. The culture of this plant is
besides extremely easy, as it requires no other labor than clearing
the grounds from brush-wood, and lightly turning up the earth with a
plough, before the seeds are scattered, which being done, the planter
leaves the crop to its own chance, and in five months gathers abundant
fruit, if, at the time the bud opens, it is not burnt by the north
winds, or rotted with unseasonable showers.

[Restricted cultivation.] The provinces of Ilocos and Batangas
are the only ones in which the cultivation of cotton is pursued
with any degree of zeal and care, and it greatly tends to enrich
the inhabitants. This successful example has not, however, hitherto
excited emulation in those of the other provinces; and thus the only
production of the Philippine Islands, of which the excellence and
superior demand in trade are as well known as its culture is easy,
owing to strange fatality and causes which will be hereafter noticed,
is left almost in a neglected state, or, at most, confined to the
narrow limits of local consumption.

[Indigo.] Pangasinan, Pampanga, Bataan, La Laguna, Tayabas and
Camarines produce indigo of various classes, and, although its
preparation or the extraction of the dye, is in most of the above
provinces still performed in an equally imperfect manner, several
small improvements have recently been made, which have bettered the
quality, more particularly in La Laguna, the only district in which
attempts have been made to imitate the process used in Guatemala,
as well with regard to the construction and number of vats necessary,
as the precipitation of the coloring particles--detached from the plant
by the agitation of the water. In the other places, the whole of the
operations are performed in a single vat, and the indigo obtained is
not unfrequently impregnated with lime and other extraneous substances.

[Increasing culture.] Whatever may have been the causes of this evident
backwardness, from the period of the establishment of the Philippine
Company in these Islands, and in consequence of the exertions of some
of the directors to promote the cultivation of indigo, at that time
very little known, the natives have slowly, though gradually, been
reconciled to it; and discovering it to be one of the most advantageous
branches of industry, although accompanied with some labor and exposed
to the influence of droughts and excessive heats, as well as to the
risks attendant on the extraordinary anticipation of the rainy seasons,
have of late years paid more attention to it. The quintal of indigo
of the first class costs the planter from $35 to $40 at most; and in
the market of Manila it has been sold from $60 to $130, according to
the quality and the greater or lesser demand for the article at the
season. As, however, everything in this colony moves within a small
circle, it is not possible to obtain large quantities for exportation;
not only because of the risk in advancing the Indian sums of money
on account of his crop, but also owing to the annual surplus seldom
exceeding from two to two thousand five hundred distributed in many
hands, and collected by numerous agents, equally interested in making
up their return-cargoes.

[Sugar.] The cultivation of the sugar-cane is more or less extended
to all the provinces of these Islands, owing to its consumption among
the natives being both great and general; but those of La Pampanga and
Pangasinan are more particularly devoted to it. These two provinces
alone annually produce about 550,000 arrobas (13,750,000 lbs.) of
which one-third is usually exported in Chinese and other foreign
vessels. In extraordinary seasons, the amount exported greatly
exceeds the quantity above stated, as, for example, happened in the
monsoon of 1796, when the planters came down to the port of Manila,
and by contract exported upwards of nine millions weight, of the first
and second qualities. The price of this article has experienced many
variations of late years; but the medium may be estimated at $6 for one
hundred twenty-five pounds of the first quality, and $5 for the second.

[Method of Manufacture.] The superior quality of the sugar of
the Philippines is acknowledged, when compared to that produced
in the Island of Java, China, or Bengal; notwithstanding in the
latter countries it may naturally be concluded that greater pains
and care are bestowed on its manufacture. The pressure of the cane
in the Philippine Islands is performed by means of two coarse stone
cylinders, placed on the ground, and moved in opposite directions by
the slow and unequal pace of a "carabao," a species of ox or buffalo,
peculiar to this and other Asiatic countries. The juice is conveyed to
an iron caldron, and in this the other operations of boiling, skimming
and cleansing take place, till the crystallization or adhering of
the sugar is completed. All these distinct parts of the process, in
other colonies, are performed in four separate vessels, confided to
different hands, and consequently experience a much greater degree of
care and dexterity. After being properly clayed, the sugars acquire
such a state of consistency that, when shipped in canvas bags, they
become almost petrified in the course of the voyage, without moistening
or purging, as I understand is the case with those of Bengal.

[Silk.] Among the useful objects to which the Patriotic Society of
Manila (Amigos del Pais) directed their attention, from the very
moment of their formation, the planting of mulberry trees seems to
have met with peculiar encouragement. The society rightly judged that
the naturalization of so valuable a commodity as silk in these Islands
would materially increase the resources of the colony, and there was
reason to hope that, besides local consumption, the growth might in
time be so much extended as to supply the wants of New Spain, which
are not less than 80,000 lbs., amounting to from $350,000 to $400,000,
conveyed there in the galleon annually sent to the port of Acapulco,
by the Manila merchants, which article they are now compelled to
contract for in China.

[Mulberry trees.] The Society gave the first impulse to this laudable
project, and then the governor of the Islands, Don José Basco, anxious
to realize it, with this view sent Colonel Charles Conely on a special
commission to the province of Camarines. This zealous officer and
district magistrate, in the years 1786-1788 caused 4,485,782 mulberry
trees to be planted in the thirty districts under his jurisdiction;
and incalculable are the happy results which would have attended a
plan so extensive, and commenced with so much vigor, if it could have
been continued with the same zeal by his successor, and not at once
destroyed, through a mistaken notion of humanity, with which, soon
after the departure of Governor Basco, they proceeded to exonerate
the Filipinos from all agricultural labor that was not free and
spontaneous, in conformity, as was then alleged, to the general spirit
of our Indian legislation. As it was natural to expect, the total
abandonment of this valuable branch followed a measure so fatal, and
notwithstanding the efforts subsequently made by the Royal Company, in
order to obtain its restoration, as well in Camarines as the Province
of Tondo, all their exertions were in vain, though it must be allowed
that at the time several untoward circumstances contributed to thwart
their anxious wishes. Notwithstanding this failure, the project, far
from being deemed impracticable, would beyond all doubt succeed, and,
under powerful patronage, completely answer the well-founded hopes of
its original conceivers and promoters. The natives themselves would
soon be convinced of the advantages to be derived from the possession
of an article, in so many ways applicable to their own fine textures,
and besides the variety of districts in the Islands, proved to be
suitable to the cultivation of this interesting tree, it is a known
fact that many of the old mulberry groves are still in existence.

[Beeswax.] The Bisayas, Cagayan, and many other provinces, produce wax
in considerable abundance, which the Indians collect from the natural
hives formed in the cavities of the trees, and it is also brought down
by the infidel natives from the mountains to the neighboring towns. The
quality certainly is not the best, and notwithstanding attempts have
been made to cleanse it from the extraneous particles with which it
is mixed, it always leaves a considerable sediment on the lower part
of the cakes, and never acquires an entire whiteness. Its consumption
is great, especially in the capital, and after supplying the wants of
the country, an annual surplus of from six hundred to eight hundred
quintals is appropriated for exportation.

[Neglected market.] This certainly might be converted into an article
of extreme importance, especially for the kingdom of Peru, which
in peaceable times receives its supplies from Spain, and even from
the Island of Cuba; but for this purpose it would be necessary to
adopt the plan recommended by the enlightened zeal of the Patriotic
Society and previously encourage the establishment of artificial
hives and the plantation of aromatic and flowering shrubs, which so
easily attract and secure the permanency of the roving swarms, always
ready to undertake fresh labors. This, as well as many other points,
has hitherto been entirely overlooked.

[Black pepper.] The production is cultivated in the Provinces of
Tayabas, Batangas, and La Laguna, but in such small quantities, that,
notwithstanding the powerful allurements of all kinds constantly held
out by the Royal Company during the long period of twenty years,
their agents have never been able to collect in more than about
64,000 lbs. annually. After every encouragement, the most that
has been attained with the natives, is confined to their planting
in some districts fifty to one hundred pepper-vines round their
huts, which they cultivate in the same way as they would plots of
flowers, but without any other labor than supporting the plant with
a proportioned stake, clearing the ground from weeds, and attending
to daily irrigation.

[A possibility.] This article therefore scarcely deserves a place
amongst the flourishing branches of agriculture, at least till it has
been raised from its present depressed state, and the grounds laid
out in regular and productive pepper-groves. Till this is done, to
a corresponding extent, it must also be excluded from the number of
productions furnished by these Islands to commerce and exportation;
more particularly if we consider that, notwithstanding the great
fragrance of the grain, as well as its general superiority over the
rest of Asia, so great a difference exists in the actual price, that
this can never be compensated by its greater request in the markets of
Europe, and much less enable it to compete with that of the British and
Dutch, till its abundance has considerably lowered its primitive value.

[Not popular.] Finally, although an infinity of grounds are to be found
adapted to the rapid propagation of pepper-vines, as may easily be
inferred from the analogy and proximity of the Philippine Islands to
the others of this same archipelago, so well known for their growth
of spices, it must be confessed that it is a species of culture by
no means popular among the Philippine natives, and it would be almost
requiring too much from their inconstancy of character, to wish them
to dedicate their lands and time to the raising of a production which,
besides demanding considerable care, is greatly exposed to injury,
and even liable to be destroyed by the severity of the storms, which
frequently mark the seasons. With difficulty would they be induced to
wait five years before they were able to gather the uncertain fruits
of their labor and patience. If, therefore, it should ever be deemed
a measure of policy to encourage the growth of black pepper, it will
be necessary for the government to order the commons belonging to each
town, and adapted to this species of plantation, to be appropriated to
this use, by imposing on the inhabitants the obligation of taking care
of them, and drawing from the respective coffers of each community the
necessary funds for the payment of the laborers, and the other expenses
of cultivation. If this cannot be done, it will be necessary to wait
till the general condition of the country is improved, when through
the spirit of emulation, and the enterprises of the planters being duly
patronized and supported, present difficulties may be overcome, and the
progressive results of future attempts will be then found to combine
the interests of individuals with the general welfare of the colony.

[Coffee.] So choice is the quality of the coffee produced in the
Island of Luzon, especially in the districts of Indang and Silang,
in the province of Cavite, that if it is not equal to that of Mocha,
I at least consider it on parallel with the coffee of Bourbon; but,
as the consumption and cultivation are extremely limited, it cannot
with any propriety be yet numbered among the articles contributing
to the export-trade.

[Cocoa.] Cocoa is something more attended to, in consequence of the
use of chocolate being greatly extended among the natives of easy
circumstances. That of the Island of Cebu, is esteemed superior to
the cocoa of Guayaquil, and possibly it is not excelled by that of
Soconusco. As, however, the quantity raised does not suffice for
the local consumption, Guayaquil cocoa meets a ready sale, and is
generally brought in return-cargo by the ships coming from Acapulco,
and those belonging to the Philippine company dispatched from Callao,
the shipping port of Lima.

The cultivation of these two articles in the Philippines is on the
same footing as that of pepper, which, as above stated, is rather an
object of luxury and recreation than one of speculation among the
Filipinos. The observations and rules pointed out in the preceding
article, are, in a general sense, applicable to both these branches
of industry.

[Cinnamon.] Cinnamon groves, or trees of wild cinnamon, are to be
found in every province. In Mindanao, a Dutchman, some years ago,
was employed by orders of the government, in examining the forests
and making experiments, with a view to discover the same tree of
this species that has given so much renown to Ceylon; but, whether
it was owing to a failure in the discovery, or, when the plant was
found, as at the time was said to be the case, the same results were
not produced, from the want of skill in preparing, or stripping off
the bark; certain it is, that the laudable attempt totally failed,
or rather the only advantage gained, has been the extracting from
the bark and more tender parts of the branches of the tree, an oil
or essence of cinnamon, vigorous and aromatic in the extreme.

[Experiment in Laguna.] About the same time, a land-owner of the name
Salgado, undertook to form an extensive plantation of the same species
in the province of La Laguna, and succeeded in seeing upwards of a
million cinnamon trees thrive and grow to a considerable size; but
at last, he was reluctantly compelled to desist from his enterprise,
by the same reasons which led to the failure of Mindanao.

[Need of experienced cultivators.] These facts are of sufficient
authority for our placing the cinnamon tree among the indigenous
productions of the Philippine Islands and considering their general
excellence above those of the same nature in the rest of Asia, it may
reasonably be concluded that, without the tree being identically the
same, the cinnamon with which it is clothed will be found finer than
that yielded by the native plant of the Island of Ceylon, and this
circumstance, consequently, holds out a hope that, in the course of
time, it may become an article of traffic, as estimable as it would be
new. In order, however, that this flattering prospect may be realized,
it will be requisite for the government to procure some families,
or persons from the above island, acquainted with the process of
stripping off the bark and preparing the cinnamon, by dexterously
offering allurements, corresponding to the importance of the service,
which, although in itself it may probably be an extremely simple
operation, as long as it is unknown, will be an insuperable obstacle
to the propagation of so important an agricultural pursuit.

[Nutmeg.] Two species of nutmeg are known here, the one in shape
resembling a pigeon's egg, and the other of a perfectly spherical
form; but both are wild and little aromatic, and consequently held
in no great esteem.

[Rice.] Rice is the bread and principal aliment of these natives, for
which reason, although its cultivation is among the most disagreeable
departments of husbandry, they devote themselves to it with astonishing
constancy and alacrity, so as to form a complete contrast with their
characteristic indifference in most other respects. This must, however,
be taken as a certain indication of the possibility of training them
up to useful labor; whenever they can be led on in a proper manner.

[High yield.] The earth corresponds with surprising fertility to
the labors of the Filipino, rewarding him, in the good seasons, with
ninety, and even as high as one hundred per cent; a fact I have fully
ascertained and of which I besides possess undoubted proofs, obtained
from the parish-curates of La Pampanga. As, however, the provinces are
frequently visited with dreadful hurricanes (called in the country,
baguios), desolated by locusts, and exposed to the effects of the
great irregularities of nature, which, in these climes, often acts
in extreme, the crops of this grain are precarious, or at least,
no reliance can be placed on a certain surplus allowing an annual
exportation to China. On this account, rice cannot be placed in the
list of those articles which give support to the external trade.

[Dye and cabinet woods.] The "sibucao," or logwood, and ebony, in
both which these islands abound, are the only woods in any tolerable
request. The first is sold with advantage in Bengal, and the other
meets a ready sale in the ports of China, in the absence of that
brought from the Island of Bourbon, which is a quality infinitely
superior. Both are however, articles of no great consumption, for,
being bulky and possessing little intrinsic value, they will not
bear the high charges of freight and other expenses, attendant on
the navigation of the Asiatic seas, and can only suit the shipper,
as cargo, who is anxious not to return to the above countries in
ballast. Hence, as an object of export trade, these articles cannot
be estimated at more than $30,000 per annum.

[Timber.] I deem it superfluous to dwell on a multitude of other
good and even precious woods in timber, with which the Philippine
Islands are gifted, because this is a subject already sufficiently well
understood, and a complete collection of specimens, as well as some
large blocks, were besides transmitted some years ago to the king's
dockyard. It may, however, be proper to remark, that the establishment
near the capital for shipbuilding and masts, are much more expensive
than is generally supposed, as well on account of the difficulties
experienced in dragging the trees from the interior of the mountains
to the water's edge, as the want of regularity and foresight with
which these operations have been usually conducted. Besides these
reasons, as it is necessary that the other materials requisite for
the construction and complete armament of vessels of a certain
force, should come from Europe, it is neither easy, nor indeed,
would it be economical, as was erroneously asserted, to carry into
effect the government project of annually building, in the colony,
a ship of the line and a frigate. It ought further to be observed,
that no stock of timber, cut at a proper season and well cured, has
been lain in, and although the wages of the native carpenters and
caulkers are moderate, no comparison whatever can be made between the
daily work they perform, and that which is done in the same space of
time in our dock-yards of Spain.

[Ship building advantages.] Notwithstanding, however, the impediments
above stated, as it is undeniable that abundance of suitable timber is
to be obtained, and as the conveyance of the remainder of the necessary
naval stores to the Philippine Islands is shorter and more economical
than to the coast of California, it possibly might answer, at least,
many mariners are of this opinion, in case it is deemed expedient to
continue building at San Blas the brigs and corvettes necessary for the
protection of the military posts and missions, situated along the above
coasts, to order them preferably to be built in Cavite giving timely
advice, and previously taking care to make the necessary arrangements.

[Gold.] Gold abounds in Luzon and in many of the other islands; but as
the mountains which conceal it are in possession of the pagan tribes,
the mines are not worked; indeed it may be said they are scarcely
known. These mountaineers collect it in the brooks and streamlets,
and in the form of dust, offer it to the Christians who inhabit the
neighboring plains, in exchange for coarse goods and fire-arms; and it
has sometimes happened that they have brought it down in grains of one
and two ounces weight. The natives of the province of Camarines partly
devote themselves to the working of the mines of Mambulao and Paracale,
which have the reputation of being very rich; but, far from availing
themselves in the smallest degree of the advantages of art, they
content themselves with extracting the ore by means of an extremley
imperfect fusion, which is done by placing the mineral in shells and
then heating them on embers. A considerable waste consequently takes
place, and although the metal obtained is good and high colored,
it generally, passes into the hands of the district-magistrate, who
collects it at a price infinitely lower than it is worth in trade. It
is a generally received opinion that gold mines are equally to be
met with in the Province of Caraga, situated on the coasts of the
great Island of Mindanao, where, as well as in other points, this
metal is met with equal to twenty-two karats. The quantity, however,
hitherto brought down from the mountains by the pagan tribes, and
that obtained by the tributary Filipinos, has not been an object of
very great importance.

[Copper.] Well-founded reasons exist for presuming that, in
the Province of Ilocos, mines of virgin copper exist, a singular
production of nature, or at least, not very common, if the generality
of combinations under which this metal presents itself in the
rest of the globe, are duly considered. This is partly inferred
from the circumstance of its having been noticed that the Igorots,
who occasionally come down from the mountains to barter with the
Christians, use certain coarse jars or vessels of copper, evidently
made by themselves with the use of a hammer, without any art or
regularity; and as the ignorance of these demi-savages is too great
for them to possess the notions necessary for the separation of the
component parts which enter into the combination of minerals, and much
less for the construction of furnaces suitable to the smelting and
formation of the moulds, it is concluded they must have found some
vein of copper entirely pure, which, without the necessity of any
other preparation, they have been able to flatten with the hammer and
rendered maleable, so as to convert it into the rough vessels above
spoken of.

[Cinnabar.] The district-magistrate of Caraga, Don Augustin de Ioldi,
received a special commission from the government to explore and
obtain information respecting a mine of cinnabar, which was said
to be situated under his jurisdiction; and I have been informed of
another of the same species in the Island of Samar, the working of
which has ceased for a considerable time, not because the prospect was
unfavorable, but for the want of an intelligent person to superintend
and carry on the operations. The utility of such a discovery is too
obvious not to deserve, on the part of government, the most serious
attention and every encouragement to render it available; and it is
to be hoped that, as the first steps have already been taken in this
important disclosure, the enterprise will not be abandoned, but, on
the contrary, that exertions will be made to obtain aid and advice
from the Miners' College of Mexico, as the best means of removing
doubt, and acting with judgment in the affair.

[Iron.] Iron in mineral form is to be found at various points on Luzon,
and those engaged in working it, without the necessity of digging;
collect the iron-bearing stones that constitute the upper stratum,
these, when placed in fusion, generally yield about forty per cent
clear metal. This is the case in the mountains of Angat, situated
in the Province of Bulacan, and also in the vicinity of the Baliwag
River. In Morong, however, belonging to the Province of La Laguna,
where the cannon-ball factory is established, the ore yields under
twenty-two per cent. Its quality is in general better than the Biscayan
iron, according to formal experiments and a report, made in 1798 to
Governor Don Rafael Maria de Aguilar, by two Biscayan master-smiths
from the squadron of Admiral Alava. Witnesses to this test were the
Count de Aviles and Don Felix de la Rosa, proprietors of the mines of
Morong and Angat, and the factor of the Philippine Company, Don Juan
Francisco Urroroz. Notwithstanding its advantages, this interesting
branch of industry has not yet passed beyond the most rude principles
and imperfect practice, owing to the want of correct information
as to the best process, and scarcity of funds on the part of the
proprietors to carry on their works. Without the aid of rolling or
slitting mills, indeed unprovided with the most essential instruments,
they have hitherto confined themselves to converting their iron into
plow shares, bolos, hoes, and such other agricultural implements;
leaving the Chinese of Amoy in quiet possession of the advantages
of being allowed to market annual supplies of all kinds of nails,
the boilers used on the sugar plantations, pots and pans, as well as
other articles in this line, which might easily be manufactured in
the Islands.

[Sulphur.] In the Island of Leyte, abundance of sulphur is met with,
and from thence the gunpowder works of Manila are supplied at very
reasonable prices. Jaspers, cornelians and agates, are also found in
profusion in many of these provinces; everything, indeed, promises
varied mineral wealth worthy of exciting the curiosity and useful
researches of mineralogists, who, unfortunately, have not hitherto
extended their labors to these remote parts of the globe.

[Pearls.] Pearl fisheries are, from time to time, undertaken off the
coast of the Island of Mindanao, and also near smaller islands not
far from Cebu, but with little success and less constancy, not because
there is a scarcity of fine pearls of a bright color and considerable
size, but on account of the divers' want of skill and their just dread
of the sharks, which, in great numbers infest these seas. Amber is
frequently gathered in considerable lumps in the vicinity of Samar and
the other Visayan Islands as well as mother-of-pearl, tortoise-shell,
and red and black coral, of the latter kind of which, I have seen
shafts as thick as my finger and six or eight feet long.

[Estates.] The proprietors of estates in the Philippines are of
four classes. The most considerable is that of the religious orders,
Augustinians and Dominicans, who cultivate their respective lands on
joint account, or let them out at a moderate ground-rent, which the
planters pay in kind; but far from living in opulence, and accumulating
the immense revenues some of the religious communities enjoy in
America, they stand in need of all they earn and possess for their
maintenance, and in order to be enabled to discharge the various duties
and obligations annexed to the missions with which they are entrusted.

[Spanish planters.] The second class comprehends the Spanish
proprietors, whose number possibly does not exceed a dozen of persons,
and even they labor under such disadvantages, and have to contend with
so many obstacles, under the existing order of things, that, compelled
to divide their lands into rice plantations, in consequence of this
being the species of culture to which the natives are most inclined,
and to devote a considerable portion of them to the grazing of horned
cattle, no one of them is in a situation to give to agriculture the
variety and extent desired, or to attain any progress in a pursuit
which in other colonies rapidly leads to riches.

[Filipino farmers.] The third consists of the principal mestizos
and natives, and is in fact that which constitutes the real body of
farming proprietors. In the fourth and last may be included all the
other natives, who generally possess a small strip of land situated
round their dwellings, or at the extremities of the various towns
and settlements formed by the conquerors; besides what they may
have obtained from their ancestors in the way of legal inheritance,
which rights have been confirmed to them by the present sovereign of
the colony.

[Aids to agriculture.] It will beyond doubt, in some measure dissipate
the distrust by which the Filipino is actuated, when the new and
paternal exertions of the superior government, to ameliorate his
present situation, are fully known, and when that valuable portion of
our distant population is assured that their rights will henceforth be
respected, and those exactions and compulsory levies which formerly
so much disheartened them, are totally abolished. On the other
hand, a new stimulus will be given by the living example and fresh
impulse communicated to the provinces by other families emigrating
and settling there, nurtured in the spirit and principles of those
reforms in the ideas and maxims of government by which the present
era is distinguished. A practical participation in these advantages
will, most assuredly, awaken a spirit of enterprise and emulation
that may be extremely beneficial to agriculture, and as the wants
of the natives increase in proportion as they are enabled to know
and compare the comforts arising out of the presence and extension
of conveniences and luxuries in their own towns, they will naturally
be led to possess and adopt them.

[Plans for progress.] So salutary a change, however, can only be
the work of time, and as long as the government confines itself
to a system merely protecting, the effects must consequently be
slow. As it is therefore necessary to put in action more powerful
springs than the ordinary ones, it will be found expedient partly to
relax from some of those general principles which apply to societies,
differently constituted, or rather formed of other perfectly distinct
elements. As relating to the subject under discussion, I fortunately
discover two means, pointed out in the laws themselves, essentially
just, and at the same time capable of producing in this populous
colony, more than in any other, the desired results. The legislator,
founding himself on the common obligation of the subject to contribute
something in return for the protection he receives, and to co-operate
in the increase of the power and opulence of the State, proscribes
idleness as a crime, and points out labor as a duty; and although
the regulations touching the natives breathe the spirit of humanity,
and exhibit the wisdom with which they were originally formed, they
nevertheless concur and are directed to this primary object. In them
the distribution of vacant lands, as well as of the natives at fair
daily wages to clear them, is universally allowed, and these it seems
to me, are the means from an equitable and intelligent application
of which the most beneficial consequences may be expected.

[Confiscating unused lands.] The first cannot be attended with any
great difficulty, because all the provinces abound in waste and vacant
lands, and scarcely is there a district in which some are not to be
found of private property completely uncultivated and neglected,
and consequently susceptible, as above stated, of being legally
transferred, for this reason alone, to the possession of an active
owner. Let their nature however, be what it may, in their adjudication,
it is of the greatest importance to proceed with uniformity, by
consecrating, in a most irrevocable manner, the solemnity of all
similar grants. Public interest and reason, in the Philippine Islands,
require that in all such cases deference only should be paid to
demands justly interposed, and formally established within a due and
fixed period; but after full and public notice has been given by the
respective judicial authorities, of the titles about to be granted,
the counter claims the natives may seek to put in after the lapse of
the period prefixed, should be peremptorily disregarded. Although at
first sight this appears a direct infringement on the imprescriptible
rights of property, it must be considered that in some cases individual
interests ought to be sacrificed to the general good, and that the
balance used, when treating of the affairs of State, is never of
that rigid kind as if applied to those of minor consideration. The
fact is, that by this means many would be induced to form estates,
who have hitherto been withheld by the dread of involving themselves,
and spending their money in law suits; at the same time the natives,
gradually accustoming themselves to this new order of things, would
lay aside that disposition to strife and contention, which forms so
peculiar a trait in their character, and that antipathy and odium would
also disappear with which they have usually viewed the agricultural
undertakings of Spaniards.

[Compulsory labor.] Proceeding to the consideration of the second
means of accelerating the improvement of agriculture, viz., the
distribution of the natives, it will suffice to say that it would be
equally easy to show that it is absolutely necessary rigorously to
carry into effect, in the Philippine Islands, whatever the laws on this
subject prescribed, otherwise we must give up all those substantial
hopes entertained of the felicity of the colony. We are no longer in
a situation to be restricted to the removal of ordinary obstacles,
and the season is gone by in which, as heretofore, it entered into
our policy to employ no other than indirect stimulants--in order to
incline the Filipino to labor. It is evident that admonitions and
offers of reward no longer suffice; nor indeed have the advantageous
terms proposed to them by some planters, with a view to withdraw
the lower orders of the natives, such as the timauas and caglianes
plebeians, from the idle indifference in which they are sunk, been of
any avail. Their wants and wishes being easily supplied, the whole
of their happiness seems to depend on quiet and repose, and their
highest enjoyment on the pleasure of sleep. Energy, however, and a
certain degree of severity must be employed, if permanent resources
are to be called forth, and if the progressive settlement of European
families and the formation of estates proportioned to the fertility
of the soil and capabilities of the country are to enter into the
views of government. In vain would grants and transfers of vacant and
useless lands be made to new and enterprising proprietors, unless at
the same time they can be provided with laborers, and experience every
other possible facility, in order to clear, enclose, and cultivate
them. Hence follows the indispensable necessity of appealing to the
system of distributions, as above pointed out; for what class of
laborers can be obtained in a country where the whites are so few,
unless it be the natives? Should they object to personal service,
should they refuse to labor for an equitable and daily allowance,
by which means they would also cease to be burdens to the State
and to society, are they not to be compelled to contribute by this
means to the prosperity of which they are members; in a word, to
the public good, and thus make some provision for old age? If the
soldier, conveyed away from his native land, submits to dangers, and
is unceasingly exposed to death in defence of the State, why should
not the Filipino moderately use his strength and activity in tilling
the fields which are to sustain him and enrich the commonwealth?

[The undeveloped Philippines.] Besides, things in the Philippine
Islands wear a very different aspect to what they do on the American
continent, where, as authorized by the said laws, a certain number
of natives may be impressed for a season, and sent off inland to a
considerable distance from their dwellings, either for the purpose of
agriculture, or working the mines, provided only they are taken care of
during their journeys, maintained, and the price of their daily labor,
as fixed by the civil authorities, regularly paid to them. The immense
valleys and mountains susceptible of cultivation, especially in the
Island of Luzon, being once settled, and the facilities of obtaining
hands increased, such legal acts of compulsion, far from being any
longer necessary, will have introduced a spirit of industry that
will render the labors of the field supportable and even desirable;
and in this occupation all the tributary natives of the surrounding
settlements can be alternately employed, by the day or week, and thus
do their work almost at the door of their own huts, and as it were
in sight of their wives and children.

[No legal obstacle to forced labor.] If, after what has been above
stated, the apparent opposition obstacle to which at first sight
strikes the eye, in Law 40, Title 12, Book 6, speaking on this subject,
and expressly referring to the Philippine Islands, should be alleged,
no more will be necessary than to study its genuine sense, or read it
with attention, in order to be convinced of its perfect concordance
with the essential parts of the other laws of the Indies, already
quoted in explanation and support of the system of distributing
the laborers. The above-mentioned law does indeed contain a strict
recommendation to employ the Chinese and Japanese, not domiciliated,
in preference to the natives, in the establishments for cutting timber
and other royal works, and further enjoins that use is only to be made
in emergencies, and when the preservation of the state should require
it. It has, however, happened that, since the remote period at which
the above was promulgated, not only all contracts and commerce have
ceased, but also every communication with Japan has been interrupted,
and for a number of years not a single individual of that ferocious
race has existed in the Philippine Islands. With regard to the Chinese,
who are supposed to be numerous in the capital, of late years they have
diminished so much, that according to a census made by orders of the
government in the year 1807, no more than four thousand seven hundred
are found on the registers; and, if in consequence of their secreting
themselves, or withdrawing into the interior, a third more might be
added to the above amount, their total numbers would still remain
very inconsiderable, and infinitely inferior to what is required,
not only for the tillage of the estates, but even for the royal works.

[Substitute laborers wanting.] As, therefore, the Japanese have totally
disappeared, and the number of Chinese is evidently inadequate to the
wants of agriculture, it almost necessarily follows that the practice
of distributing the Filipino laborers, as allowed by the aforesaid
laws of the Indies, under all circumstances, is the only alternate
left. Even if, against the adoption of this measure, it should be
attempted to urge the ambiguous sense of the concluding part of the
second clause, it would be easy to comprehend its true intent and
meaning, by referring to Law 1, Title 13, Book 5, which says:

"That, considering the inconveniences which would arise from doing
away with certain distributions of grounds, gardens, estates, and
other plantations, in which the Indians are interested, as a matter
on which the preservation of those distant dominions and provinces
depends, it is ordained that compulsory labor, and such distributions
as are advantageous to the public good, shall continue."

After so pointed an explanation, and a manifestation so clear of
the spirit of our legislation in this respect, all further comments
would be useless, and no doubt whatever can be any longer entertained
of the expediency, and even of the justice of putting the plan of
well-regulated distributions in practice, as a powerful means to
promote the agriculture, and secure to Spain the possession of these
valuable dominions of the Indian Seas. ....

[Manufactures.] .... It would be impossible to gainsay Don Juan
Francisco Urroz, of the Philippine Company, in his detailed and
accurate report to the managing committee in 1802, when he observes:

"That the Philippine Islands, from time immemorial, were acquainted
with, and still retain, that species of industry peculiar to the
country, adapted to the customs and wants of the natives, and which
constitutes the chief branch of their clothing. This, although
confined to coarse articles, may in its class be called perfect, as
far as it answers the end for which it is intended; and if an attempt
were made to enumerate the quantity of mats, handkerchiefs, sheeting,
and a variety of other cloths manufactured for this purpose only in
the Provinces of Tondo, Laguna, Batangas, Ilocos, Cagayan, Camarines,
Albay, Visaya, etc., immense supplies of each kind would appear, which
give occupation to an incalculable number of looms, indistinctly worked
by Indians, Chinese, and Sangleyan mestizos, indeed all the classes,
in their own humble dwellings, built of canes and thatched with palm
leaves, without any apparatus of regular manufacture."

[Native cloth weaving.] With equal truth am I enabled to add, that the
natural abilities of these natives in the manufacture of all kinds of
cloths, fine as well as coarse, are really admirable. They succeed
in reducing the harsh filaments of the palm-tree, known by the name
of abaca, to such a degree of fineness, that they afterwards convert
them into textures equal to the best muslins of Bengal. The beauty
and evenness of their embroideries and open work excite surprise;
in short, the damask table-cloths, ornamental weaving, textures of
cotton and palm-fibres, intermixed with silk, and manufactured in the
above-mentioned provinces, clearly prove how much the inhabitants of
the Philippine Islands, in natural abilities and dexterity, resemble
the other people of the Asiatic regions. It must nevertheless be
allowed, that a want is noticed of that finish and polish which the
perfection of art gives to each commodity; but this circumstance
ought not to appear strange, if we consider that, entirely devoid of
all methodical instruction, and ignorant also of the importance of
the subdivision of labor, which contributes so greatly to simplify,
shorten, and improve the respective excellence of all kinds of works,
the same natives gin and clean the cotton, and then spin and weave it,
without any other instruments than their hands and feet, aided only by
the course and unsightly looms they themselves construct in a corner
of their huts, with scarcely anything else than a few canes and sticks.

[Aptitude for, but no development of, manufacturing.] From the
preceding observations it may easily be deduced that, although
the natives succeed in preparing, with admirable dexterity, the
productions of their soil, and therewith satisfy the greatest part of
their domestic wants, facts which certainly manifest their talents
and aptitude to be employed in works of more taste and delicacy,
manufacturing industry is nevertheless far from being generalized,
nor can it be said to be placed with any degree of solidity on its
true and proper basis. Hence arise those great supplies of goods
annually imported into the country, for the purpose of making up the
deficiencies of the local manufactures.

[Improved methods and machinery needed.] The regular distribution or
classification of the assemblage of operations which follow each other
in graduation, from the rough preparation of the first materials, till
the same have arrived at their perfect state of manufacture, instead
of being practiced, is entirely unknown. The want of good machinery
to free the cotton from the multitude of seeds with which it is
encumbered, so as to perform the operation with ease and quickness, is
the first and greatest obstacle that occurs; and its tediousness to the
natives is so repugnant, that many sell their crops to others, without
separating the seeds, or decline growing the article altogether, not
to be plagued with the trouble of cleaning it. As the want of method
is also equal to the superabundance or waste of time employed, the
expenses of the goods manufactured increased in the same proportion,
under such evident and great disadvantages; for which reason, far from
being able to compete with those brought from China and British India,
they only acquire estimation in the interior, when wanted to supply
the place of the latter, or in cases of accidental scarcity.

[Scanty exports.] In a word, the only manufactured articles annually
exported from the Philippine Islands are eight to twelve thousand
pieces exports of light sail cloth, two hundred thousand pounds of
abaca cordage assorted, and six hundred carabao hides and deer skins,
which can scarcely be considered in a tanned state/ for, although the
Royal Company, from the time of their establishment, long continued to
export considerable quantities of dimities, calicos, stripes, checks,
and coverlids, as well as other cotton and silk goods, it was more
with a view to stimulate the districts of Ilocos to continue in the
habit of manufacturing, and thus introduce among the inhabitants of
that province a taste for industry, than the expectation of gain by
the sale of this kind of merchandise either in Spain or any of the
sections of America. At length, wearied with the losses experienced by
carrying on this species of mercantile operations, without answering
the principal object in view, they resolved, for the time being,
to suspend ventures attended with such discouraging circumstances.

[Need of encouragement.] Notwithstanding so many impediments, it
would not, however, be prudent in the government entirely to abandon
the enterprise, and lose sight of the advantages the country offers,
or indeed, to neglect turning the habitual facilities of the natives
to some account. Far from there existing any positive grounds for
despairing of the progress of manufacturing industry, it may justly
be presumed that, whenever the sovereign, by adopting a different line
of policy, shall allow the unlimited and indistinct settlement of all
kinds of foreign colonists, and grant them the same facilities and
protection enjoyed by national ones, they will be induced to flock to
the Philippine Islands in considerable numbers, lured by the hope of
accumulating fortunes in a country that presents a thousand attractions
of every kind. Many, no doubt, will preferably devote themselves
to commerce, others to agricultural undertakings and also to the
pursuits of mining, but necessarily some will turn their attention
and employ their funds in the formation of extensive manufactures,
aided by intelligent instructors and suitable machinery. The
newly-introduced information and arts being thus diffused, it is
natural to expect they will be progressively adopted by a people
already possessing a taste and genius for this species of labor,
by which means manufacturing industry will soon be raised from the
state of neglect and unprofitableness in which it is now left.

[Internal commerce handicapped.] The circulation of the country
productions and effects of all kinds among the inhabitants of the
provinces, which, properly speaking, constitutes their internal
commerce, is tolerably active and considerable. Owing to the great
facilities of conveyance afforded by the number of rivers and lakes, on
the margins of which the Filipinos are fond of fixing their dwellings,
this commerce might be infinitely greater, if it was not obstructed
by the monopoly of the magistrates in their respective districts
and the unjust prerogative, exercised by the city, of imposing
rates and arbitrary prices on the very persons who come to bring the
supplies. Nevertheless, as the iniquituous operations of the district
magistrates, however, active they may be, besides being restricted
by their financial ability, regularly consist of arrangements to buy
up only the chief articles, and those which promise most advantage,
with least trouble; as that restless inquietude which impels man on,
under the hope of bettering his condition, acts even amidst rigor of
oppression, a certain degree of stimulus and scope is still left in
favor of internal trade.

[Inter-island traffic.] Hence it follows, that there is scarcely an
island or province, that does not carry on some traffic or other,
by keeping up relations with its neighbors, which sometimes extend
as far as the capital; where, in proportion as the produce and raw
materials find a ready market, returns suitable and adequate to the
consumption of each place, respectively, are obtained. If, however, it
would be difficult to form an idea, even in the way of approximation,
of the exchanges which take place between the various provinces,
a task that would render it necessary to enumerate them, one by one,
it is equally so to make an estimate of the total amount of this class
of operation carried on in Manila, their common center. Situated in
the bottom of an immense bay, bathed by a large river, and the country
round divided by an infinite number of streams and lakes descending
from the provinces by which the capital is surrounded, the produce and
effects are daily brought in and go out of suburbs so extended in a
diversity of small vessels and canoes, without its being possible to
obtain any exact account of the multiplicity of transactions carried
on at one and the same time, in a city built on so large a scale.

[Local markets.] Besides the traffic founded on ordinary consumption,
the necessity of obtaining assortments of home-manufactured as well
as imported goods, in order to supply the markets, known by the name
of tianguis, and which are held weekly in almost every town, there
is another species of speculation, peculiar to the rich natives
and Sangley mestizos, an industrious race, and also possessed of
the largest portion of the specie. This consists in the anticipated
purchase of the crops of indigo, sugar, rice, etc., with a view to fix
their own prices on the produce thus contracted for, when resold to the
second hand. A propensity to barter and traffic, in all kinds of ways,
is indeed universal among the natives, and as the principal springs
which urge on internal circulation are already in motion, nothing
more is wanting than at once to destroy the obstacles previously
pointed out, and encourage the extension of luxury and comforts,
in order that, by the number of the people's wants being increased,
as well as the means of supplying them, the force and velocity of
action may in the same proportion be augmented.

[External commerce.] Under "External Commerce" generally are comprised
the relations the Philippine Islands keep up with other nations, with
the Spanish possessions in America, and with the mother country; or,
in other words, the sum total of their imports and exports.

[Outside deterrents.] Many are the causes which, within the last
ten or twelve years, have influenced the mercantile relations of
these Islands, and prevented their organization on permanent and
known principles. The chief one, no doubt, has been the frequent and
unforeseen changes, from peace to war, which have marked that unhappy
period, and as under similar circumstances merchants, more than
any other class of persons, are in the habit of acting on extremes,
there have been occasions in which, misled by the exaggerated idea
of the galleon of Acapulco, and anxious to avail themselves of the
first prices, generally also the highest, foreign speculators have
inundated Manila with goods, by a competition from all quarters; and
others, owing to the channels being obstructed, when this market has
experienced an absolute scarcity of commodities, as well as of funds
necessary to continue the usual and almost only branch of commerce
left. The frequent failure of the sugar and indigo crops, has also
in many instances restrained the North Americans and other neutrals
from coming to these Islands with cargoes, and induced them to prefer
Java, where they are at all times sure of finding returns. Besides
the influence of these extraordinary causes on the uncertainty
and irregularity of external commerce, no small share must also be
attributed to the strangeness of the peculiar constitution of the
country, or the principles on which its trade is established.

[Domestic discouragements.] Scarcely will it be believed, in the
greater part of civilized Europe, that a Spanish colony exists between
Asia and America, whose merchants are forbidden to avail themselves
of their advantageous situation, and that, as a special favor only
are they allowed to send their effects to Mexico, once a year, but
under the following restrictions. It is a necessary condition, that
every shipper shall be a member of the Board of Trade (Consulado),
and therein entitled to a vote, which supposes a residence of some
years in the country, besides the possession of property of his own to
the amount of $8,000. He is compelled to join with the other members,
in order to be enabled to ship his goods in bales of a determined
form and dimensions, in one single vessel, arranged, fitted out,
and commanded by officers of the royal navy, under the character of a
war ship. He has also to contribute his proportion of $20,000, which,
in the shape of a present, are given to the commander, at the end of
every round voyage. He cannot in any way interfere in the choice or
qualities of the vessel, notwithstanding his property is to be risked
in her; and what completes the extravagance of the system, is, that
before anything is done he must pay down twenty-five or forty per cent
for freight, according to circumstances, which money is distributed
among certain canons of the church, aldermen, subalterns of the army,
and widows of Spaniards, to whom a given number of tickets or certified
permits to ship are granted, either as a compensation for the smallness
of their pay, or in the way of a privilege; but on express conditions
that, although they themselves are not members of the Board of Trade,
they shall not be allowed to negotiate and transfer them to persons
not having that quality. In the custom house nothing being admitted
unless the number of bales shipped are accompanied by corresponding
permits, and as it besides frequently happens that there is a degree
of competition between the parties seeking to try their fortune in
this way, the original holders of the permits very often hang back,
in such a manner that I have seen $500 offered for the transfer of
a right to ship three bales, which scarcely contained goods to the
amount of $1,000. Such, nevertheless, is the truth, and such the
exact description of the famous Acapulco ship, which has excited so
much jealousy among the merchants of Seville and Cadiz, and given
rise to such an infinite number of disputes and lawsuits.

[Business irregularities.] So complete a deviation from the rules
and maxims usually received in trade, could not fail to produce
in the Philippine Islands, as in fact it has, effects equally
extraordinary with regard to those who follow this pursuit. The
merchant of Manila is, in fact, entirely different from the one in
Cadiz or Amsterdam. Without any correspondents in the manufacturing
countries and consequently possessed of no suitable advices of the
favorable variations in the respective markets, without brokers and
even without regular books he seems to carry on his profession on
no one fixed principle, and to have acquired his routine of business
from mere habit and vague custom. His contracts are made out on stamped
paper, and his bills or promissory notes no other than long and diffuse
writings or bonds, of which the dates and amounts are kept more in
the shape of bundles than by any due entry on his books; and what at
once gives the most clear idea of this irregularity is the singular
fact that, for the space of twenty-five and possibly fifty years,
only one bankrupt has presented the state of his affairs to the Board
of Trade, in conformity to the regulations prescribed by the general
Statutes of Bankruptcy, whereas, numbers of cases have occurred in
which these merchants have wasted or secreted the property of others
with impunity. Hence have arisen those irregularities, subterfuges
and disputes, in a word, the absence of all mercantile business
carried on in a scrupulously punctual and correct manner. Hence, also,
have followed that distrust and embarrassment with which commercial
operations are attended, as well as the difficulty of calculating
their fluctuations. On the other hand, as in order to send off an
expedition by the annual ship to Acapulco, the previous consent
of the majority of the incorporated merchants is necessary, before
this point is decided, months are passed in intrigues and disputes,
the peremptory period arrives, and if the articles wanted are in the
market, they are purchased up with precipitation and paid for with
the monies the shippers have been able to obtain at an interest from
the administrators of pious and charitable funds. In this manner,
compelled to act almost always without plan or concert, yet accustomed
to gain in the market of Acapulco, notwithstanding so many impediments
and the exorbitant premiums paid for the money lent, these merchants
follow the strange maxim of risking little or no property of their
own; and unaware, or rather, disregarding the importance of economy
in the expenses and regularity of their general method of living,
it is not possible they can ever accumulate large fortunes, or form
solid and well-accredited houses.

[Merchants discouraged.] Thus oppressed by a system, as unjust as it
is absurd, and conducting their affairs in the way above described,
it is not strange that these gentlemen, at the same time yielding to
the indolence consequent on the climate, should neglect or behold with
indifference all the other secondary resources which the supplying
the wants of the country and the extensive scope and variety of its
produce offer to the man of active mind. Hence it follows, as already
observed, that the whole of the interior trade is at present absorbed
by the principal natives, the Sangley mestizos of both sexes, and a
few Chinese peddlers.

[The outlook brightening.] Notwithstanding, however, the defective
manner in which the generality of the merchants act, some already
are beginning to distinguish themselves by the prudence of their
conduct, by forwarding, in time, their orders to the manufacturers
of India and China, and, in other respects guiding themselves by the
principles which characterize the intelligent merchant. Finally, it
is to be presumed that, as soon as the government shall have thrown
down this singular and preposterous system that has been the cause of
so many disorders, and proclaimed the unlimited freedom of Philippine
commerce, the greater part of these people will rise up from the state
of inaction in which they now live, and the relations of the colony
will then assume the course and extent corresponding to its advantages
of position. At least, if our national merchants should not act up
to the impulse given to all kinds of mercantile enterprises by the
beneficial hand of the sovereign, foreigners will not be wanting, who,
relying on due toleration, will be induced to convey their fortunes
and families to the Philippine Islands, and, vigorously encouraging
the exportation of their valuable productions, amply secure the fruits
of their laudable activity and well-combined speculations.

[Capital employed in commerce.] Were a person, judging from the
numbers constituting the body of registered merchants, and supposing
all of them to possess the essential requisites prescribed by our
commercial regulations, to form a prudent estimate of the amount of
capital employed by them, his calculations would turn out extremely
erroneous, for besides the case with which regulations of this kind
are eluded, many are merely nominal traders, and there are others whose
mercantile existence is purely artificial for they are sustained in a
temporary manner, by means of a forced species of circulation peculiar
to this country. This consists in obtaining the acquiescence of the
administrators of pious and charitable funds, let out at interest,
to renew the bonds they hold during other successive risks, waiting,
as it were, till some fatal tempest has swallowed up the vessel in
which these merchants suppose their property to be embarked, and
at once cancel all their obligations. On the other hand, neither
excessive expenses nor the shipment of large quantities of goods to
Acapulco can in any way be taken as a just criterion whereby to judge
of the fortunes of individuals; because, in the first, there is great
uniformity, every one, more or less, enjoying, exteriorly, the same
easy circumstances, notwithstanding the disparity of real property;
and in the second, considerable fiction prevails, many persons
shipping under the same mark, and even when the shipper stands alone,
he might have been provided with the necessary funds from the pious
and charitable establishments, possibly without risking a dollar
of his own in the whole operation. Under circumstances so dubious,
far from presuming to give a decided opinion on the subject, I am
compelled to judge from mere conjectures, and guided only by the
knowledge and experience I have been able to acquire during my long
residence there. In conformity thereto, I am inclined to believe,
that the total amount of capital belonging to and employed in the
trade of the Philippine Islands, does not at present exceed two
and a half million dollars, with evident signs of rapid decline, if
the merchants do not in time abandon the ruinous systems of chiefly
carrying on their speculations with money obtained at interest.

[Large sums hoarded.] The two and a half million dollars thus
attributed to the merchants, form, however, the smaller part of the
funds distributed among the other classes, and the total amount of
the circulating medium of the colony might be considered an object
sufficiently worthy of being ascertained, owing to the great light
it would throw on the present state of the inhabitants; but it is in
vain to attempt any calculation of the kind, at least without the aid
of data possessing a certain degree of accuracy. The only thing that
can be affirmed is, that during the period of more than two hundred
and fifty years which have elapsed since the conquest, the ingress of
specie into the Philippine Islands has been constant. Their annual
ships have seldom come from New Spain without bringing considerable
sums in return, and if some of them have been lost, many others,
without being confined to the one million of dollars constituting
the ordinary amount of the permit, have not unfrequently come back
with triple that sum; for which reason there are ample grounds of
judging the estimates correct, which fix the total importation of
dollars, during the whole of that long period of years, to be equal
to four hundred millions. It may further be observed that, as in
the Sangley mestizos economy and avarice compete with intelligence
and activity in accumulating wealth and as they are scattered, among
the principal islands, and in possession of the best lands and the
most lucrative business of the interior, there are ample motives for
presuming that these industrious and sagacious people have gradually,
although incessantly, amassed immense sums in specie; but it would
be impossible to point out their amount, distribution, or the secret
places in which they are hoarded.

[Pious and charitable funds' capital.] The assemblage of pious
legacies, temporalities, and other funds and property placed under
the care of several administrative committees, for purposes as well
religious as charitable, constitute the chief capital employed in
external trade; and notwithstanding the failures, which from time
to time occur, the subsequent accumulation of the enormous premiums
obtained for funds laid out in maritime speculations, both in time of
peace and war, not only suffices to make up all losses of the above
kind, but also to secure the punctual payment of such charitable
pensions and other charges as are to be deducted from the respective
profits of this species of stock, its total amount, according to an
official report made by order of the head committee of the sinking
fund, including temporalities, and Queen Maria of Austria's endowment
for the College of Las Marianas, together with other funds of the same
kind, not comprehended in the decree of abolition, at the commencement
of the year 1809, amounted to $2,470,390, and as the sea-risks of that
and the following year were successful, and the outstanding amounts
punctually recovered, the aggregate sum, arising out of the above
description of property, may now be estimated at more than three
millions. Of these funds three distributions are generally made,
viz., one part is appropriated to the China risks, at from twelve
to eighteen per cent. premium, according to circumstances, and also
those to Madras, Calcutta and Batavia, at from sixteen to twenty-two
per cent. The second, which generally is in the largest proportion,
is employed in risks to Acapulco, at various premiums, from 27 to 45
per cent.; and the third is left in hand, as a kind of guarantee of
the stability of the original endowments.

[Coveted by Spanish treasury.] In the great exigencies of the Royal
Treasury, experienced during the last years of the administration
of Sr. Soler, the royal decree of Consolidación was extended to the
Philippine Islands, under the pretext of guarding the funds belonging
to public charities and religious endowments ... sea-risks, the
income of which, when secured on good mortgages, does not generally
exceed five per cent, many in Spain not yielding above four; but the
remarkable difference between this plan and the one above described,
together with various and other weighty reasons alleged by the
administrators, caused the dreaded effect of this new regulation to
be suspended, and whilst the head committee of Manila were consulting
their doubts and requesting fresh instructions from the court at home,
orders came out not to make any alteration in measures relating to
this description of property.

[Easy capital but lessened profits.] Accustomed, in their limited
calculations, to identify the resources, offered by the funds belonging
to this class of establishments, with the very existence of the
colony, the needy merchants easily confound their personal with the
general interest; and few stop to consider that the identical means
of carrying on trade, without any capital of their own, although they
have accidentally enriched a small number of persons, eventually have
absorbed the principal profits, and possibly been the chief cause
of the unflourishing state of the colony at large. Without fearing
the charge of rashness, it may, in fact, be asserted, that if these
charities and pious endowments had never existed, public prosperity
in the Philippine Islands would, as in other parts, have been the
immediate effect of the united efforts of the individual members
of the community and of the experience acquired in the constant
prosecution of the same object. As, however, a progress of this kind,
although certain, must necessarily have been at first extremely
slow, and as, on the other hand, the preference given to mercantile
operations undertaken with the funds belonging to public charities,
has its origin in the assemblage of vices so remarkable in the very
organization of the body of Philippine merchants, any new measure on
this subject might be deemed inconsistent, that at once deprived them
of the use of resources on which they had been accustomed to rely,
without removing those other defects which excuse, if not encourage,
the continuation of the present system. Without, therefore, appealing
to violent remedies, it is to be hoped that, in order to render plans
of reform effectual, it will be sufficient, under more propitious
circumstances, to see property brought from other countries to these
Islands, as well as persons coming to settle in them, capable of
managing it with that intelligence and economy required by trade. The
competition of those who speculate at random would then cease, or
what is the same, as money obtained at a premium could not then be
laid out with the same advantages by the merchants as if it was their
own, it will be necessary to renounce the fallacious profits held out
by the public charities, till at least they are placed on a level
with existing circumstances, and brought in to be of real service
to the honorable planter and laborious merchant, in their accidental
exigencies, ceasing to be, as hitherto, the indirect cause of idleness,
dissipation, and the ruin of an infinite number of families.

[Mercantile shipping.] The vessels which the district magistrates of
the provinces employ in carrying on their trade with the capital and
those belonging to some of the richer merchants, together with such as
are owned by the natives and mestizos, on an approximate calculation,
amount to twelve thousand tons, including ships, brigs, schooners,
galleys, barges, etc. For the want of better data, this estimate
is founded only on reasonable conjecture, aided by the advice of
experienced persons, for although the greatest part of these vessels
are built by the natives in the neighborhood of their own towns, no
register is kept of their number and dimensions, nor do they carry
with them the usual certificates. Those belonging to the merchants,
that is, ships and brigs of a certain size, have already begun to
frequent the ports of China, Java, the coast of Coromandel, Bengal,
and the Isle of France, availing themselves of the lucrative freights
which formerly enriched and encouraged foreign shipping. The other
class of vessels, although perfectly adequate to the coasting trade,
cannot in general be applied to larger enterprises, on account of
their not being sufficiently strong and capacious. The seamen are
not apprenticed, or as it is usually called, matriculated, but
their frequent crossing from island to island, their familiarity
with regional tempests, voyages to various parts of America, and
the occupation of fishing followed by the inhabitants of the coast,
serve to train up a large body of dexterous and able mariners who at
all times can be had, without any compulsion, to complete the crews.

[Need of nautical school.] The want of a public school for the
teaching of navigation, is, however, sensibly felt, as well as great
inconvenience from the scarcity of persons capable of being trusted
with the command of vessels, and the ignorance that prevails of the
waters of this dangerous Archipelago. Repeated royal orders have
been sent over for the board of trade to proceed to the institution
of so useful an establishment, and in the meantime, a medium has
been resorted to in order to supply the deficiency, by allowing
the free admission of foreign mates, provided they exhibit proofs
of their acquaintance with navigation, and profess the Catholic
worship. Shipowners nevertheless experience great difficulties,
particularly at times when the Acapulco ship is fitting out, for
although she is considered as a vessel of war, and commanded by
officers of the royal navy, the plan of her equipment is so singular,
that in addition, she requires the extra aid of one chief mate,
and three under ones.

[Royal Phillipine company.] The various modifications this corporate
body has successively experienced, have, in great measure, changed
the essence of its original constitution, and the remonstrances of
its directors, founded on the experience of a long series of years, at
length induced the government at home to sanction alterations dictated
by existing circumstances. The project of raising these Islands
from the neglected state in which they were, and in some measure to
place them in contact with the mother country, accompanied by a wish
to give a new and great impulse to the various branches of industry
which constitute the importance of a colony, could not have been more
laudable; but, as was afterwards seen, the instrument employed was
not adequate to the object in view. At the same time that the company
were charged to promote, and, by means of their funds, to vivify the
agriculture and industry of these provinces, the necessary powers
and facilities to enable them to reap the fruits of their sacrifices
were withheld. The protection granted to this establishment, did not
go beyond a general recommendation in favor of its enterprises, and,
in short, far from enjoying the exclusive preponderance obtained at
their commencement by all the other Asiatic companies, that of the
Philippine Islands labored under particular disadvantages.

[Local progress under adverse conditions.] Notwithstanding an
organization so imperfect, scarcely had the agents of the new
Company arrived at Manila, when they distributed through the country
their numerous dependents, commissioned to encourage the natives
by advances of money. They established subaltern factories in the
Provinces of Ilocos, Bataan, Cavite, and Camarines; purchased lands;
delivered out agricultural implements; founded manufacturies of cotton
cloths; contracted for the crops of produce at very high prices;
offered rewards and, in short, they put in motion every partial
resources they were able to avail themselves of and their limited
means allowed. It would be extremely easy for me, in this place,
to enter a particular enumeration of the important services of this
kind rendered by the company, and to exhibit, in the most evident
point of view, the advantages thence derived to these Islands,
if, besides being slightly touched upon in the preceding articles,
this task had not been already ably performed by the Factor Don Juan
Francisco Urroz, in his accurate report on this subject, addressed
to the governing committee of the company, in 1803. In justice I will
nevertheless observe, that this establishment, anxiously resolved to
attain the end proposed, in spite of so many obstacles, constantly
followed up its expensive system without being disheartened; nor
did the contrarieties with which the Royal Audiencia, or High Court
of Justice, frequently paralyzed its plans, the indifference of the
governors, or the general opposition and jealousy of the other classes,
in any way tend to relax its efforts, till at length, convinced of
the impossibility of successfully contending, alone and without any
other arms than its own reduced capital; and, on the other hand,
well aware that a political body of this kind in vain seeks to unite
within itself the triple and opposite characters of agriculturalist,
manufacturer, and merchant, a determination was taken to alter the
plan, and withdraw the factories established in the provinces, and
by adopting a rigid economy and confining the operations in future
to the purchase of such produce and manufactured articles as suited
their trade, and were voluntarily brought by the natives to their
stores, the expenses of the Company were curtailed, and a plan of
reform introduced into all their speculations. By this means also
they always secured an advantageous vent for the productions of the
country, after having been the chief spring by which agriculture was
promoted and encouraged in a direct manner.

[Handicapped in outside trade] The most beneficial reform, however,
introduced by this establishment into its system, has, in reality,
been derived from the variation or rather correction of its plans and
enterprises, purely maritime. The government being desirous to increase
the relations of this colony by every possible means, and to convert it
into a common center of all the operations of the new company, at first
required of the agents that the purchases and collection of goods from
the coast of Coromandel, Bengal, and China, destined for Spain, should
take place at Manila, either by purchasing the articles in that market,
or through the medium of previous contracts to deliver them there. From
this it is easy to infer, that the company was infallibly exposed to
the harsh terms the respective contractors sought to impose upon them,
as well with regard to prices as qualities, unless, in many cases,
they preferred being left without the necessary assortments. Hence may
it, without the smallest exaggeration, be affirmed, that, summing up
all the surcharges under which the shipments left the port of Manila,
and comparing them with those which might have been sent direct from
the above-mentioned points, and without so extraordinary a détour
as the one prescribed by law, the difference that followed in the
prime cost of the cargos was not less than 80 per cent. The urgent
manner, however, in which the directors of the company did not
cease to deplore and complain of so evident a hardship, at length
had the desired effect, and after existing ten or twelve years, so
preposterous a system was successfully overthrown, and permission
obtained from the king for the establishment of Spanish factories in
the neighborhood of the China and India manufactures, as well as the
power of addressing shipments direct to those foreign dominions. The
enlightened policy of their respective governments did not allow them
to hesitate in giving a favorable reception to our factors and vessels,
and the purchases and shipments of Asiatic goods being thus realized
without the old obstructions, the Company was reasonably led to hope
being able soon to increase its operations, and progressively present
more satisfactory results to the shareholders, when those political
convulsions succeeding soon after, which have unhinged or destroyed
all the ordinary relations of trade, compelled them to abandon their
hopes, till the wished-for calm should be again restored.

[Temporary expedient of 1803.] In consequence of the new character
and route given to the commercial enterprises of the Company, as
authorized by a royal decree of July 12, 1803, the functions of
the Manila factors were reduced to the annual shipment of a cargo
of Asiatic goods to Peru, valued at $500,000, but only as long
as the war lasted, and till the expiration of the extraordinary
permits granted through the goodness of the king, and also to the
transmitting to China and Bengal of the specie brought from America,
and the collecting of certain quantities of indigo, sugar, or other
produce of the Islands, with a view to gain by reselling it in the
same market. Consequently, the moment things return to their pacific
and ordinary course, will be the period when the necessity of the
future existence of this establishment will cease, or at least,
when the propriety will be evident of its reform or assimilation to
the other commission houses, carrying on trade in Vera Cruz, Mexico,
etc., which, not being hired establishments, do not create expenses
when they cease to transact business.

[Competition of foreign merchants.] Against a measure of this kind
it would be useless to allege, that, "by the exclusive privilege to
introduce spirits and European effects into the colony, the Company
has contracted the obligation of always keeping it properly supplied;
that their very institution had for the basis the general improvement
of the Islands, and in order duly to comply with these duties, it
becomes indispensably necessary to keep up the present expensive
establishment;" for, in the first place, in order, to render it
incumbent on the company to introduce an indefinite quantity of
European articles, it previously would be necessary to provide a vent
for them, and this can never be the case, unless the exclusion of all
competitors in the market is rigorously carried into effect. As things
now are, the North Americans, English, French, and every other nation
that wishes, openly usurped this privilege, by constantly inundating
the Islands with spirits and all kinds of effects, and it is very
evident that this same abuse which authorizes the infraction of the
above privilege, if in that light it could in any way be considered,
totally exonerates the company from all obligations by them contracted
under a different understanding. Besides, the circumstances which
have taken place since the publication of the royal decree, creating
the above establishment into a corporate body, in the year 1785,
have entirely changed the order established in this respect. In the
first place, the port of Manila has been opened to foreign nations,
in consequence of the disinterested representations of the company
itself, and for the direct advantage of general trade; nor was it
necessary to prevent our new guests from abusing the facilities thus
granted to them, and much less to confine them to the mere introduction
of Asiatic goods, the original plea made use of. In the second, as
soon as the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands became familiar with
the more useful and elegant objects of convenience and luxury, which
they were enabled to purchase from foreigners, at reasonable prices,
it was natural for them to pay little regard to the superfluous aid
of the company, more particularly when the latter were no longer
able to sustain the competition, either in the sale or supply of a
multitude of articles, which, thanks to our own national simplicity,
are scarcely known in Spain, whence their outward-bound cargoes are
divided. Hence it follows that, far from the importation and supplies
of the company being missed, it may with great reason be presumed,
that this formal renunciation of this ideal privilege of theirs,
must rather have contributed to secure, in a permanent manner,
adequate supplies for all the wants and whims of the inhabitants of
the colony; and that the publicity of such a determination would act
as a fresh allurement successively to bring to the port of Manila a
host of foreign speculators, anxious to avail themselves of a fresh
opening for commercial pursuits.

[Company not a philanthropy.] The other objection, founded on the
mistaken notion of its being inherent in, and belonging to, the very
essence of the company, to promote the general improvement of the
Philippine Islands, if well considered, will appear equally unjust. It
is, in fact, a ridiculous, although too generally received, a prejudice
to suppose, that the founders of this establishment proposed to
themselves the plan of sinking the money of the shareholders in
clearing the lands, and perfecting the rude manufactures of these
distant Islands. To imagine this to have been one of the principal
objects of the institution, or to suppose that, on this hard condition,
their various privileges and exemptions were granted to them, is so
far from the reality of the fact, that it would only be necessary
to read with attention the 26th article of the quoted royal decree
of creation, in order more correctly to comprehend the origin and
constitutive system of this political body.

"The latter," says the Duke de Almodovar, "is reduced to two principal
points: the first of which is the carrying of the trade of Asia
with that of America and Europe; and the second, the encouragement
and improvement of the productions and manufacturing industry of
the Islands. The one is the essential attribute of the company,
constituting its real character of a mercantile society; and, in the
other respect, it becomes an auxiliary of the government, to whom
the duties alluded to more immediately belong." If to the above we
add the preamble of the 43rd article of the new decree of 1803, the
recommendation, made to the company, to contribute to the prosperity
of the agriculture and manufacturing industry of the Islands, will
appear as a limited and secondary consideration; for even if the
question were carried to extremes, it could never extend to any more
than the application of four per cent of the annual profits of the
company indistinctly to both branches. If, however, any doubts still
remained, the explanation or solution recently given to this question
would certainly remove them; because, by the simple fact of its being
expressed in the latter part of the aforesaid 43rd article, [Profit
percent to go to Spain.] "That the above-mentioned four per cent was to
be laid out, with the king's approbation, in behalf of the agriculture
and manufacturing industry of Spain and the Philippine Islands," it is
clear that the king reserves and appropriates to himself the investment
of the amount to be deducted from the general dividends, in order to
apply it where and how may be deemed most advisable. Consequently,
far from considering the company in that respect under an obligation to
contribute to the improvement of the Philippines exclusively, the only
thing that can be required of them, when their charter is withdrawn,
is, the repayment to the royal treasury of the four per cent on their
profits, for a purpose so vaguely defined. In following up this same
train of argument, it would seem that, in order to render the amount
to be deducted from the eventual profits of the company, in the course
of time, a productive capital in the hands of the sovereign, the funds
of the society not only ought not to be diverted to the continuation
of projects which consume them, but, on the contrary, it is necessary
to place at their disposal the direct means by which these funds can
be increased, in order to make up to the company in some measure the
enormous losses experienced of late years, and at once free their
commerce from the shackles with which it has hitherto been obstructed.

[Need of special privileges] Finally, after twenty-four years of
impotent and gratuitous efforts in the Philippines, and of the most
obstinate opposition on the part of their rivals, it is now time for
the company, by giving up the ungrateful struggle, to reform in every
respect their expensive establishment in Manila, and to direct their
principal endeavors to carry into effect the project so imperfectly
traced out in the new decree of 1803. The opinion of the most vehement
enemies of the privileged bodies tacitly approves this exception in
their favor. Adam Smith, avowedly hostile to all monopolies, feels
himself compelled to confess that, "without the incentives which
exclusive companies offer to the individuals of a nation carrying
on little trade, possibly their confined capitals would cease to be
destined to the remote and uncertain enterprises which constitute a
commerce with the East Indies."

[Spanish commerce in its infancy.] Our commerce, compared with that
of other nations, notwithstanding what may be said on this subject,
is most assuredly yet in a state of infancy. That with Asia, more
especially, with the exception of the Royal Company, is almost unknown
to all other classes. If it is, therefore, wished to exclude our many
rivals from so lucrative a branch of trade as that which constitutes
supplies for the consumption of the Peninsula and its dependencies, the
means are obvious. The most material fact is in fact already done. The
navigation to the various ports of Asia is familiar to the company's
navy; their factors and clerks have acquired a practical knowledge of
that species of trade, essential to the undertaking, as well as such
information as was at first unknown; but, after the great misfortune
this body has experienced, it will be indispensably necessary to aid
and invigorate them with large supplies of money, following the example
of other governments in similar cases; in order that the successful
issue of their future operations may compensate their past losses,
and worthily correspond with the magnitude of the object.

[Philippines a burden to Spain.] This Asiatic colony, although
considered as conferring great lustre on the crown and name of our
monarch, by exhibiting the vast extent of the limits of his dominions,
has in reality been, during a long series of years, a true burden
to the government, or at least, a possession whose chief advantages
have redounded in favor of other powers, rivals of our maritime
importance. Notwithstanding all that has been said on the score of
real utility, certain it is, that the Philippine establishment has
cost the treasury large sums of money; although, within the last
twenty-five or thirty years, it must be confessed that the public
revenues has experienced a considerable increase, and, of itself,
has become an object of some consequence to the state.

[Profit from tobacco monopoly and foreign trade.] Among the various
causes which have contributed to produce so favorable an alteration,
the chief one have been the establishment of the tobacco monopoly,
on behalf of the crown, and the opening of the port of Manila to the
flag of other nations, at peace with Spain. The first has considerably
increased the entries into the public treasury, and the second
has tended to multiply the general mass of mercantile operations,
independent of the other beneficial effects this last measure must
have produced in a country, whose resources, trade and consumption
had, from the time of the conquest, experienced the fatal shackles
imposed by jealousy and ignorance.

[Improvement in public finances.] The improved aspect the colony
soon assumed, by the introduction of this new system, as was natural,
awakened the attention of ministers, and induced them more easily to
consent to the measures subsequently proposed to them, principally
intended to place those distant dominions on a footing of permanent
security, so as to enable them to repel any fresh attempts on the part
of an enemy. As, however, the productions of the country increased,
the public expenses also became greater, although always in a much
smaller proportion, with the exception of the interval between the
years 1797 and 1802, when the government, fearful of a second invasion,
was compelled, at its own expense, to provide against the danger with
which these Islands were then threatened. If, therefore, as appears
from the official reports of the treasurer-general, Larzabal, in my
possession, the receipts at the treasury, in 1780, amounted only to
$700,000 including the situado, or annual allowance for the expenses
of government sent from New Spain, and after the ordinary charges of
administration had been paid, a surplus of $170,000 remained in the
hands of the treasurer; at present we have the satisfaction to find
that the revenue is equal to $2,625,176.50 and the expenses do not
exceed $2,179,731.87 by which means an annual surplus of $445,444.62
is left, applicable to the payment of the debt contracted during the
extraordinary period above mentioned, now reduced to about $900,000 and
afterwards transferable to the general funds belonging to the crown.

[Economy over Spanish-American colonial administration.] With regard
to the administrative system, it is in every respect similar to the
one observed in our governments of America, with this difference only,
that, in the Philippine Islands, greater economy prevails in salaries,
as well as in the number of persons employed. In former times, the
establishment of intendencies, or boards of administration, was deemed
expedient in Manila, Ilocos, Camarines, Iloilo, and Cebu; but they
were soon afterwards reformed, or rather laid aside, on account of
their being deemed superfluous. I would venture to state the grounds
on which this opinion was then formed; but, as the sphere in which
the king's revenue acts in these Islands increases and extends, which
naturally will be the case if the plans and improvements dictated
by the present favorable circumstances are carried into effect, I do
not hesitate to say that it will be necessary again to appeal to the
establishment of a greater number of boards for the management and
collection of the various branches of the revenue, whether they are
called intendencies, or by any other name; as it will be extremely
difficult for the administration to do its duty, on the confined and
inadequate plan under which it is at present organized.

[Fiscal system.] Under its existing form, it is constituted in the
following manner: The governor of the Islands, in his quality of
superintendent or administrator general, and as uniting in himself
the powers of intendent of the army, presides at the board of
administration of the king's revenue, which is placed in the immediate
charge of a treasurer and two clerks. The principal branches have their
respective general directors, on whom the provincial administrators
depend, and the civil magistrates, in the quality of sub-delegates,
collect within their respective districts, the tributes paid by the
natives in money and produce, and manage everything else relating
to the king's revenue. In ordinary cases, the general laws of the
Indies govern, and especially are the ordinances or regulations of
the Intendents of New Spain (Mexico) ordered to be observed in the
Philippines. It ought further to be observed, that, in these Islands,
the same as in all the vice-royalties and governments of America, there
is a distinct body of royal decrees in force, which, in themselves,
constitute a code of considerable size.

[Opposition to tobacco monopoly.] The process of converting the
consumption of tobacco into a monopoly met with a most obstinate
resistance on the part of the inhabitants, and the greatest
circumspection and constancy were necessary for the governor, Don
José Basco, to carry this arduous enterprise into effect. Accustomed
to the cultivation of this plant without any restriction whatever,
and habituated to its use from their infancy, it appeared to the people
the extreme of rashness to seek simultaneously to extirpate it from the
face of the greatest part of the Island of Luzon, in order to confine
its culture within the narrow limits of a particular district. They
were equally revolted at the idea of giving to a common article a
high and arbitrary value, when, besides, it had become one of the
first necessity. Every circumstance, however, being dispassionately
considered, and the principle once admitted that it was expedient for
the colony to maintain itself by means the least burdensome to the
inhabitants, it certainly must be acknowledged that, although odious
on account of its novelty and defective in the mode of its execution,
a resource more productive and at the same time less injurious, could
not have been devised. Hence was it that the partisans of the opposite
system were strangely misled, by founding their calculation on false
data, when they alleged that a substitute, equivalent to the increased
revenue supposed to arise out of the monopoly of tobacco, might have
been resorted to by ordering a proportionate rise in the branch of
tributes. In fact, no one who had the least experience in matters of
this kind, can be ignorant of the open repugnance the natives have
always evinced to the payment of the ordinary head-tax (cedula),
and the broils to which its collection has given rise. Besides,
if well examined, no theory is more defective and more oppressive
on account of the disparity with which it operates, than this same
wrongly-boasted impost; for, however desirous it may be to simplify
the method of collecting the general revenue of a state, if the best
plan is to be adopted, that is, if public burdens are to be rendered
the least obnoxious, it is necessary preferably to embrace the system
of indirect contribution, in which class, to a certain degree, the
monopoly of all those articles may be considered as included which are
not rigorously of the first necessity, and only compel the individual
to contribute when his own will induce him to become a consumer.

[Doubling of insular revenue thru tobacco.] Let this be as it may,
certain it is, that to Governor Basco we are indebted for having
doubled the annual amount of the revenue of these Islands, by merely
rendering the consumption of tobacco subservient to the wants of the
crown. It was he who placed these Islands in the comfortable situation
of being able to subsist without being dependent on external supplies
of money to meet the exigencies of government. It ought, however, to
be remarked that, although they have been in the habit of receiving
the annual allowance of $250,000 for which a standing credit was
opened by the government at home on the general treasury of New
Spain, considerable sums have, nevertheless, on various occasions,
been remitted from the Philippines to Spain, through the channel of
the Captain-General. * * * If these remittances have been suspended
for some years past, it has evidently been owing to the imperious
necessity of applying the ordinary proceeds of the revenue, as well
as other extraordinary means, to unforeseen contingencies arising
out of peculiar circumstances.

[Tobacco belt.] The planting and cultivation of tobacco are now
confined to the district of Gapan, in Pampanga Province, to that of
Cagayan, and to the small Island of Marinduque. The amount of the
crops raised in the above three points and sold to the king, may,
on an average, be estimated at fifty thousand bales, grown in the
following proportion: Gapan, forty-seven thousand bales; Cagayan,
two thousand, and Marinduque, one thousand. This stock, resold at the
monopoly prices, yields a sum equal to about one million of dollars,
and deducting therefrom the prime cost and all other expenses,
legally chargeable on this branch, the net proceeds in favor of the
revenue amount to $550,000 or upwards of one hundred twenty-two per
cent. This profit is so much more secure, as it rests on the positive
fact that, however great the quantity of the article sold furtively and
by evading the vigilance of the guards, as the demand and consumption
are excessive and always exceed the stock on hand, a ready sale cannot
fail to be had for all the stock placed in the hands of the agents
of the monopoly. From this it may also be inferred how much the net
proceeds of this branch would be increased, if without venturing too
far in extending the plantations and consequent purchases, care was
taken to render the supplies more proportionate to the consumption;
for, by a clear profit of one hundred twenty-two per cent, falling
on a larger capital, it follows that a corresponding result would
be obtained. In a word, the sales, far from declining or being in
any way deemed precarious, are susceptible of a great increase,
consequently this branch of revenue merits the serious attention of
government beyond all others.

[Defective sales system.] It is, however, to be lamented that,
instead of every facility being given to the sale of tobacco and the
consumption thus encouraged, the public meet with great difficulties
and experience such frequent obstacles and deficiencies in the
supplies, that with truth it may also be said, the sales are affected
in spite of the administrators themselves. In the capital alone it
is a generally received opinion that a third part more would there
be consumed, if, instead of compelling the purchaser to receive the
tobacco already manufactured or folded, he was allowed to take it from
the stores in its primitive state; and if the minor establishments
in the provinces were constantly supplied with good qualities, an
infinitely larger quantity might be sold, and by this means a great
deal of smuggling also prevented. Such, however, is the neglect and
irregularity in this department, that it frequently happens in towns
somewhat distant from Manila, no other tobacco is to be met with
than what the smugglers sell, and if, perchance, any is to be found
in the monopoly stores, it is usually of the worst quality that can
be imagined.

[Loss from preventable causes.] I pass over, in silence, the other
defects gradually introduced, as evils, in a greater or lesser degree,
inseparable from this part of public administration in every country
in which it has been deemed necessary to establish monopolies; but I
cannot refrain from again insisting on the urgency with which those
in power ought to devote themselves, firmly and diligently, to the
destruction of abuses which have hitherto paralyzed the progress of
the branch in question, because I am well persuaded, that, whenever
corresponding means are adopted, it will be possible in a short
time to double the proceeds. What these means are, it is not easy,
nor indeed essential, to particularize in a rapid sketch, like this,
of the leading features and present state of the Philippine Islands. I
shall, therefore, merely remark, that it will be in vain to wish the
persons engaged in the management of this department to exert their
real zeal and sincerely co-operate in the views of government, as
long as they are not placed beyond the necessity of following other
pursuits and gaining a livelihood in another way; in a word, unless
they have a salary assigned them, corresponding to the confidence and
value of the important object entrusted to their charge, no plan of
reform can be rendered efficient.

[Abuses by revenue officers.] At the same time steps are taken to
augment the revenue arising out of tobacco, it would be desirable,
as much as possible, to improve the methods used with regard to those
who gather in the crops, by endeavoring to relieve them from the heavy
conditions imposed upon them; conditions which, besides exposing them
to the odious effects of revenue-laws, by their very nature bring upon
them many unpleasant consequences, and often total ruin. In order that
a correct opinion may be formed of these defects, it will suffice to
observe that, under pretext of preventing smuggling, the guards and
their agents watch, visit, and, if I may use the expression, live
among the plantations from the moment the tobacco-seedlings appear
above ground, till the crops are gathered in. After compelling the
Filipino planter to cut off the head of the stem, in order that the
plant may not become too luxurious, the surveyors then proceed to
set down, not only the number of plants cultivated on each estate,
but even the very leaves of each, distinguishing their six qualities,
in order to call the farmers to account, respectively, when they
make a defective delivery into the general stores. In the latter
case, they are compelled to prove the death of the plants and even
to account for the leaves missing when counted over again, under the
penalty of being exposed to the rigor of the revenue laws.

[Burdensome and unprofitable inspection.] It cannot indeed be denied
that by this means two important objects are attained, at one and the
same time; the one, the gradual improvement of the tobacco, and the
other, the greater difficulty of secreting the article; but, on the
other hand, how great are the inconveniences incurred? Independent of
the singularity and consequent oppression of a regulation of this kind,
as well as its too great minuteness and complication, it is attended
with very considerable expenses, and renders it necessary to keep on
foot a whole army of guards and clerks, who tyrannize over and harass
the people without any real motive for such great scrupulosity and
profusion. I make this observation because I cannot help thinking
that the same results might nearly be obtained, by adopting a more
simple and better regulated system. I am not exactly aware of the one
followed in the Island of Cuba, but as far as I understand the matter,
it is simply reduced to this: the growers there merely present their
bales to the inspectors, and if pronounced to be sound and good, the
stipulated amount is paid over to them; but if the quality is bad,
the whole is invariably burnt. Thus all sales detrimental to the
public revenue are prevented, and I do not see why the same steps
could not be taken in the Philippine Islands. It must not, however,
be understood, that I presume to speak in a decisive tone on a subject
so extremely delicate, and that requires great practical information,
which, I readily acknowledge, I do not possess. I merely wish by means
of these slight hints, to contribute to the commencement of a reform
in abuses, and to promote the adoption of a plan that may have for
basis the relief of the growers, and at the same time advance the
prosperity of this part of the royal revenue.

[Coco and nipa wine monopoly.] The monopoly of coco and nipa, or
palm-wine, is a branch of public revenue of sufficient magnitude to
merit the second place among the resources rendered available to
the expenditure of these Islands, converted into a monopoly some
years ago. In like manner as the consumption of tobacco, it has
experienced several changes in its plan of administration, this
being at one time carried on, for account of the king, at others,
by the privilege being let out at auction; till at length the Board
of Control, convinced of the great profit gained by the contractors,
resolved at once to take the direction of this departure under their
own charge, and make arrangement for its better administration. Having
with this view established general deposits and licensed houses for
the sale of native wine, with proper superintending clerks they soon
began to reap the fruits of so judicious a determination. In 1780,
the privilege of selling the coco and nipa wine was farmed out, to the
highest bidder, for no more than $45,200 and subsequently the increase
has been so great, owing to the improvements adopted, that at present
net proceeds equal to $200,000 on an average may be relied upon. In
proof of this, the proceeds of this branch, in the year 1809, may be
quoted, when the total balances received at the Treasury, after all
expenses had been paid, amounted to $221,426, in the following manner:


Administration of Manila and district $201,250
Administration of La Pampanga and district 12,294
Administration of Pangasinan and district 7,882
 ----
 $221,426


The prime cost and other expenses that year amounted to no more than
$168,557 by which means, on the whole operation, a net profit of
thirteen and one-half per cent. resulted in favor of the treasury.

[Wine monopoly district.] The monopoly of native wine comprehends
the whole of the Island of Luzon, excepting the Provinces of Cagayan,
Zambales, Nueva Ecija, Camarines and Albay, and is under the direction
of three administrators, who act independently of each other in their
respective districts, and have at their disposal a competent number
of guards. These administrators receive in the licensed establishments
the coco and nipa wines, at prices stipulated by the growers. That of
the coco is paid for at the rate of two dollars per jar, containing
twenty gantas, equal to twelve arrobas, seven azumbres and half a
cuartillo, Castilian measure, and at fourteen reals in the places
nearest the depots. The nipa wine is laid at six and one-half reals
the jar, indistinctly; prices which, although extremely low, are still
considered advantageous by the Filipinos themselves, more particularly
when it is besides understood, that, from the circumstance of their
being growers of this article, they are exempted from military service,
as well as several other taxes and public charges.

[Coco-wine.] The coco-wine is a weak spirit, obtained in the following
manner: The tree that produces this fruit is crowned by an assemblage
of large flowers or corollas, from the center or calix of which issues
a fleshy stem, filled with juice. The Indian cuts the extremity of
this stem, and inclining the remainder in a lateral manner, introduces
it into a large hollow tube which remains suspended, and is found
full of sweet and sticky liquor, which the tree in this manner yields
twice in every twenty-four hours. ["Tuba".] This liquid, called tuba,
in the language of the country, is allowed to ferment for eight days
in a large vessel, and afterwards distilled by the Indians in their
uncouth stills, which are no other than large boilers, with a head
made of lead or tin, rendered tight by means of clay, and with a
pipe frequently made out of a simple cane, which conveys the spirit
to the receiving vessels, without passing, like the serpentine tube
used in ordinary stills, through the cooling vats, which so greatly
tends to correct the vices of a too quick evaporation. The tuba,
obtained in level and hot situations, is much more spirituous than
that produced in cold and shady places. In the first, six jars of
juice are sufficient to yield one of spirit, and in the latter,
as many as eight are requisite; a much greater number, however,
would be wanted to rectify this spirit so as to render it equal to
what is usually known by Hollands proof. I am not positively certain
what degree of strength the coco-brandy, or as it is usually called
coco-wine, possesses, but it is evidently inferior to the weakest made
in Spain from the juice of the grape. The only circumstance required
for it to be approved of, and received into the monopoly-stores,
is its being easily ignited by the application of a lighted candle.

[Nipa brandy.] The nipa is a small tree of the class of palms, which
grows in a very bushy form, and multiplies and prospers greatly on
the margins of rivers and watery tracts of land. The tuba, or juice,
is extracted from the tree whilst in its flowering state, in the same
way as that of the coco, and afterwards distilled by a similar process;
but it is more spirituous, from six to six and a half jars being
sufficient to yield one of wine. The great difference remarked in the
prices of these two species of liquor, arises out of the great number
of uses to which the fruit of the cocal or coco tree is applicable,
and the increase of expense and labor requisite to obtain the juice,
owing to the great height of the plant, and the frequent dangers to
which the caritones, or gatherers, are exposed in passing from one
tree to another, which they do by sliding along a simple cane (bamboo).

[Little drunkenness.] The impost on, or rather monopoly of, native
wine, is in itself little burdensome to the community, as it only
falls on the lower and most dissipated orders in society, and for this
reason it is not susceptible of the same increase as that of tobacco,
of which the use is more general, and now become an object of the
first necessity. The native of the Philippine Islands is, by nature,
so sober, that the spectacle of a drunken man is seldom noticed in
the streets; in the capital, where the most corrupt classes of them
reside, it is admirable to see the general abstinence from a vice
that degrades the human species. The consumption of the coco and
nipa wine is, nevertheless, considerable, for it is used in all their
festivities, cock-fights, games, marriages, etc. Accordingly if it is
desired to augment the annual sale of these liquors, no way could be
more efficient than to increase the number of their festive meetings,
and seek pretexts to encourage public diversions, so long as these do
not go contrary to the well-regulated order of society, and conflict
with the duties of those who are intrusted with its superintendence.

[Extension of monopoly urged.] I am still of opinion, however, that,
without resting the prosperity of this branch of the public revenue on
principles possessed of so immoral a tendency, it might be rendered
more productive to the treasury, if the monopoly could be introduced
into the other districts adapted to its establishment. By this I
mean to say that, as hitherto the monopoly has been partial, and
enforced more in the way of a trial than in a general and permanent
manner, much remains to be done, and consequently great scope is
left for improvement in this department of the public revenue. This
most assuredly may be attained, if all the local circumstances and
impediments, more or less superable, which the matter itself presents,
are only taken into due account, and proper exertions made to study
and discover the various indirect means of increasing the total mass
of contributions, by applying a system more productive and analogous
to the nature of the Philippine Islands. With regard to the revenue of
the two particular articles above treated on, I merely wish to make
it understood that, far from introducing by means of the monopoly,
a new vice into the provinces in which I recommend its establishment,
it would rather act, in a certain degree at least, as a corrective
to pre-existing evils, and the government would derive advantages
from an article of luxury, by subjecting its consumption to the
same shackles under which it stands in the northern provinces, where
its administration is established and carried on for account of the
royal treasury.

[Former customs usage.] In former times, when only vessels belonging to
the Asiatic nations visited the port of Manila, with effects from the
coast of Coromandel, or the China junks, and now and then a Spanish
vessel coming from or going to the Island of Java, with spices for
account of Philippine merchants, the receipt of duties was left in
charge of a single royal officer, and the valuations of merchandise
made by him, in concert with two merchants named by the government; but
with the knowledge and assistance of the king's attorney-general. The
modifications and changes which have subsequently taken place in this
department have, however, been frequent, as is evidently shown by the
historical extract from the proceedings instituted before the Council
of the Indies, by the merchants of Seville and Cadiz, in opposition to
those of the Philippine Islands, printed in Madrid, 1736, in folio,
by order of the said council; but as it does not enter into my views
to speak of times so remote, I shall confine my remarks to this branch
considered under its present form.

[Custom house.] In conformity to royal orders of March 15 and May 5,
1786, the Royal Custom House of Manila was definitively organized on
its new plan; and from 1788, was placed under the immediate charge
of an administrator-general, a controller, a treasurer, aided by a
competent number of guards, inspectors, etc., and in every respect
regulated on the plan established in the other custom houses. The
freedom of the port being granted to foreign nations, a privilege
before enjoyed only by those purely Asiatic, and a new line of trade
commenced by the company, the competition in merchandise soon began
to increase, as well as the revenue arising therefrom, in such manner
that, although the exportation of goods was limited to the cargo of
the Acapulco ship, of which the duties are not payable till her arrival
there; notwithstanding also the property imported by the company from
China and India, and destined for their own shipments, was exempt
from duties, and above all, the continual interruptions experienced
by the maritime commerce of the Islands within the last fifteen or
twenty years, the net proceeds of the custom house, from the period
above mentioned of its establishment, till the close of 1809, have not
been less than from $138,000 to $140,000, on an average, independent
of the amount of the king's fifth on the gold of the country, which
is collected by the same administrator, in consequence of its being
trivial; as well as the two per cent. belonging to the Board of Trade,
and by them collected under that title, and afterwards separately
applied to the average-fund and which usually may be estimated from
$20,000 to $25,000.

The general duties now levied in the custom house, are the following:

[Port charges and duties.] Six per cent. almojarisfago is on all
kinds of merchandise imported in foreign bottoms, under a valuation
made by the surveyors, in conformity to the respective prices of
the market at the time on importation; it usually is regulated by
an increase of 50% on the prime cost of India goods, and of 33 1/3%
on those from China. This duty may be considered as, in fact, equal
to nine per cent on the former, and eight on the latter.

Six per cent, or the same duty, on all foreign goods, although imported
in national bottoms.

Three per cent on Spanish goods, imported under the national flag,
equal, according to the above estimate to 4 and 4 1/2%.

Two per cent Board of Trade duty, indistinctly on all foreign property,
equivalent to 2 1/2 or 3%.

Twenty-five per cent anchorage dues, levied on the total amount of
the almojarisfago duty.

An additional of two and one-half per cent, a new and temporary duty,
called subvencion, appropiated to the payment of the loan made to
the king by the Cadiz Board of Trade, and leviable on all kinds of
imported goods, and, of course, equal, according to the usual mode
of valuation, to about three per cent.

Three per cent on the exportation of coined silver and gold of the
country, in dust and, ingots.

An additional or duty of subvencion, or temporary duty on the above,
equal to one-half per cent.

One and a half per cent under the same rate, on all kinds of goods,
and equal to two or two and one half per cent.

One and one-half per cent on the amount of the cargo of the Acapulco
ship, on leaving the port of Manila, equal to 3/4% on the real
prime cost.

[Slight concession to the Company.] The company are considered in
the same light as the rest of the merchants, in the graduation and
payment of duties, on such goods as they sell out of their own stores
for local consumption, to the Company, with the exemption only of
the Board of Trade rate of 2% and 3%, on the exportation of silver,
according to a special privilege, and in conformity to the 61st
Article of the new royal decree of 1803.

Besides the duties above enumerated, there is another trifling one
established for local purposes of peso merchante, being a rate for the
use of the king's scales, levied according to an extremely equitable
tariff, on certain articles only of solid weight, such as iron, copper,
etc. The raw materials as well as all kinds of manufactured articles,
belonging to the Islands, are exempt from duties on their entry in
the port and river of Manila; but some of the first are subject to
the most unjust of all exactions, that is, to an arbitrary tax and
to the obligation of being retailed out on board the vessels in which
they have been brought down, and deliverable only to persons bearing
a written order, signed by the sitting members of the municipal
corporation. Among this class of articles may be mentioned the coco
of Cebu and the wax and oil of the Bisayas, which are rated as objects
of the first necessity.

[Undervaluation of galleon goods.] With regard to the respective
duties on the cargo annually dispatched by the merchants of Manila
to New Spain, the practice of galleon is tolerably well regulated. An
extreme latitude is given to the moderate rates at which it is ordered
to value the goods contained in the manifest, by which means these are
frequently put down at only one-half of their original prime cost;
the commission to frame the scale of valuations which is to be in
force for five years, after which time it is renewed, being left
to three merchants, and made subject to the revision of the king's
attorney-general (fiscal) and the approbation of the governor;
consequently, such being the nature of the tariff on which these
operations are founded, the 33 1/3% to which the royal duties amount
on the $500,000 stipulated in the permit, does not, in fact, affect
the shipper beyond the rate of 15 per cent, in consequence of the
great difference between the prime cost and valuation of the articles
corresponding to the permit; or, what is the same thing, between
the $500,000 nominal value, and $1,100,000 or $1,200,000, the real
amount of the cargo in question. The most remarkable circumstance,
however, is, that the officers of the revenue in Acapulco collect
the above-mentioned 33 1/3% in absolute conformity to the Manila
valuation, and not according to the value of the goods in America,
and without any other formality than a comparison of the cargo with
the ship's papers. In honor of truth, it ought to be further observed
that, although the Manila merchant by this means seeks to exempt
himself from the part of the enormous duties with which it has been
attempted to paralyze the only commercial intercourse he carries on
with New Spain, in every other respect connected with this operation,
he acts in a sufficiently legal manner, and if at their return those
vessels have been in the habit of bringing back near a million of
dollars in a smuggled way, it must be acknowledged that it is the
harshness of the law which compels the merchant to become a smuggler;
for according to the strange regulation by which he is thwarted in the
returns representing the proceeds of his outward operation, he must
either bring the money to the Philippine Islands without having it
declared on the ship's papers, or be obliged to leave the greatest
part of it in the hands of others, subject to such contingencies
as happen in trade. As long, therefore, as the present limitations
subsist, which only authorize returns equal to double the value of
the outward-bound cargo, this species of contraband will inevitably
continue. The governors also, actuated by the principles of reason
and natural justice, will, as they have hitherto done, wink at the
infraction of the fiscal laws; a forbearance, in fact, indirectly
beneficial to them, inasmuch as it eventually contributes to the
general improvement of the colony. Indeed, without this species of
judicious condescension, trade would soon stand still for the want
of the necessary funds to carry it on.

[Unbusinesslike custom ways.] .... It will readily be acknowledged
that, in like manner as the good organization of custom houses is
favorable to the progress of general commerce, so nothing is more
injurious to its growth and the enterprise of merchants, than any
uncertainty or arbitrary conduct in the levying of duties to be
paid by them. This arises out of the circumstance of every merchant,
entering on a new speculation, being anxious to have, as the principal
ground work of his combinations, a perfect knowledge of the exact
amount of his disbursements, in order to be enabled to calculate the
final result with some degree of certainty. Considered in this point
of view, the system adopted in the Islands is certainly deplorable,
since it must be acknowledged that the principles and common rules of
all other commercial countries, are there unknown. For example; this
year a cargo arrives from China or Bengal, and the captain turns in
his manifest. The custom-house surveyors then commence the valuation
of the goods of which his cargo is composed: I say they commence,
because it is a common thing for them not to have finished the estimate
of the scale and amount of corresponding duties, till the expiration
of two, four, and not unfrequently six months. The rule they affect to
follow, in this valuation, is that of the prices current in the market,
and in order to ascertain what these are, they are seen going round
inquiring in the shops of the Sangleys (Chinese), till at length,
finding it useless to go in search of correct and concurrent data,
in a place where there are neither brokers nor public auctions, they
are forced to determine in an arbitrary manner, and as the adage goes,
always take good care to see their employers on the right side of the
hedge. The grand work being ended, with all this form and prolixity,
the sentence of the surveyors is irrevocable. The bondsman of the
captain, who, in the meanwhile, has usually sold his cargo and departed
with a fresh one for another destination, pays in the amount of the
duties, thus regulated by law.

[Variations in valuations.] The practical defects and injurious
consequences of such a system as this, it would be unnecessary
to particularize. It would, however, be less intolerable, if,
once put in force, it could serve the merchant as a guide in the
valuations of his property for a determined number of successive
years. What, however, renders this assessment more prejudicial,
is its instability and uncertainty, and the repetition of the same
operation I have just described every year, and with every cargo that
arrives; but under distinct valuations, according to the reports
or humor of the day. Besides these great defects and irregularity,
the Philippine custom house observes the singular practice of not
allowing the temporary landing of goods entered in transitu and for
re-exportation, as is done on the bonding system in all countries
where exertions are made by those in authority for the extension and
improvement of commerce in every possible way. Of course, much less
will they consent to the drawback or return of any part of the duties
on goods entered outwards, even though they are still on board the
very vessels in which they originally came shipped. Beyond all doubt,
the wrongly understood severity of such a system, has, and will,
continue to prevent many vessels from frequenting the port of Manila,
and trying the market, unable to rely on the same liberal treatment
they can meet with in other places.

[The areca-nut.] The bonga, or areca-nut, is the fruit of a very
high palm-tree, not unlike the one that bears the date, and the
nuts, similar to the latter, hang in great clusters from below the
protuberance of the leaves or branches. Its figure and size resemble
a common nut, but solid, like the nutmeg. Divided into small pieces,
it is placed in the center of a small ball made of the tender leaves
of the buyo or betel pepper, lightly covered with slacked lime,
and this composition constitutes the celebrated betel of Asia, or,
as it is here called, the buyo, the latter differing from that used
in India, inasmuch only as it contains cardamomom.

[Buyo monopoly unsatisfactory.] The government, anxious to derive
advantage in aid and support of the colony, from the great use the
inhabitants make of the buyo, many years ago determined to establish
the sale of the bonga, its principal ingredient, into a monopoly,
either by hiring the privilege out, or placing it under a plan of
administration, in the form in which it now stands. Both schemes have
been tried, but neither way has this branch been made to yield more
than $30,000; indeed the annual proceeds usually have not exceeded
$25,000. In 1809, the total amount of sales was $48,610, and deducting
from this sum the prime cost and expenses of administration, the net
profit in favor of the treasury was equal to no more than $27,078 or
upwards of 125 1/2%. In 1780, the privilege of selling the bonga was
let out at public auction for the sum of $15,765 and this, compared
with the present proceeds, clearly shows that, although the increase
has not advanced equally with the other branches of the revenue, it is
far from having declined. It must nevertheless be confessed, that on
the present footing on which it stands, the smallness of the proceeds
is not worth the trouble required in the collection, and even if the
amount were still greater, it could never serve as an excuse for the
oppression and violence to which this monopoly frequently gives rise.

[Hardships on areca-nut planters.] As the trees producing the bonga
are not confined to any particular grounds, and indiscriminately grow
in all, the plan has been adopted of compelling the Filipinos to gather
and bring in the fruit, raised on their lands, to the depot nearest the
district in which they reside. There they are paid from two, two and
one-half, three and three and one-half reals per thousand, according
to the distance from which they come: and, in order to prevent frauds,
the surveyors belonging to the revenue go out, at certain times of the
year, to examine the bonga plantations, and the trees being counted,
they estimate the fruit, that is, oblige the proprietor to undertake
to deliver in two hundred nuts for each bearing tree, whether or not,
hurricanes deteriorate or destroy the produce, or thieves plunder
the plantations, as very frequently happens. In case deficiencies are
proved against him, he is compelled to pay for them in money, at the
rate of twenty-five reals per thousand, the price at which the king
sells them in the monopoly-stores. Besides, the precise condition of
delivering in two hundred bonga nuts, according to the stipulations
imposed upon him, presupposes the previous exclusion of all the injured
or green ones; and although the ordinary trees usually yield as many as
three hundred nuts each, great numbers are nevertheless spoiled. If, to
the adverse accidents arising out of the storms and robberies, we add
the effects of the whims or ill-humor of the receivers, it is not easy
to imagine to what a length the injuries extend which befall the man
who has the folly or misfortune to become a planter of this article.

[Folly of monopoly plan.] On the other hand, as in the conveyances
from the minor to the larger depots, frauds are frequently committed,
and the heaping together of many millions of nuts inevitably produces
the fermentation and rapid putrefaction of a great number of them,
it consequently follows that the waste must be immense; or if it is
determined to sell all the stock laid in, without any distinction in
quality and price, the public must be very badly served and displeased,
as in fact too often happens. Since, therefore, the habit of using
the buyo is still more prevailing than that of tobacco, when suitable
supplies cannot be had in the monopoly stores, the consumer naturally
resorts to the contraband channels, although he encounters some risk,
and expends more money. It is also very natural that the desire of
gain should thus lead on and daily expose a number of needy persons,
anxious by this means to support and relieve the wants of their
families. Returning, however, to what more immediately concerns the
grower, I do not know that the oppressive genius of fiscal laws has,
in any country of the globe, invented one more refinedly tyrannic,
than to condemn a man, to a certain degree at least, as has hitherto
been the case, to the punishment of Tantalus; for the law forbids the
Filipino to touch the fruit of the tree planted with his own hands,
and which hangs in tempting and luxuriant abundance round his humble
dwelling.

[Its modification desirable.] It would be easy for me to enumerate
many other inconveniences attending this branch of public revenue,
on the footing on which it now stands, if what has already been said
did not suffice to point out the necessity of changing the system,
as those in authority are anxious that the treasury should gain more,
and the king's subjects suffer less. The strong prejudice entertained
against this source of revenue, the inconsiderable sum it produces,
and the complicated form of its organization, have in reality been
sufficient motives to induce many to become strenous advocates for
the total abolition of the monopoly. I do not, however, on this
account see any reasons for altogether depriving the government of
a productive resource, as this might soon be rendered, if it was
placed under regulations less odious and more simple in themselves. I
nevertheless agree, that the perfect monopoly of the areca fruit, or
bonga, is impracticable, till the trees, indiscriminately planted,
are cut down, and, in the same way as the tobacco plantations,
fresh and definite grounds are laid out for its cultivation, on
account of the revenue. I am further aware that this measure is
less practicable than the first; for, independent of all the other
obstacles, it would be necessary to wait till the new plantation
yielded fruit, and also that the public should consent to refrain
from masticating buyo in the meanwhile, a pretension as mad as it
would be to require that the eating of salt should be dispensed with
for a given number of years. But what difficulty would there be,
for example, in the proprietors paying so much a year for each bonga
tree to the district magistrate, the governor of the nearest town,
or the cabeza de Barangay, or chiefs of the clans into which the
natives are divided, in the same manner as the Filipino pays his
tribute? [Tree-tax preferable.] The only one I anticipate is that of
fixing the amount in such way that, at the same time this resource is
made to produce an increased income of some moment, it may act as a
moderate tax on an indefinite property, the amount of which, augmented
in the same price, may be reimbursed to the proprietor by the great
body of consumers. It is not in fact easy to foresee or estimate,
by any means of approximation, the alteration in the current price
of the bonga, that would result from the indefinite freedom of its
cultivation and sale, especially during the first years. Although,
for this reason, it would be impossible to ascertain what proportion
the impost on the tree would then bear with regard to the value of
the fruit, the error that might accrue would be of little moment, as
long as precautions were taken to adopt a very low rate of comparison,
and a proportionably equitable one as the basis of taxation. Supposing
then that the price of the bonga should decline from twenty-five reals,
at which it is now sold in the monopoly stores, to fifteen reals per
thousand, in the general market, and a tax of one-fourth real should
be laid on each tree valued at two hundred bonga nuts, it is clear
that this would be equal to no more than 8 1/2%; or, what is the same,
the tax would be in the proportion one to twelve with the proceeds of
each tree, and the more the value of the fruit was raised, the more
would the rate of contribution diminish. It ought at the same time
to be observed that, under the above estimate, that is, supposing the
price of the article to remain at fifteen reals, the 8 1/2% at which
rate the tax is regulated, would not perhaps exceed five or six per
cent on a more minute calculation; in the first place, because at the
time of making out the returns of the trees, [Exception of immature
and aged trees.] those only ought to be set down which are in their
full vigor, excluding such as through the want or excess of age only
yield a small proportion of fruit; and in the second, because in
the numbers registered, the trees would only be rated at two hundred
although it is well known they usually yield three hundred, in order
by this means the better to avoid all motives of complaint. In this
point of view, and by adopting similar rules of probability, it seems
to me that the government would not risk much by an attempt to change
the present system into a tax levied on the tree itself, on a plane
similar to the one above proposed; more particularly by doing it in
a temporary manner, and rendering it completely subservient to the
corrections subsequent experience might suggest in this particular.

[Difficulty of estimating probable revenue.] The difficulty being,
in this manner, overcome, with regard to the prudent determination
of the rate at which the proprietor of the bonga plantations ought
to contribute, let us now proceed to estimate, by approximation, the
annual sum that would thus be obtained. As, however, this operation
is unfortunately complicated, and in great measure depends on the
previous knowledge of the total number of trees liable to the tax
proposed, details with which we are at not present prepared, it is
impossible to come at any very accurate results. All that can be done
is to endeavor to demonstrate, in general terms, the great increase
the revenue would experience by the adoption of the new plan, and
the real advantage resulting from it to the contributors themselves,
all which may be easily deduced from the following calculation.

Let us, in the first instance, suppose that the consumers of buyo,
in the whole of the Islands, do not exceed one million of persons,
and that each one makes use of three bongas per day, this consumption,
at the end of the year, would then amount to 1,095,000,000 nuts. We
will next divide this sum by two hundred, at which the product of each
tree, one with another, is rated, and the result will be 5,475,000
trees. [Greater, however, than at present.] This number being taxed
at the rate of one-fourth real, would leave the sum of $171,093.75
and deducting therefrom the $25,000 yielded by this branch under its
present establishment, together with $5,132 equal to three per cent
paid to the district magistrates for the charges of collection, we
should still have an annual increase in favor of the, treasury equal
to $140,961.75.

It might perhaps be objected that, in this case, the proprietor,
instead of receiving, as before two and one-half reals for every
thousand bongas, would have to disburse one and one-fourth reals in
the mere act of paying one-fourth real for each tree; a circumstance
which, at first sight, seems to produce a difference not of one and
one-fourth, but of three and one-fourth reals per thousand against
him; though in reality far from this being the case, if we take into
consideration the deficiencies the sworn receiver usually lays to
his charge, the fruit he rejects, owing to its being green or rotten,
and the many and expensive grievances he is exposed to in his capacity
of grower; it will be seen that his disbursements under these heads
frequently exceed the amount he in fact has to receive. [Tax only a
surcharge ultimately paid by consumer.] If, in addition to this, we
bear in mind that, on condition of seeing himself free from guards
and a variety of insupportable restrictions, constituting the very
essence of a monopoly, he would in all probability gladly pay much
more than the tax in question, all the doubts arising on this point
will entirely disappear. Finally, considered in its true light, we
shall not find in the measure above described anything more than a
very trifling discount required of the proprietor from the price at
which he sells his bonga, and which, as already noticed, ultimately
falls on the consumer alone.

[Estimate conservative.] The moderate estimate I have just formed ought
to inspire the more confidence from its being well known that the use
of the buyo is general among the inhabitants of these Islands. The
calculation, as it now stands, rests only on one million consumers,
for each of whom I have only put down three bongas per day, whereas
it is customary to use much more; nor have I taken into account the
infinite number of nuts wasted after being converted into the buyo,
a fact equally well known. Indeed, as the object proposed was no
other than to prove the main part of my assertions, and I trust this
is satisfactorily done, I have not deemed it necessary to include
in the above calculation a greater number of minute circumstances,
nor attempt to deduce more favorable results, which, with the scope
before me, I was most assuredly warranted in doing.

[Advantages.] In a word, from the concurrence of the facts and
reasons above adduced, the following propositions may, without any
difficulty, be laid down. First, that the increase of revenue produced
by the reform in question, would in all probability exceed $150,000
per annum; secondly, that the Filipinos would soon comprehend, and
gladly consent to a change of this kind in the mode of contributing
of which the advantages would be apparent; thirdly, that the persons
employed in the old establishment, might, with greater public utility,
be applied to other purposes; and lastly, that the civil magistrates
would not be harassed with so many strifes and lawsuits, and so many
melancholy victims of the monopoly, and its officers would cease to
drag a wretched existence in the prisons and places of hard labor in
these Islands.

[Cockpit licenses.] The cock-pit branch of the revenue is hired out
by the government, and the license is separately set up at auction
for the respective provinces. Its nature and regulations are so
well known that they do not require a particular description, the
general obligations of the contractors being the same as those in New
Spain. Perhaps the only difference observed in this public exhibition
in the Philippine Islands consists in its greater simplicity, owing to
its being frequented only by the natives, the whites who are present
at this kind of diversion being very few, or indeed none.

[Inconsiderable income.] The cock-pits are open two days in the week,
and the lessees of them receive half a real from every person who
enters, besides the extra price they charge those who occupy the best
seats, the owners of the fighting cocks, for the spurs, stalls for the
sale of buyo, refreshments, etc. Notwithstanding all this, and although
cock-fighting is so general and favorite an amusement among these people
(the rooster may justly be considered as the distinctive emblem of
the Filipino) the annual proceeds of this branch are inconsiderable;
although it must be acknowledged that it has greatly increased since
the year 1780, when it appears the license was let at auction for
only about $14,000 owing, no doubt, to the exclusive privilege of
the contractors not having been extended to the provinces, as was
afterwards gradually done.

[Provincial cockpit revenue.] The total sum paid to the government by
the renters of this branch, according to the auction returns in 1810,
amounted to $40,141 in the following order for the provinces:


    Tondo           $18,501
    Cavite            2,225
    La Laguna         2,005
    Pampanga          3,000
    Bulacan           6,900
    Batangas          2,000
    Pangasinan        1,200
    Bataan            1,050
    Iloilo            1,600
    Ilocos              600
    Tayabas             400
    Cebu                360
    Albay               300
    Total           $40,141


[Possibilities of increase.] The causes, to which the increase
that has taken place within the last twenty-five or thirty years is
chiefly to be attributed, have already been pointed out, and for this
reason it would appear that, by adopting the same plan with regard to
the fourteen remaining provinces, of which this captaincy-general
is composed, hitherto free from the imposition of this tax, an
augmentation might be expected, proportionate to the population,
their circumstances, and the greater or lesser taste for cock-fights
prevailing among their respective inhabitants. At the commencement, no
doubt, the rentals would be low, and, of course, the prices at which
the licenses were let out, would be equally so; but the experience
and profits derivable from this kind of enterprises would not fail
soon to excite the competition of contractors, and in this way add
to the revenue of the government. This is so obvious that I cannot
help suspecting attempts have, at some period or other, been made
to introduce the establishment of this privilege, in some of the
provinces alluded to; at the same time I am persuaded that, owing
to the affair not having been viewed in its proper light, seeking
on the contrary to obtain an immediate and disproportionate result,
the authorities have been too soon disheartened and given up the
project without a fair trial. All towns and districts murmur, and,
at first object, to taxes, however light they may be; but, at length,
if they be not excessive, the people become reconciled to them. The
one here proposed is neither of this character, nor can it be deemed
odious on account of its novelty. The natives are well aware that
their brethren in the other provinces are subject to it, and that
in this nothing more is done than rendering the system uniform. I,
therefore, see no reason why the establishment of this branch of
revenue should not be extended to all the points of the Islands. At
the commencement, let it produce what it may, since constancy and
time will bring things to the same general level.

[Indian tributes.] The too great condescension and mistaken humanity
of the government on the one hand, and the fraud and selfishness
of the provincial sub-delegates or collectors, on the other, have
concurred to change a contribution, the most simple, into one of the
most complicated branches of public administration. The first cause
has been owing to a too general acquiescence to receive the amount
of tributes in the produce peculiar to each province, instead of
money; and the second, because as the above officers are the persons
intrusted with the collection, whenever the sale has held out to
them any advantage, they have been in the habit of appropriating the
several articles to themselves, without allowing any benefit to the
treasury. If the prospective sales of the produce appear unfavorable,
it is then forwarded on to the king's store in Manila, surcharged with
freights, exposed to many risks, and the value greatly diminished
by waste and many other causes. No order or regularity being thus
observed in this respect, and the sale of the produce transmitted to
the king's stores being regulated by the greater or lesser abundance in
the general market, and a considerable stock besides left remaining,
from one year to another, and eventually spoiled, it is impossible
to form any exact estimate of this branch. If to these complicated
matters we add the radical vices arising out of the infidelity of the
heads of clans (cabezas de barangay), the difficulty of ascertaining
the defects of the returns made out by them, the variations annually
occurring in the number of those exempted either through age or other
legal motives, and above all, the frequently inevitable tardiness with
which the district magistrates send in their respective accounts,
it will be readily acknowledged, that no department requires more
zeal in its administration, and no one is more susceptible of all
kinds of frauds, or attended with more difficulties.

[A conservative estimate.] In this state of uncertainty, with regard
to this particular branch, I have guided myself by the last general
return of tributes, made out in the accountant-general's office,
on the best and most recent data, and calculating indistinctly the
whole value in money, I have deemed it proper afterwards to make a
moderate deduction, on account of the differences above stated, and
arising out of the collection of the tributes in kind, the expenses of
conveyance, shipwrecks, averages, and other causes already enumerated.

[Fixed charges.] In conformity to this calculation, the total
proceeds of this branch of revenue amount to $505,215 from which
sum are deducted, in the primitive stages of the accounts, the
amount of ecclesiastical stipends, the pay of the troops under
the immediate orders of the chief district magistrates in their
quality of war-captains, together with all other extraordinary
expenses incurred in the provinces by orders of the government, the
remainder being afterwards forwarded to the king's treasury. It ought,
however, to be observed, that the above aggregated sum is more or less
liable to deficiencies, according to the greater or lesser degree of
punctuality on the part of the sub-collectors in making up accounts,
and the solidity of their respective sureties; the failure of this
kind experienced by the revenue being so frequent, that, according to
the returns of the accountant-general, those which occurred between
the years 1762 and 1809, were no less than $215,765 notwithstanding
the great precautions at all times taken to prevent such considerable
injuries, by every means compatible with the precarious tenure of
property possessed by both principals and sureties in this country. All
the above circumstances being therefore taken into due consideration,
and the ordinary and extraordinary discounts made from the total amount
of tributes, the real sum remaining, or the net annual proceeds of
the above branch, have usually not been rated at more than $190,000
and $200,000; a sum respectively extremely small, and which possibly
might be doubled, without the necessity of recurring to any other
measure than a standing order for the collecting of the tributes in
money, as by this means the variety of expenses and complications above
enumerated, would be avoided, and the king's revenue no longer exposed
to any other deficiencies than those arising out of the insolvency
of the sub-collectors and their sureties, or casual risks, and the
trifling charges paid for the conveyance of the money. If in opposition
to this it should be alleged that it would be advisable to except some
of the provinces from this general rule, owing to the advantages the
government might derive from certain tributes being paid in kind,
I do not hesitate to answer that I see no reason whatever why this
should be done, because, if, for example, any quality of rigging
or sail cloth is annually required, it would be easy to obtain it
either by early contracts, or by laying in the articles at the current
market price. Indeed, all supplies which do not rest on this footing,
would be to defraud the natives of the fruits of his industry, and in
the final result this would be the same as requiring of him double or
triple tribute, contrary to the spirit of the law, which unfortunately
is too frequently the case under the existing system.

[Preferability of tribute in money.] Considering this affair in
another point of view, it would be easy for me to demonstrate, if it
were necessary, the mistaken idea that the native is benefited by
receiving in kind the amount of the tribute he has to pay, at the
low prices marked in the tariff used as a standard, by showing the
extortions and brokerage, if I may so term it, to which the practice
gives rise on the part of the district collectors. It will, however,
suffice to call the attention of my readers to the smallness of
the sum constituting the ordinary tribute, when reduced to money,
in order for them to be convinced that it would be superfluous,
as well as hazardous, to attempt to point out how this branch might
be rendered more productive to the state and at the same time less
burdensome to the contributors, more particularly when the rate
assessed does not exceed ten reals per year, a sum so small, that
generally speaking, no family can be found unable to hoard it up, if
they have any inclination so to do. The prevailing error, however, in
this respect, I am confident arises out of a principle very different
from the one to which it is usually attributed. The tributary native
is, in fact, disposed to pay the quota assigned to him into the hands
of the chief of his clan, in money, in preference to kind; because,
independent of the small value at which the articles in kind are
rated in the tariff, he is then exposed to no expenses, as he now is
for the conveyance of his produce and effects; nor is he liable to so
many accidents. But as the chief of each clan has to deliver in his
forty or fifty tributes to the head magistrate, who is answerable for
those of the whole province, it is natural for him to endeavor to make
his corresponding payments in some equivalent affording him a profit;
at the same time the provincial magistrate, speculating on a larger
scale, on the produce arising out of his jurisdiction, seeks to obtain
from the government a profitable commutation in kind for that which
the original contributor would have preferred paying in money. In
order the better to attain his purpose, he asserts, as a pretext,
the impossibility of collecting in the tribute under another form,
alleging, moreover, the relief the native derives from this mode,
whereas, if only duly examined, such a pretence is founded on the
avarice, rather than the humanity of the magistrate.

Leaving to one side the defects attributable to the present mode
of collection, and considering the tribute as it is in itself, the
attentive observer must confess, that in no part of our Indies is
this more moderate; and, indeed, it is evident that the laws generally
relating to the natives of these Islands seem to distinguish them with
a decided predilection above those of the various sections of America.

[Items in tribute.] The tribute in its origin was only eight reals
per family; but the necessity of providing for the increased expenses
of the government gave rise to this rate being afterwards raised
to ten. The Sangley mestizos pay double tribute, and the Sangleys
contribute at the rate of $6 per head. Besides this, all pay a yearly
sum, applicable to the funds belonging to the community, and the above
two casts pay three reals more, as a church rate, and under the name
of the Sanctuary, the whole being in the following form:


Entire Native Tribute       Tribute of Mestizos     Sangleys

8 Reals, original tribute   16 Reals.               $6 each.
1 1/2 Reals for expenses
of troops                   3
1/2 Reals to tithes         1
10 Reals, amount of tribute 20 Reals.               $6.75
1 Real, community funds     1
3 Reals, sanctuary rate     3
14 Reals, total annual
disbursement.               24 Reals.               $6.75


The males commence paying tribute at twenty years of age and
the females at twenty-five, if before they have not entered the
matrimonial state, and in both the obligation ceases at the age of
sixty. The chiefs of clans, or cabezas de barangay and their eldest
sons, or in default of children, the person adopted in their stead,
that is, an entire tribute and a half, are exempt from this tax, as
a remuneration for the trouble and responsibility they may have in
collecting in the forty or fifty tributes, of which their respective
clans are composed. Besides these there are various other classes of
exempted persons, such as the soldiers who have served a certain number
of years, those who have distinguished themselves in any particular
manner in the improvement of industry or agriculture, and others who
have received special certificates, on just and equitable grounds. In
summing up the total number of exempted persons, on an average in
the whole of the provinces, they will be found in the proportion of
fifty to every thousand entire tributes.

[Chinese tax.] The head-tax of the Sangleys has usually been
attended with so many difficulties in its collection, owing to the
facilities with which they absent or secrete themselves, and the
many stratagems this cunning and artful race employ to elude the
vigilance of the commissioners, that the government has at length
found itself compelled to let out this branch, as was done in 1809,
when it was disposed of in the name of one of them for the moderate
sum of $30,000; notwithstanding it is a generally received opinion,
that the number of this description of Chinese, constantly residing
in the Islands, is above 7,000, which, at the rate of $6 per head,
would raise this proportion of the tax as high as $42,000.

[Community funds.] The Community funds belonging to each town, have,
in conformity to the regulations under which they are administered,
a special, or I might say, local application; but collected together
into one stock, as is now the case, and directly administered by the
government, they produce a more general utility. The head town of
the province A, for example, requires to rebuild the public prison
or town-hall, and its own private funds are not sufficient to defray
the expenses of the work in question. In this case, therefore, the
government gives orders for the other dependent towns to make up the
deficiency by taking their proportions from their respective coffers,
as all have an equal interest in the proposed object being carried
into effect. The king's officers, in consequence thereof, draw the
corresponding sums from these funds, the whole of which is under their
immediate superintendence. And in order that the surplus of this stock
may not stand still, but obtain every possible increase in a country
where the premium for money is excessive, when let out at a maritime
risk, it is ordered that some part shall be appropriated in this way,
and on the same terms as those observed by the administrators of the
charity funds belonging to the Misericordia (Charity) establishment,
and the third order of St. Francis, which is another of the great
advantages of assembling this class of property.

In consequence of this judicious regulation, and the success with
which this measure has hitherto been attended, the Community fund
has gone on increasing in such a way that, notwithstanding the sums
drawn from it for the purpose of constructing causeways, bridges,
and other municipal objects, at the commencement of 1810, the stock
in hand amounted to no less than $200,000; and it is natural to
suppose when the outstanding premiums due shall have been paid in,
a considerable augmentation will take place. This branch, although
not exactly comprehended in those which constitute the revenue of the
government, has so obvious an analogy with that of tributes, that I
have not deemed it any essential deviation from the order and method
I have hitherto observed in this work, to introduce it in this place,
as in itself it did not deserve to be classed under a distinct head.

[Tribute burdensome.] Notwithstanding the truth of what has been
said with regard to the moderate rate of the tribute imposed on the
native of the Philippine Islands, it would be extremely desirable if
he could be altogether exonerated from a charge which he bears with
great repugnance, by some other substitute being adopted, indirectly
producing an equivalent compensation. In the first place, because the
just motives of complaint would cease, caused not only by the tribute,
but also the manner of its collection; and an end would then be put
to those intrigues and extortions the district magistrates commit,
under the title of zealous collectors of the king's revenue, and the
power of a multitude of subaltern tyrants, comprehended under the
denomination of chiefs of native clans (cabezas de barangay) would
then also fall to the ground; a power which, if now employed for the
purpose of oppressing and trampling on the liberties of inferiors,
might some day or other be converted into an instrument dangerous
and subversive of our preponderance in the country. In the second
place, if, among all the civilized nations a head-tax (poll-tax)
is in itself odious, it must incontestably be much more so among
those whose unlettered state, far from allowing them to know that
the social order requires a certain class of sacrifices for its
better preservation, makes them attribute exactions of this kind
to an abuse of superiority. Hence are they led to consider these
restraints as the symbols of their own slavery and degradation, as
in fact the natives in these Islands have ample reasons for doing,
when the legal exemption of the whites is considered, without any
other apparent reason than the difference in color. Independent of
this, the substitute above alluded to would be extremely expedient,
inasmuch as it would greatly simplify the plan of administration,
the accountant's department would be freed from the most painful
part of its labors, and the district magistrates and sub-collectors
would not so frequently be entangled in their accounts, and exposed
to expensive and interminable lawsuits, as now so often happens.

[Possible Revenue substitutes.] The difficulty, however, of
finding out this compensation or substitute is a matter of some
consideration. On the one hand, if it was attempted to distribute
the proceeds arising out of the tributes on other branches, such as
tobacco, native wine, bonga, and custom house, it would, at first
sight, appear possible, through the medium of an almost invisible
augmentation in the respective sale prices and in the king's duties,
that this important object might easily be attained; but, on the
other, it might be apprehended that the additional value put on
the articles above-mentioned, would produce in their consumption
a diminution equal to the difference in prices, in which cases no
advantage would be gained. The practicability of the operation, in my
opinion, depends on the proportion in which the means of obtaining the
articles in question respectively stand with the probability of their
being consumed. I will explain myself. If, for example, the annual
stock of tobacco laid in should be insufficient to meet the wants of
the consumers, as constantly occurs, it is clear that this article,
when monopolized, will bear a small augmentation of price, not only
without any inconvenience or risk, but with the moral certainty of
obtaining a positive increase of revenue, the necessary effect of
the total consumption of the tobacco laid in and sold. But as this
does not happen with the branch of native wines, of which the stock
usually exceeds the demand, and as the bonga also is not susceptible
of this improvement, owing to the small place it occupies among the
other resources of the revenue, no other means are left than to add to
the duties of export on silver, and of import on foreign merchandise,
a percentage equivalent to the deficiency not laid on tobacco, unless
it should be deemed more advisable to levy a sumptuary contribution on
coaches, horses and servants, and especially on all kinds of edifices
and houses built of stone and mortar, situated both within and without
the capital.

[Objection to tribute-paying.] However this may be, whatever the king
loses in revenue by the abolition of the native tributes, no doubt,
could be made up by an appeal to other ways and means. It is well-known
that many of the Indian tribes refuse to become subjects of the crown
and object to enter into general society on account of the odious
idea they have formed of paying tribute; or, as they understand it,
the obligation of giving something for nothing, notwithstanding those
who voluntarily submit themselves to our laws, are exempt from tribute,
and this charge falls only on their descendants. But of this they must
either be ignorant, or they regret depriving their posterity of that
independence in which they themselves have been brought up, and thus
transmit to them slavery as an inheritance. As soon, therefore, as a
general exemption of this kind, without distinction of casts, should
be made public, the natives would quit their fastnesses and secluded
places, and satisfied with the security offered to them, would be
seen coming down to the plains in search of conveniences of civilized
life, and all gradually would be reduced to Christianity. Hence
the increase of productions and their consumption, as well as
the extension of agriculture, industry and internal commerce. The
diminution of smuggling tobacco would soon follow, progress would be
made in the knowledge of the mines and natural riches of the country,
and financially, greater facilities would present themselves in
gradually carrying into effect its entire conquest and civilization.

Advantages of such great and extraordinary importance deserve to
be seriously weighed, and to this valuable department of public
administration the early attention of those in authority ought to
be called. Let due inquiries be made, and soon shall we discover
the substantial benefits which would be derived to the treasury
from the adoption of this measure, as popular as it is just, and
also conformable to the liberal spirit of the times. In support of
the preceding arguments, it ought further to be observed, that when
all the branches constituting the king's revenue are well organized,
brought to their most productive state, and the public debt contracted
under unforeseen exigencies paid off, as long as present circumstances
do not vary, an annual surplus of revenue, equal to more than $500,000,
will be left; and as the proceeds of the particular branch of tributes
do not amount to this sum, it is evident their abolition may take
place, not only without any derangement or onerous consequences to the
administration, but even without any deficiency being experienced, or
any necessity to recur to the treasury of New Spain for extraordinary
aid. These reasons acquire still greater force when it is remembered
that, as things now are, all the branches of public revenue are
in a progressively improving condition, and as the whole are still
susceptible of a much more productive organization, the annual surplus
of receipts will rapidly become greater, and consequently also the
necessity will diminish of continuing to burden this portion of His
Majesty's dominions with contributions in order to meet the expenses
of their defence and preservation.

Finally, well convinced of the advantageous results which, in
every sense, would emanate from the revision and reforms proposed,
I abstain from offering, in support of my arguments, a variety of
other reflections which occur to me, not to be too diffuse on this
subject; trusting that the hints I have already thrown out will be
more than sufficient to excite an interest and promote a thorough and
impartial investigation of concerns, highly important to the future
welfare and security of this colony.

[Subaltern branches.] Besides the six preceding branches which
constitute the chief mass of the public revenue in these islands, there
are several smaller ones of less consideration and amount; some having
a direct application to the general expenses of the local government,
and the others, intended as remittances to Spain; a distinction of
little import and scarcely deserving of notice, since the object of the
present sketch is to convey information on a large scale respecting
the King's revenue in these Islands. As some of them, however, yield
proceeds more regular than the others, I have classed together the
receipts of the Pope's Bulls, or "Bulas de Cruzada," playing-cards,
tithes, stamps and gunpowder, under the head of Subaltern Branches,
with regard to the rest, to the general statement already quoted.

In conformity to the returns with which I have been favored from
the public offices, these five branches produced, in the year 1809,
$45,090.75 in the following proportions:


                    Sales.      Expenses.   Net Proceeds.
    Pope's bulls    $15,360.75  $4,422.25   $10,938.50
    Playing cards    11,539.125    932.625   10,606.50
    Tithes           12,493.00        ----   12,493.00
    Stamps            4,467.50     321.50     4,146.00
    Gunpowder         7,307.625    401.125    6,905.375
                           ----       ----         ----
                    $51,168.125 $6,077.75   $45,090.375


[Tithes.] The scanty proceeds of the tithes will naturally appear
remarkable; but it ought to be remembered that, besides the ordinary
tribute, the natives pay half a real under this denomination,
without any distinction of person, or any reference whatever to their
respective means, the total amount of which is already added to the
tributes, and for this reason not repeated in this place. In addition
also no tithes are levied, except on lands belonging to Spaniards,
churches, regular clergy, ecclesiastical corporations, etc., and even
then the articles of rice, wheat, pulse indigo and sugar, are alone
liable. The above branches are all in charge of administrators,
and from this plan it certainly would be advisable to separate
the tithes and farm them out at public auction, as was proposed
by the king's officers of the treasury, in their report on this,
as well as other points, concerning the revenue, and dated October
24, 1792. From the net proceeds of the gunpowder the expenses of its
manufacture, confided to the commandant of artillery, ought seemingly
to be deducted; but, as they cannot be ascertained with any degree of
certainty, and as besides they are comprehended in the general expenses
of that department, a separate deduction may be dispensed with.

[Disbursements and general expenses.] In order to form a correct idea
of the annual amount of the expenditure incurred by the administration
and defence of the Philippine Islands, it is not necessary in this
place to distinguish each item, separately; or to enumerate them
with their respective sums or particular denominations. Some general
observations on this subject ought, nevertheless, to be made, with a
view to point out the reforms of which this important department of
the public revenue is susceptible.

In the part relating to the interior administration or government,
ample room is certainly left for that kind of economy arising out of
the adoption of a general system, little complicated; but it is besides
indispensably necessary that, at the same time the work is simplifed
and useless hands dismissed, the salaries of those who remain should
be proportionally increased, in order to stimulate them in the due
performance of their duties. It might also be found advisable to
create a small number of officers of a superior order, who would
be enabled to co-operate in the collection of the king's revenue,
and the encouragement of agriculture, commerce and navigation,
in their respective departments. The additional charges in this
respect cannot be of any great consequence; although, in reality,
by the receipts increasing through the impulse of an administrative
order more perfect, and the expenses being always the same, the main
object, so anxiously sought for in another way, would be thus attained.

[Defence expenses.] The reverse, however, happens with regard
to the expenses of defence, as I have called them, the better to
distinguish them from those purely relating to the interior police
or administration. Every sacrifice, most assuredly, ought to appear
small, when the object is to preserve a country from falling into the
hands of an enemy, and it ought not to excite surprise, if, during the
course of the last fifteen years, several millions of dollars have been
expended in the Philippines, in order to shield them from so dreadful
a misfortune. But the late memorable revolution in the Peninsula has
given rise to so great a change in our political relations, and it
is extremely improbable that these Islands will be again exposed to
the same danger and alarm, that the government may now, without any
apparent risk, dispense with a considerable part of the preparations
of defence, at one time deemed indispensably necessary. A colony that
has no other strong place to garrison than its capital, and on the
loyalty of whose inhabitants there are sufficient motives to rely,
ought, in my opinion, to be considered as adequately provided against
all ordinary occurrences in time of peace, with the 4,000 regulars,
more or less, of all arms, the usual military establishment. In case
any suspicions should arise of an early rupture with the only power
whose forces can inspire the governors of these Islands with any kind
of apprehensions, means will not be wanting to an active and provident
minister, of giving proper advice, so as to allow sufficient time for
the assembling of the battalions of provincial militia and all the
other necessary preparations of defence, before the enemy is in an
attitude to effect an invasion of a country so far distant from his
own possessions on the coasts of Malabar and Coromandel. Consequently,
by disbanding the corps of provincial infantry, cavalry and artillery,
which continue uselessly to be kept on foot, an annual saving of
from $220,000 to $250,000 would take place, an amount too great to
be expended unless imperiously called for by the evident dread of a
premeditated attack from an hostile quarter.

[Shipping reform.] The navy is another of the departments in which
reforms may be introduced, of no small moment to the treasury. Of
course by the government merely dispensing with the policy of keeping
in readiness two large ships to convey to Acapulco the cargos, for
which the Manila merchants enjoy an annual licence, and leaving to
the latter the full liberty of following up their speculations on
their own account and risk, in vessels of their own, individually or
with joint stock, a saving would result in favor of the crown equal to
$140,000 to $150,000 per annum, and without preventing the receipt in
Acapulco of the customary duties of $160,000 or $166,000 corresponding
to the said licenses. This will evidently be the case, because as
long as the large disposal of funds of the charitable institutions
are employed in maritime risks, and the private property of others
is besides added to them, the amount of the operations undertaken by
the merchants of the Philippines to New Spain, when divested of all
restraint, will always exceed $500,000 per annum. Nor is there now
any further occasion for the government to continue granting this
species of gratuitous tutelage to a body of men possessed of ample
means to manage their own affairs, and who demand the same degree of
freedom, and only seek a protection similar to that enjoyed by their
fellow-countrymen in other parts of the king's dominions.

[Galleon graft.] In case the above reform should be adopted, it might
be deemed requisite for the government to undertake the payment of some
of the charges under the existing order of things, defrayed out of the
freights to which the merchandise shipped in the Acapulco traders is
liable; because, calculating the freight at the usual rate of $200 for
each three bales, or the amount of one ticket, out of the one thousand
constituting the entire cargo, and of which one-half, or $100,000 more
or less, is appropriated to the ecclesiastical chapter, municipality,
officers of the regular army (excluding captains and the other higher
ranks) and the widows of Spaniards, who in this case would be losers,
independent of the remaining $100,000 or 500 tickets distributed
among the 200 persons having a right to ship to Acapulco, it would, at
first sight, appear reasonable for the treasury to indemnify the above
description of persons by a compensation equivalent to the privation
they experience through the new arrangement of the government. But
as the practice of abuses constitutes no law, and what is given
through favor is different to that which is required by justice,
there are no reasons whatever why the treasury should be bound to
support the widows of private persons, from the mere circumstance of
their deceased husbands having been Spaniards; more particularly if
it is considered that, far from having acquired any special merit
during their lifetime, most of them voluntarily left their native
country for the purpose of increasing their fortunes, and others were
banished from it, owing to their bad conduct. Neither can it be said
that the municipality have a legal right, in the case before stated,
to receive any equivalent for the value of their respective annual
tickets, which, when disposed of, usually amount to about $20,000 in
the first place, because it is well-known that the eleven aldermen's
seats, of which that body is composed, seats which can either be
sold or resigned, originally did not cost as much as $50,000 and
clearly the principal invested is out of all kind of proportion with
the enormous premium or income claimed. In the second place, although
the above municipal situations were originally purchased with a view
to obtain some advantages, these formerly were very different to what
they are at present, when the great increase of shippers to Acapulco,
or in more plain terms, of purchase of tickets competing to obtain
them, has given to these permits a value more than triple to that
they possessed thirty years ago.

[Indemnifying the aldermen.] In order, therefore, to do away with
all motives of doubt and dispute, as well as for many other reasons
of public utility, the best plan, in my opinion, would be, to return
to each alderman his money, and the present municipal constitution
being dissolved, the number of members might be reduced to four, with
their corresponding registrar, and like the two ordinary "alcaldes,"
elected every year without any other reward than the honor of presiding
over and representing their fellow-citizens. Under this supposition,
the only classes entitled to compensation, strictly speaking,
would be the ecclesiastical chapter and the subaltern officers,
whose respective pay and appointment are not in fact sufficient
for the decency and expenses of their rank in society. Of course it
would then be necessary to grant them more adequate allowances, but,
according to reasonable calculations, the sum total annually required
would not exceed $30,000; consequently, the reform projected with
regard to the Acapulco ships would still eventually produce to the
treasury a saving of from $60,000 to $70,000 in the first year of
its adoption, and of $110,000 to $120,000 in every succeeding one.

[The navy.] It is, on the other hand, undeniable that, if the royal
navy and cruising vessels, or those belonging to the Islands and
under the immediate orders of the captain-general, were united into
one department, and placed under one head, considerable economy
would ensue, and all motives of discord and emulation be moreover
removed. Such would be the case if the change was attended with no
other cirumstances than the consequent diminution of commanders,
subaltern officers, and clerks; but it would be also proper to unite
the arsenals, and adopt a more general uniformity in the operations and
dependences of this part of the public services. It is equally certain
that, during peaceful times, the two schooners and sixty gunboats,
constituting the number of the above-mentioned cruising vessels, would
be in great measure useless; whilst in case of a rupture, they are not
sufficient to protect the trade of these Islands from the attacks of an
enemy, notwithstanding they now cost the government considerable sums
in repairs, etc., in order to keep them fit for service. The government
ought therefore to guard against this waste of public money, without,
however, neglecting the defence of the Islands, objects which, in my
opinion, might easily be reconciled. Intelligent persons have judged
that by reducing the naval forces to two frigates, two schooners,
and about a dozen gunboats, the essential wants of the colony would be
duly answered, in ordinary times; and some of the vessels might then
be destined to pursue hydrographical labors in the Archipelago, which,
unfortunately, are in a most backward state, whilst others could be
sent on their periodical cruises against the Moros. By this means, at
least, the navy department would be greatly simplified, and cease to be
eternally burdensome to the government. With regard to the superfluous
gunboats, it would be expedient to distribute them gratuitously among
the marine provinces and Bisayan Islands, on the only condition of
their being always kept fit for service; as, in one sense, the great
expenses of maintaining them would be thus saved by the treasury, and,
another, the inhabitants of those portions of the coast would be in
possession of means sufficiently powerful to repel the aggressions of
the Moros, who commit great ravages on their settlements. Finally,
if besides the reforms of which the army and navy are susceptible,
it is considered that the public works, such as prisons, schools,
bridges, and causeways, so expensive in other countries, in the
Philippines are constructed by the natives on the most reasonable
terms, out of the community funds; that there is no necessity to build
fortifications, and maintain numerous garrisons; that the clergy, to
whose zeal and powerful influence the preservation of these Islands
is chiefly due, do not cost the treasury annually above $200,000 and
that the geographical situation of the colony in great measure shields
it from the attacks of external enemies, it will readily be confessed,
that a wise and firm government might undertake, without the dread of
having to encounter any great obstacles, an administrative system,
in a general point of view, infinitely more economical than the one
hitherto followed; might be able to extirpate numerous abuses, and
by calling forth the resources of the country gradually raise it to
a flourishing condition, and cause it hereafter to contribute largely
to the other wants of the crown. Hence was it that the distinguished
voyager, La Pérouse (Chap. 15), contemplating these Islands with a
political eye, did not hesitate to affirm "that a powerful nation,
possessed of no other colonies than the Philippines, that should
succeed in establishing there a form of government best adapted to
their advantageous circumstances, would justly disregard all the
other European establishments in Africa and America."

[Objectionable office-holders.] In our colonies, appointments and
command far from being sought as a means to obtain a good reputation,
or as affording opportunities of contributing to public prosperity,
are, it is too well known, only solicited with a view to amass
wealth, and then retire for the purpose of enjoying it. Commercial
pursuits being besides attended with so many advantages that those
only decline following them who are divested of money and friends;
whilst the situation in the revenue are so few in number, compared
with the many candidates who solicit them, that they are consequently
well appointed, it follows that the excess left without occupation,
besides being considerable, is generally composed of needy persons, and
not the most suitable to exercise the delicate functions of collectors
and magistrates in the provinces. From this class nevertheless the
host of officers are usually taken who, under the name of collectors,
surveyors and assessors of tributes, intervene in, or influence
the public administration. Owing to the variety and great number of
persons emigrating to America, ample field, no doubt, is there left
for selection, by which means the viceroys may frequently meet with
persons suitable and adequate to the above trusts, if prudent steps
are only taken; but in this respect the case is very different in the
Philippines, where chance alone occasionally brings over a European
Spaniard, unemployed or friendless. In these remote Islands, also,
more than in any other quarter, people seek to live in idleness, and,
as much as possible, without working, or much trouble. As long as
hopes are entertained of doing something in the Acapulco speculations,
every other pursuit is viewed with indifference, and the office of
district or provincial magistrate is only solicited when all other
resources have failed, or as a remedy against want. As the applicants
for these situations are therefore not among the most select classes,
it very frequently happens that they fall into extremely improper
and unworthy hands.

It is in fact common enough to see a hairdresser or a lackey converted
into a governor; a sailor or a deserter transformed into a district
magistrate, collector, or military commander of a populous province,
without any other counsellor than his own crude understanding,
or any other guide than his passion. Such a metamorphosis would
excite laughter in a comedy or farce; but, realized in the theatre
of human life, it must give rise to sensations of a very different
nature. Who is there that does not feel horror-struck, and tremble
for the innocent, when he sees a being of this kind transferred from
the yard-arm to the seat of justice, deciding, in the first instance,
on the honor, lives, and property of a hundred thousand persons, and
haughtily exacting the homage and incense of the spiritual ministers
of the towns under his jurisdiction, as well as of the parish curates,
respectable for their acquirements and benevolence, and who, in their
own native places, would possibly have rejected as a servant the very
man whom in the Philippines they are compelled to court and obey as
a sovereign.

In vain do the laws ordain that such offices shall not be given away to
attendants on governors and members of the high court of justice, for
under pretext of the scarcity of Europeans experienced in the colony,
means are found to elude the statute, by converting this plea into an
exception in favor of this description of persons. By such important
offices being filled in this manner, it is easy to conceive the various
hardships to which many of the provinces and districts are exposed;
nor can any amelioration be expected as long as this plan is persisted
in and the excesses of the parties go without punishment.

[Evils from officials in trade.] Independent, however, of the serious
injuries and great errors persons of the class above described cannot
fail to commit in the exercise of their functions, purely judicial, the
consequences of their inordinate avarice are still more lamentable,
and the tacit permission to satisfy it, granted to them by the
government under the specious title of a licence to trade. Hence may
it be affirmed, that the first of the evils, and the one the native
immediately feels, is occasioned by the very person the law has
destined for his relief and protection. In a word, he experiences
injuries from the civil magistrates presiding over the provinces,
who, at the same time, are the natural enemies of the inhabitants,
and the real oppressors of their industry.

It is a known and melancholy fact that, far from promoting the
felicity of the provinces intrusted to their care, the magistrates
attend to nothing else but their own fortunes and personal interests;
nor do they hesitate as to the means by which their object is to
be attained. Scarcely are they seated in the place of authority,
when they become the chief consumers, purchasers, and exporters of
every thing produced and manufactured within the districts under
their command, thus converting their licence to trade into a positive
monopoly. In all lucrative speculations the magistrate seeks to have
the largest share; in all his enterprises he calls in the forced aid
of his subjects, and if he deigns to remunerate their labor, at most
it is only on the same terms as if they had been working on account
of the king. These unhappy people bring in their produce and crude
manufactures to the very person who, directly or indirectly, is to fix
upon them an arbitrary value. To offer such and such a price for the
articles is the same as to say, another bidding shall not be made. To
insinuate is to command--the native is not allowed to hesitate, he must
either please the magistrate, or submit to his persecutions. Being
besides free from all competition in the prosecution of his traffic,
since he is frequently the only Spaniard resident in the province,
the magistrate therein acts with unbounded sway, without dread,
and almost without risk of his tyranny ever being denounced to the
superior tribunals.

[Speculating in tributes.] In order, however, that a more correct
idea may be formed of the iniquitous conduct of many of these public
functionaries, it is necessary to lay open some part of their irregular
dealings in the collection of the Indian tributes. It is well known
that the government, anxious to conciliate the interests of the
tributary classes with those of the revenue, frequently commutes
the pecuniary capitation tax into an obligation to pay the amount in
produce or manufactures. A season comes when, owing to the failure
of the crops, the productions have risen to an excessive price,
and consequently infinitely above the ordinary rates affixed by law,
which are generally the lowest, and the natives, unable to keep their
bargains without considerable injury or endangering the subsistence
of their numerous families, implore the favor of the magistrate,
petitioning him to lay their calamitous situation before the superior
government, in order to have the payment of their tribute in kind
remitted, and offering to pay it in money. This is the precise moment
when, as his own profits depend on the misery of the province under
his command, he endeavors to misuse the accidental power with which he
is invested. Hence it happens that, instead of acting as a beneficent
mediator, and supporting the just solicitations of the natives, he at
first disregards their petition, and then all at once transforming
himself into a zealous collector, issues his notifications, sends
his satellites into the very fields to seize on the produce, and in a
most inexorable manner insists on collecting till necessity compels
him to suspend the measure. The principal object being attained,
that is, having now become master of the gleanings and scanty crops
of his bereft subjects, on a sudden his disposition changes, he is
moved to pity, and in the most pathetic language describes to the
government the ravages done to the plantations by the hurricanes,
and the utter impossibility of collecting in the tributes that year in
kind. On such a remonstrance he easily obtains permission to change the
standing order, and proceeding on to collect in some of the remaining
tributes in money, merely to save appearance, with perfect impunity
he puts the finishing stroke to the wicked act he had commenced, by
applying to himself all the produce his collectors had gathered in,
and places to the credit of the treasury the total amount of the
tributes, corresponding to his jurisdiction, in money.

Supposing, for example, that this has happened in the province of
Antique, where the payment of the capitation-tax generally takes place
in the unhusked rice, rated at two reals per cavan, and, through the
effects of a bad season, this article should rise as high as ten or
twelve reals. It is clear that the magistrate, by accounting for the
tributes with the revenue office in money, and collecting them in kind
at the rate fixed by law, would by the sales gain a profit of 400 or
500 per cent; at the same time the native, by the mere circumstance
of then paying in kind, would have paid the tribute corresponding to
five or six years in a single one, without, on that account, having
freed himself from the same charge in the following seasons.

[No check on extortion.] When the extortionate acts as these are
practised, to what lengths may it not be expected the other excesses
and abuses of authority are carried? To the above it ought moreover
to be added, that the provincial magistrates have no lieutenants,
and are unprovided with any other auxiliaries in the administration
of justice, except an accompanying witness and a native director;
that the scrutinies of their accounts, to which they formerly were
subject, are now abolished, and, in short, that they have no check
upon them, or indeed any other persons to bear testimony to their
irregularities, except the friendless and miserable victims of their
despotism and avarice.

Notwithstanding, however, what is above stated, it sometimes happens
that a magistrate is to be met with, distinguished from the rest by
his prudence and good conduct; but this is a miracle, for by the very
circumstance of his being allowed to trade, he is placed in a situation
to abuse the wide powers confided to him, and preferably to attend
to his personal interests; in fact, if the principle is in itself
defective, it must naturally be expected the consequences will be
equally baneful. The lamentable abuses here noticed are but too true,
as well as many others passed over in silence; and the worst of all
is, that there is no hope of remedying them thoroughly, unless the
present system of interior administration is altogether changed. In
vain would it be to allege the possibility of removing the evil by the
timely and energetic interposition of the protector of the natives;
for although this office is in itself highly respectable, it cannot
in any way reach the multitude of excesses committed, and much less
prevent them; not only because the minister who exercises it resides
in the city, where complaints are seldom brought in, unless they come
through the channel of the parish curates; but also on account of the
difficulty of fully establishing the charges against the magistrates,
in the way the natives are at present depressed by fear and threats, as
well as restrained by the sub-governors and other inferior officers of
justice, who, being dependent upon, and holding their situations from
the magistrates, are interested in their monopolies and extortionate
acts being kept from public view.

[Less complaisant laws needed.] If, therefore, it is not possible
entirely to eradicate the vices under which the interior administration
of these Islands labors, owing to the difficulty of finding persons
possessed of the necessary virtues and talents to govern, in an upright
and judicious manner, let us at least prevent the evils out of the
too great condescension of our own laws. In the infancy of colonies,
it has been the maxim of all governments to encourage the emigration
and settlement of inhabitants from the mother-country, without paying
much attention to the means by which this was to be done. It was not to
be wondered at that, for reasons of state, defects were overlooked,--at
such periods were even deemed necessary. Hence the relaxation in the
laws in favor of those who, quitting their native land, carried over
with them to strange countries their property and acquirements. Hence,
no doubt, also are derived the full powers granted to those who took
in charge the subjection and administration of the new provinces,
in order that they might govern, and at the same time carry on their
traffic with the natives, notwithstanding the manifest incompatibility
of the two occupations; or rather, the certainty that ought to have
been foreseen that public duties would generally be postponed, when
placed in competition with private interests and the anxious desire
of acquiring wealth.

Subsequently that happened which was, in fact, to be dreaded, viz.,
what at first was tolerated as a necessary evil, sanctioned by the
lapse of time has at length become a legitimate right, or rather a
compensation for the supposed trouble attached to the fulfillment of
the duties of civil magistrates; whilst they, as already observed,
think of nothing but themselves, and undergo no other trouble or
inconvenience than usually fall on the lot of any other private
merchant. In the Philippines, at least, many years having elapsed
since the natives peaceably submitted to the dominion of the king,
every motive has ceased that could formerly, and in a certain degree,
justify the indulgence so much abused, at the same time that no
plausible pretext whatever exists for its further continuation.

Although hitherto the number of whites, compared to that of the
people of color, has not been great, as the whole of the provincial
magistracies, collectorships, and subaltern governments, do not exceed
twenty-seven, the scarcity of Spaniards ought not to be alleged as a
sufficient reason; nor can it be doubted these situations might at any
time be properly filled, if the person on whom the choice should fall
were only certain of living with decency and in a suitable manner,
without being carried away with the flattering hopes of withdrawing
from office, with ten, twenty, and even as high as fifty thousand
dollars of property, as has heretofore been the case, but satisfied
with a due and equivalent salary they might receive as a reward for
the public services they perform.

I do not therefore see why the government should hesitate in resolving
to put a stop to evils which the people of the Philippines have not
ceased to deplore from the time of the conquest, by proscribing, under
the most severe penalties, the power of trading, as now exercised
by the provincial magistrates. The time is come when this struggle
between duty and sordid interest ought to end, and reason, as well
as enlightened policy, demand that in this respect our legislation
should be reformed, in order that the mace of justice, instead of
being prostituted in search of lucre, may henceforwards be wholly
employed in the support of equity and the protection of society.

[Urgence of reform.] The only objection which, at first sight, might
be started against the suggestions here thrown out is the increased
expense which would fall on the treasury, owing to the necessity of
appropriating competent salaries for the interior magistrates under
the new order of things. Independent, however, of the fact that the
rapid improvements the provinces must assume, in every point of view,
would superabundantly make up this trifling difference; yet supposing
the sacrifice were gratuitous, and even of some moment, it ought
not, on that account, to be omitted, since there is no public object
more important to the sovereign himself, than to make the necessary
provision for the decorum of the magistracy, the due administration
of justice, and the maintenance of good order among his subjects.

The position being established, that a number of whites more
than sufficient might be obtained, eligible and fit to perform
the duties of civil magistrates, which they would be induced to
undertake, if adequate terms were only proposed, it would seem that
no ill consequences might be expected from at once assimilating
the regulations of these provincial judicatures to those of the
corregimientos, or mayoralties of towns in Spain, or in making out an
express statute, on a triple scale, for three classes of magistrates,
granting to them emoluments equivalent to the greater or lesser
extent of the respective jurisdictions. As far as regards the pay, it
ought to be so arranged as to act as a sufficient stimulus to induce
European colonists to embrace this career, in a fixed and permanent
way, which hitherto they have only resorted to as a five years'
speculation. Conformably to this suggestion, and owing to the lesser
value attached to money in India, compared with Europe, on account of
the greater abundance of the necessaries of life, I am of opinion that
it would be expedient to affix an annual allowance of $2,000 to each
of the appointments of the six principal and most populous provinces,
$1,500 for the next in importance, and for the twelve or thirteen
remaining, at the rate of $1,000 each; leaving to the candidates
the option of rising according to their length of services and good
conduct, from the lowest to the highest, as is the case in Spain.

[Objects to be gained.] The first part of the plan above pointed
out embraces two objects. The one is to prevent the provincial
magistrates from carrying on traffic, thus depriving them of every
pretext to defraud the natives of what is their own; and the other,
to form, in the course of a few years a class of men hitherto unknown
in the Philippine Islands, who, taught by practice, may be enabled to
govern the provinces in a more correct and regular manner, and acquire
more extended knowledge, especially in the judicial proceedings of
the first instance, which, owing to this defect, frequently compel
the litigants to incur useless expenses, and greatly embarrass the
ordinary course of justice. Although the second part at first seems
to involve an increased expense of $36,000 or $37,000 annually,
when well considered, this sum will be found not to exceed $20,000,
because it will be necessary to deduct from the above estimate the
amount of three per cent. under the existing regulations allowed to
the magistrates for the collection of the native tributes, in their
character of subdelegates, generally amounting to $16,000 or $17,000;
besides only taking into account such real and effective disbursements
or extraordinary expenses as in fact they may legally have incurred
in the performance of their duties.

Should it, however, be deemed expedient, from causes just in their
nature, hereafter to exonerate the natives from the obligations of
paying tributes, by which means the amount deducted for the three
per cent. commission could not then be brought into account, let
me be allowed to ask what enlightened government would hesitate
submitting to an additional expense of so trifling an import, in
exchange for beholding more than two millions of men forever freed
from the extortionate acts of their old magistrates; and, through
the effects of the new regulations, the latter converted into real
fathers of the people over whom they are placed? How different would
then be the aspect these fine provinces would present to the eyes
of the philosophical observer who would, in that case, be able to
calculate to what an extent the progress of agriculture and industry
in these islands might be carried.

[Demoralization of over-seas service.] Nevertheless, I do not wish
to insinuate that by the better organization of the provincial
governments, the present irregularities and abuses of authority
would entirely cease; because I am aware, more especially in the
Indies, that the persons who hold public situations usually have too
exaggerated ideas of their own personal importance, and easily mistake
the gratification of their own whims for firmness of character,
in the necessity of causing themselves to be respected. Still it
is an incontestable fact that, by removing the chief temptation,
and rescinding altogether the license to trade, the just complaints
preferred by the native against the Spaniard would cease; the motives
of those continual disputes which arise between the magistrates
and the ministers of the gospel exercising their functions in the
same provinces, and the zealous defenders of the rights of their
parishioners, would be removed, and the inhabitants of Manila,
extending their mercantile operations to the interior, without the
dread of seeing them obstructed through the powerful competition
of the magistrates in authority there, would be induced to settle
in or connect themselves with the provinces, and thus diffuse their
knowledge, activity and money among the inhabitants, the true means
of encouraging the whole.

What has already been said will suffice to convince the lover of
truth and the friend of general prosperity, how urgent it is to
introduce as early as possible, the reform proposed into the interior
administration of this important, although neglected colony; and it
is to be hoped that the government, guided by these same sentiments,
will not be led away by those narrow-minded people, who predict danger
from every thing that is new; but, after due and mature deliberation,
resolve to adopt a measure dictated by reason, and at the same time
conformable to the best interests of the state.

Of little avail would have been the valor and constancy with which
Legaspi and his worthy companions overcame the natives of these
islands, if the apostolic zeal of the missionaries had not seconded
their exertions, and aided to consolidate the enterprise. The latter
were the real conquerors; they who, without any other arms than their
virtues, won over the good will of the islanders, caused the Spanish
name to be beloved, and gave to the king, as it were by a miracle,
two millions more of submissive and Christian subjects. These were
the legislators of the barbarous hordes who inhabited the islands
of this immense Archipelago, realizing, by their mild persuasion,
the allegorical prodigies of Amphion and Orpheus.

[Pioneer Philippine government a theocracy.] As the means the
missionaries called in to their aid, in order to reduce and civilize
the Indians, were preaching and other spiritual labors, and, although
scattered about and acting separately, they were still subject to
the authority of their prelates, who, like so many chiefs, directed
the grand work of conversion, the government primitively established
in these colonies must necessarily have partaken greatly of the
theocratical order, and beyond doubt it continued to be so, till,
by the lapse of time, the number of colonists increased, as well as
the effective strength of the royal authority, so as to render the
governing system uniform with that established in the other ultramarine
dominions of Spain.

This is also deduced from the fragments still remaining of the first
constitution, or mode of government introduced in the Batanes Islands
and missions of Cagayan, administered by the Dominican friars in a
spiritual and temporal manner; as well as from what may frequently be
observed in the other provinces, by any one who bestows the smallest
attention. Although the civil magistracies have since been regulated,
and their respective attributes determined with due precision, it has
not hitherto been possible, notwithstanding the pains taken to make the
contrary appear, to do without the personal authority and influence
the parish curates possess over their flocks. The government has, in
fact, constantly been obliged to avail themselves of this aid, as the
most powerful instrument to insure respect and a due subordination,
in such manner that, although the parish curates are not at present
equally authorized to interfere in the civil administration, in point
of fact, they are themselves the real administrators.

[Standing of parish priests.] It happens that, as the parish curate
is the consoler of the afflicted, the peacemaker of families, the
promoter of useful ideas, the preacher and example of every thing good;
as in him liberality is seen to shine, and the Indians behold him alone
in the midst of them, without relatives, without traffic, and always
busied in their care and improvement, they become accustomed to live
satisfied and contented under his paternal direction, and deliver up to
him the whole of their confidence. In this way rendered the master of
their wishes, nothing is done without the advice, or rather consent,
of the curate. The subaltern governor, on receiving an order from the
superior magistrate, before he takes any step, goes to the minister
to obtain his sanction, and it is he in fact who tacitly gives the
mandate for execution, or prevents its being carried into effect. As
the father of his flock, he arranges, or directs, the lawsuits of
his parishioners; it is he who draws out their writings; goes to the
capital to plead for the Indians; opposes his prayers, and sometimes
his threats, to the violent acts of the provincial magistrates, and
arranges every thing in the most fit and quiet manner. In a word, it
is not possible for any human institution to be more simple, and at
the same time more firmly established, or from which so many advantages
might be derived in favor of the state, as the one so justly admired in
the spiritual ministry of these islands. It may therefore be considered
a strange fatality, when the secret and true art of governing a colony,
so different from any other as is that of the Philippines, consists in
the wise use of so powerful an instrument as the one just described,
that the superior government, within the last few years, should have
been so much deluded as to seek the destruction of a work which,
on the contrary, it is, above all others, advisable to sustain.

In this, as well as many other cases, we see how difficult, or rather
how absurd it is, to expect to organize a system of government,
indistinctly adapted to the genius and disposition of all nations,
however great the discordance prevailing in their physical and moral
constitutions. Hence it follows that, by wishing to assimilate
the administrative plan of these provinces to the one adopted in
the sections of America, inconveniences are unceasingly met with,
evidently arising out of this erroneous principle. Whatever may
be asserted to the contrary, there is no medium. It is necessary to
insure obedience either through dread and force, or respect must be
excited by means of love and confidence. In order to be convinced that
the first is not practicable, it will only be necessary to weigh well
the following circumstances and reflections.

The number of the whites compared to that of the natives is so
small, that it can scarcely be estimated in the proportion of 15
to 25,000. These provinces, infinitely more populous than those of
America, are entirely delivered up to the charge of provincial [Friars
only check on officials.] magistrates, who carry with them to the seats
of their respective governments, no other troops than the title of
military commandants, and their royal commission on parchment. Besides
the friars, it sometimes happens that no other white person is to be
found in an entire province, but the presiding magistrate. It is the
duty of the latter to collect in the king's revenue; to pursue robbers;
appease tumults; raise men for the regiments in garrison at Manila and
Cavite; regulate and head his people in case of an external invasion,
and, in short, it is he who is to do everything in the character of
magistrate and in the name of the king. Considering, therefore, the
effective power required for the due performance of so great a variety
of duties, and the want of that species of support experienced by him
who is charged with them, can it be denied that it would be risking the
security of these dominions too much, to attempt forcibly to control
them with means so insufficient? If the inhabitants become tumultuous
and rise up, on whom will the magistrate call for aid to repress and
punish them? In such a predicament, is any other alternative left him
than to fly or die in the struggle? If among civilized nations, it is
deemed indispensable that authority should always appear accompanied
with force, how can it be expected, among Indians, that the laws will
otherwise be respected, when left naked and unsupported?

[Missionaries' achievements.] Evidently, it is necessary to appeal to
aid of another kind, and to employ means, which, although indirect
ones, are, beyond all dispute, the best adapted to the peculiar
circumstances of the country,--means which, by influencing the mind,
excite veneration, subdue the rude understanding of the inhabitants,
and incline them to bear our dominion without repugnance. It is well
understood what these means are, how much they are at hand, and how
greatly also they have always been envied by other European nations,
who have sought to extend and consolidate their conquests in both
the Indies. Let us listen to La Pérouse, if we wish to know and
admire the army with which our missionaries subdued the natives of
both Californias; let us read, dispassionately, the wonderful deeds
of the Jesuits in other parts of America, and, above all, let us
visit the Philippine Islands and, with astonishment, shall we there
behold extended ranges, studded with temples and spacious convents;
the Divine worship celebrated with pomp and splendor; regularity
in the streets, and even luxury in the houses and dress; schools
of the first rudiments in all the towns, and the inhabitants well
versed in the art of writing. We shall there see causeways raised,
bridges of a good architecture built, and, in short, all the measure
of good government and police, in the greatest part of the country,
carried into effect, yet the whole is due to the exertions, apostolic
labors and pure patriotism of the ministers of religion. Let us
travel over the provinces, and we shall there see towns of 5000,
10,000, and 20,000 Indians, peacefully governed by one weak old man,
who, with his doors open at all hours, sleeps quiet and secure in
his dwelling, without any other magic, or any other guards, than the
love and respect with which he has known to inspire his flock. And,
when this is contemplated, can it be deemed possible, through foolish
jealousy and vain wish for those persons only pointed out by the
general laws in ordinary cases, to intervene in the government of the
natives, that the fruit of so much time constancy are not to be lost,
but also by hereafter disregarding and rejecting a co-operation,
as efficient as it is economical, that attempts should purposely be
made to destroy the mainspring of the whole of this political machine?

[Curtailing priestly authority.] Such, nevertheless, are the mistaken
ideas which, within the last few years, have unhappily led to the
adoption of measures, diametrically opposed to the public interest,
under the pretext of curtailing the excessive authority of the
parish-curates. The superior government, not satisfied with having
deprived the ministers of the faculty of personally prescribing certain
correctional punishments, which although of little moment, when applied
with discretion, greatly contributed to fortify their ascendency,
and consequently, that of the sovereign; but, in order to exclude and
divest them of all intervention in the civil administration, a direct
attempt has also been made to lower the esteem in which they are held,
by awakening the distrust of the Indian, and, as much as possible,
removing him to a greater distance from them. In proof of this, and
in order that what has been said may not be deemed an exaggeration,
it will suffice to quote the substance of two regulations, remarkable
for their obvious tendency to weaken the influence and credit of the
spiritual administrators.

By one of these, it is enacted that in order to prevent the abuses
and notorious malversation of the funds of the sanctuary, specially
applicable to the expenses of the festivities and worship of each
parish, and arising out of the real and half for this purpose
contributed by each tributary person, and collected and privately
administered by the curate, the same shall hereafter be kept in a chest
with three keys, and lodged in the head-town of each province. The keys
are to be left, one in possession of the chief magistrate, another in
the hands of the governor of the respective town, and the remaining
one with the parish-curate. By the other measure it is declared, as
a standing rule, that no Indian, who may lately have been employed
in the domestic service of the curate, shall in his own town be
considered eligible to any office belonging to the judicial department.

On measures of this kind, comments are unnecessary; their meaning and
effect cannot be mistaken. I shall, therefore, merely observe, that
no untimely means could have been devised more injurious to the state,
to the propagation of religion, and even to the natives themselves. It
is, in fact, a most strange affair, that such endeavors should have
been made to impeach the purity, by at the same time degrading the
respectable character of the parish-curates, more particularly at a
period when, owing to partality and the scarcity of religious men,
it would have seemed more natural to uphold, and by new inducements
encourage the zeal and authority of the remaining few. This step
appears the more singular, I repeat, at a moment when, neither
by suspending the sending out of missionaries to China, and the
almost entire abandonment of the spiritual conquest of the Igorots
and other infidel tribes, inhabiting the interior of these islands,
have the above Spanish laborers been able to carry on the ordinary
administration, nor prevent entire provinces from being transferred,
as is now the case, into the hands of Indians and mestizo clergymen
of the Sangley race, who, through their great ignorance, corrupt
morals, and total want of decorum, universally incur the contempt
of the flocks committed to their care, and, in consequence of their
tyrannical conduct, cause the people to sigh for the mild yoke of
their ancient pastors.

[Friars bulwark of Spanish rule.] If, therefore, it is the wish of
the government to retain the subjection of this colony, and raise
it to the high degree of prosperity of which it is susceptible,
the first thing, in my opinion, that ought to be attended to is the
good organization of its spiritual administration. On this subject
we must not deceive ourselves. I again repeat, that as long as the
local government, in consequence of the want of military forces,
and owing to the scarcity of Europeans, does not in itself possess
the means of insuring obedience, no other alternative remains. It is
necessary to call in to its aid the powerful influence of religion,
and to obtain from the Peninsula fresh supplies of missionaries. As
in their nature the latter are essentially different from the other
public functionaries, it is well known they neither seek nor aspire to
any remuneration for their labors, their only hope being to obtain,
in the opinion of the community at large, that degree of respect to
which they justly consider themselves entitled. Let, therefore, their
pre-eminences be retained to them: let them be treated with decorum;
the care and direction of the Indians confided to their charge, and
they always be found united in support of justice and the legitimate
authority.

[Unwise to discredit priests.] Nothing is more unjust, and of nothing
have the spiritual directors of the provinces so much reason to
complain, than the little discernment with which they have sometimes
been judged and condemned, by causing the misconduct of some of their
individual members to affect the whole body. Hence is it that no one
can read without shame and indignation, the insidious suggestions and
allusions, derogatory to their character, contained in the Regulations
of Government framed at Manila in the year 1758, and which although
modified by orders of the king, are at the present moment still in
force, owing to the want of others, and found in a printed form in
the hands of every one. Granting that in some particular instances,
real causes of complaint might have existed, yet in the end, what
does it matter if here and there a religious character has abused
the confidence reposed in him, as long as the spirit by which the
generality of them are actuated, corresponds to the sanctity of their
state, and is besides conformable to the views of government? Why
should we be eternally running after an ideal of perfection which
can never be met with? Nor, indeed, is this necessary in the present
construction of society.

[Testimony in their behalf] If, however, any weight is to be attached
to imposture with which, from personal motives, attempts have been
made to obscure the truth, and prejudice the public mind against
the regular clergy; or, if the just defense on which I have entered,
should be attributed to partiality or visionary impressions, let the
Archives of the Colonial Department be opened, and we shall there
find the report drawn up by order of the king on November 26, 1804, by
the governor of the Philippine Islands, Don Rafael Maria de Aguilar,
with a view to convey information regarding the enquiries at that
time instituted respecting the reduction of the inhabitants of the
Island of Mindoro; a report extremely honorable to the regular clergy,
and dictated by the experience that general had acquired during a
period of more than twelve years he had governed. Therein also will
be seen the answer to the consultation addressed to his successor in
the command, Don Mariano Fernandez de Folgueras, under date of April
25, 1809, in which he most earnestly beseeches the king to endeavor,
by every possible means, to send out religious missionaries; deploring
the decline and want of order he had observed with his own eyes in the
towns administered by native clergymen, and pointing out the urgent
necessity of intrusting the spiritual government of these provinces
to the dexterous management of the former. Testimonies of such weight
are more than sufficient at once to refute the calumnies and contrary
opinions put forth on this subject, and at the same time serve as
irrefragable proofs of the scrupulous impartiality with which I have
endeavored to discuss so delicate a matter.

In a general point of view, I have alluded to the erroneous system,
which during the last few years has been pursued by the government
with regard to the parish-curates employed in the interior, and also
sufficiently pointed out the advantages reasonably to be expected
if the government, acting on a different policy, or rather guided
by other motives of state, instead of following the literal text
of our Indian legislation, should come to the firm determination of
indirectly divesting themselves of a small portion of their authority
in favor of the religious laborers who are acting on the spot. Having
said thus much, I shall proceed to such further details as are more
immediately connected with the present chapter.

[Ecclesiastical Organization.] The ecclesiastical jurisdiction is
exercised by the metropolitan archbishop of Manila, aided by the
three suffragans of Nueva Segovia, Nueva Caceres and Cebu.

The archbishopric of Manila comprehends the provinces of Tondo,
Bulacan, Pampanga, Bataan, Cavite, Laguna de Bay, Zambales, Batangas,
and the Island of Mindoro.

The bishopric of Nueva Segovia comprehends the province of Pangasinan,
the missions of Ituy and Paniqui, the provinces of Ilocos, Cagayan,
and the missions of the Batanes Islands.

That of Nueva Caceres comprehends the provinces of Tayabas, Nueva
Ecija, Camarines and Albay.

That of Cebu comprehends the Islands of Cebu and Bohol, Iloilo,
Capiz and Antique, in the Island of Panay, the Islands of La Paragua,
Negros and Samar, Misamis, Caraga and Zamboanga in that of Mindanao,
and the Mariana Islands.

The archbishop has a salary of $5,000 and the bishops $4,000 each. The
curacies exceed 500, and although all of them originally were in charge
of persons belonging to the religious orders, owing to the expulsion
of the Jesuits and the excessive scarcity of regular clergy, so many
native priests have gradually been introduced among them, that,
at present, nearly half the towns are under their direction. The
rest are administered by the religious orders of St. Augustine,
St. Dominic and St. Francis, in the following manner:


                                                Towns.
    The Augustinians                            88
    The barefooted Augustinians (Recoletos)     52
    The Dominicans                              57
    The Franciscans                             96
    Total                                      293


It ought, however, to be observed, that since the detailed statement
was made out, from which the above extract has been taken, so many
members of the religious orders have died, that it has been necessary
to replace them in many towns with native clergymen, as a temporary
expedient, and till new missionaries shall arrive from Spain.

[Dual supervision over friars.] The monastic curates are immediately
subject to their provincial superior, in the character of friars but
depend on the diocesan bishop in their quality of parish priests; and
in like manner obey their own provincial vicars, as well as those of
the bishop. They are alternately eligible to the dignities of their
own order, and generally promoted, or relieved from their ministry,
at the discretion of the provincial chapter, or according to the final
determination of the vice-patron or bishop, affixed to the triple
list presented to him. Besides the ordinary obligations attached to
the care of souls, they are enjoined to assist at the elections of
governors and other officers of justice, in their respective towns,
in order to inform the chief magistrate respecting the aptitude of
the persons proposed for election on the triple lists, and to point
out the legal defects attributable to any of them. On this account,
they are not, however, allowed to interfere in the smallest degree
with any of these proceedings, and much less make a formal proposal,
as most assuredly would be advisable if permitted so to do, in favor
of any particular person or persons in their opinion fit for the
discharge of the above mentioned duties. It is their obligation to
ascertain the correctness of the tribute lists presented to them
for their examination and signature by the chief of the clans,
by carefully comparing them with the registers kept in their own
department; and also to certify the general returns, without which
requisite the statements transmitted by the chief magistrates to
the accountant-general's office are not admitted. Above all they
are bound to affix their signatures to the effective payments made
by the magistrate to their parishioners on account of daily labor,
and to certify similarly the value of materials employed in public
works. Besides the above, they are continually called upon to draw
up circumstantial reports, or declarations, required by the superior
tribunals; they receive frequent injunctions to co-operate in the
increase of the king's revenue and the encouragement of agriculture
and industry; in a word, there is scarcely a thing to which their
attention is not called, and to which it is not expected they should
contribute by their influence, directly or indirectly.

[Allowances from treasury.] The royal treasury pays them an annual
allowance equal to $180, in kind and money, for each five hundred
tributes under their care, and this, added to the emoluments of the
church, renders the total proceeds of a curacy generally equivalent
to about from six to eight reals for each entire tribute; but
from this allowance are to be deducted the expenses of coadjutors,
subsistence, servants, horses, and all the other charges arising
out of the administration of such wearisome duties; nor are the
parishioners under any other obligation than to provide the churches
with assistants, or sacristans and singers, and the curates with
provisions at tariff prices.

[Need of more European clergy.] Finally, as from what has been above
stated it would appear, that as many as five hundred religious persons
are necessary for the spiritual administration of the interior towns
and districts, besides the number requisite to do the duty and fill
the dignities of the respective orders and convents in the capital,
independent of which there ought to be a proportionate surplus,
applicable to the progressive reduction of the infidel tribes
inhabiting the uplands, as well as the preaching of the Gospel
in China and Cochinchina, most assuredly, it would be expedient
to assemble and keep together a body of no less than seven hundred
persons, if it is the wish of the government, on a tolerable scale, to
provide for the wants of these remote missions. At the present moment
the number does not exceed three hundred, including superannuated,
exempt from service, and lay-brothers, whilst the native clergymen
in effective possession of curacies, and including substitutes,
coadjutors and weekly preachers, exceed one thousand. And as the
latter, in general unworthy of the priesthood, are rather injurious
than really serviceable to the state, it should not be deemed unjust
if they were altogether deprived of the dignity of parish curates,
and only allowed to exercise their functions in necessary cases, or by
attaching them to the curacies in the quality of coadjutors. By this
plan, at the same time that the towns would be provided with suitable
and adequate ministers, the native clergymen would be distributed
in a proper manner and placed near the religious persons charged
to officiate, would acquire the necessary knowledge and decorum,
and in the course of time might obtain character and respect among
their countrymen.

To many, a measure of this kind may, in some respects, appear harsh
and arbitrary; but persons, practically acquainted with the subject
and country, will deem it indispensable, and the only means that
can be resorted to, in order to stop the rapid decline remarkable in
this interesting department of public administration. Fortunately,
no grounded objections can be alleged against it; nor is there any
danger of serious consequences resulting from the plan being carried
into effect. In vain would it be to argue that, if the reform is to
take place, a large number of priests would be reduced to beggary,
owing to the want of occupation; because, as things now stand, many of
the religious curates employ three or four coadjutors, and, no doubt,
they would then gladly undertake to make provision for the remainder
of those who may be thrown out of employment. On the other hand, with
equal truth it may be observed that the inhabitants of the interior,
far from regretting, or taking part on behalf of the native clergy,
would celebrate, as a day of gladness and rejoicing, the removal of
the latter, in return for their beloved Castilian Fathers.

[Restriction of native ordinations recommended.] In case the ideas
above suggested should be adopted in all their parts, it may be proper
to add that an injunction ought to be laid on the reverend bishops
in future to confer holy orders with more scrupulosity and economy,
than, unfortunately, heretofore has been the case; by representing to
them that, if, at certain periods the Popes have been influenced by
powerful reasons not to insist on ordinations taking place in Europe,
as was formerly the case, very weighty motives now equally urge the
government to decline, in the Philippine Islands, paying so much to
religious vocation, and to relax in the policy of raising the natives
to the dignity of the priesthood.

[Moro depredations.] Long have the inhabitants of the Philippines
deplored, and in vain remonstrated, against the ravages committed
on their coasts and settlements by the barbarous natives of the
Islands of Mindanao, Basilan and Jolo, as well as by the Malanos,
Ilanos and Tirone Moros and others; and there is nothing that so much
deserves the attention, and interests the honor of the Captain-General
commanding in this quarter, as an early and efficient attempt to check
and punish these cruel enemies. It is indeed true that, in the years
1636 and 1638, General Don Sebastian Hurtado de Corcuera, undertook in
person and happily carried into effect the reduction of the Sultan of
Mindanao and the conquest of the Island of Jolo, placing in the latter
a governor and establishing three military posts there; under the
protection of the garrisons of which, Christianity was considerably
extended. It is equally true, that on the subsequent abandonment of
this important acquisition, owing to the government being compelled to
attend to other urgent matters, the enemy acquired a greater degree of
audacity, and the captain-general in command afterwards sent armaments
to check his inroads. On one of these occasions, our troops obliged an
army of more than 5,000 Moros, who had closely beset the fortress of
Zamboanga, to raise the siege; and also in the years 1731 and 1734,
fresh detachments of our men were landed on the Islands of Jolo,
Capul and Basilan, and their success was followed by the destruction
and ruin of the fortified posts, vessels, and settlements of those
perfidious Mahometans. It is not, however, less certain that at the
periods above mentioned, the war was carried on rather from motives
of punishment and revenge, and suggested by a sudden and passing zeal,
than in conformity to any progressive and well-combined system. Since
then these laudable military enterprises have been entirely neglected,
as well on account of the indolence of some of the governors, as
the too great confidence placed in the protestations of friendship
and treaties of peace with which, from time to time, the Sultans
of Jolo and Mindanao have sought to lull them to sleep. Their want
of sincerity is proved by the circumstance of the piracies of their
respective subjects not ceasing, the chiefs sometimes feigning they
were carried on without their license or knowledge; and, at others,
excusing themselves on the plea of their inability to restrain the
insolence of the Tirones and other independent tribes. Nevertheless,
it is notorious that the above-mentioned sultans indirectly encouraged
the practice of privateering, by affording every aid in their power
to those who fitted out vessels, and purchasing from the pirates all
the Christians they captured and brought to them.

[A missionary's appeal.] Father Juan Angeles, superior of the mission
established in Jolo, at the request of Sultan Alimudin himself (or
Ferdinand I as he was afterwards unworthily called on being made a
Christian with no other view than the better to gain the confidence
of the Spaniards) in a report he sent to the government from the
above Island, under date of September 24, 1748, describing the
Sultan's singular artifices to amuse him and frustrate the object
of his mission, fully confirms all that has just been said, and,
on closing his report, makes use of the following remarkable words:

"When is it we shall have had enough of treaties with these Moros, for
have we not before us the experience of more than one hundred years,
during which period of time, they have not kept a single article
in any way burdensome to, or binding on, themselves? They will never
observe the conditions of peace, because their property consists in the
possession of slaves, and with them they traffic, the same as other
nations do with money. Sooner will the hawk release his prey from
his talons than they will put an end to their piracies. The cause of
their being still unfaithful to Spain arises out of this matter having
been taken up by fits and starts, and not in the serious manner it
ought to have been done. To make war on them, in an effectual manner,
fleets must not be employed, but they must be attacked on land, and
in their posts in the interior; for it is much more advisable at once
to spend ten with advantage and in a strenuous manner to attain an
important object than to lay out twenty by degrees and without fruit."

[Governmental lenience.] It is an undeniable fact that the government,
lulled and deceived by the frequent embassies and submissive and
crouching letters which those fawning sultans have been in the habit
of transmitting to them, instead of adopting the energetic measures
urged by the above-mentioned missionary, have constantly endeavored
to renew and secure the friendship of those chiefs, by means of
treaties and commercial relations; granting, with this view, ample
licenses to every one who ventured to ship merchandise to Jolo, and
winking at the traffic carried on by the governors of the fortress of
Zamboanga with the people of Mindanao; whilst the latter, on their
part, sporting with our foolish credulity, have never ceased waging
a most destructive war against us, by attacking our towns situated
on the coast, not even excepting those of the Island of Luzon. They
have sometimes carried their audacity so far as to show themselves
in the neighborhood of the capital itself, and at others taken up
their temporary residence in the district of Mindoro and in places
of the jurisdictions of Samar and Leyte; and in short, even dared
to form an establishment or general deposit for their plunder in the
Island of Buras, where they quietly remained during the years 1797,
1798 and 1799 to the great injury of our commerce and settlements.

[Authority for war not lacking.] This want of exertion to remedy evils
of so grievous a nature is the more to be deplored as the Philippine
governors have at all times been fully authorized to carry on war,
and promote the destruction of the Moros, under every sacrifice, and
especially by the royal orders and decrees of October 26, and November
1, 1758, and July 31, 1766, in all of which his majesty recommends,
in the most earnest manner, "the importance of punishing the audacity
of the barbarous infidels, his majesty being desirous that, in order
to maintain his subjects of the Philippines free from the piracies and
captivity they so frequently experience, no expenses or pains should
be spared; it being further declared, that as this is an object deeply
affecting the conscience of his majesty, he especially enjoins the
aforesaid government to observe his order; and finally, with a view
to provide for the exigencies arising out of similar enterprises,
the viceroy of New Spain is instructed to attend to the punctual
remittance, not only of the usual "situado," or annual allowance,
but also of the additional sum of $70,000 in the first and succeeding
years, etc." In a word, our monarchs, Ferdinand VI and Carlos III,
omitted nothing that could in any way promote so important an object;
whether it is that the governors have disregarded such repeated orders
from the sovereigns, or mistaken the means by which they were to be
carried into effect, certain it is that the unhappy inhabitants of
the Philippines have continued to be witnesses, and at the same time
the victims of the culpable apathy of those who have successively
held the command of these Islands within the last fifty or sixty years.

[Native efforts for self-defence.] Abandoned therefore to their own
resources, and from time to time relieved by the presence of a few
gunboats which, after scouring the coasts, have never been able
to come up with the light and fast sailing vessels of the enemy,
the inhabitants of our towns and settlements have been under the
necessity of intrenching and fortifying themselves in the best way
they were able, by opening ditches and planting a breastwork of stakes
and palisades, crowned with watch towers, or a wooden or stone castle;
precautions which sometimes are not sufficient against the nocturnal
irruptions and robberies of the Moros, more especially when they come
with any strength and fire-arms, in general scarce among the natives.

[Moro piratical craft.] The pancos, or prows, used by the Moros, are
light and simple vessels, built with numerous thin planks and ribs,
with a small draft of water; and being manned by dexterous rowers,
they appear and disappear from the horizon with equal celerity, flying
or attacking, whenever they can do it with evident advantage. Some
of those vessels are large, and fitted out with fifty, a hundred,
and sometimes two hundred men. The shots of their scanty and defective
artillery are very uncertain, because they generally carry their guns
suspended in slings; but they are to be dreaded, and are extremely
dexterous in the management of the campilan, or sword, of which they
wear the blades long and well tempered. When they have any attack
of importance in view, they generally assemble to the number of
two hundred galleys, or more, and even in their ordinary cruises,
a considerable number navigate together. As dread and the scarcity
of inhabitants in the Bisayan Islands cause great ranges of the coast
to be left unsettled, it is very easy for the Moros to find numerous
lurking-places and strongholds whenever they are pressed, and their
constant practice, in these cases, is to enter the rivers, ground
their vessels, and hide them among the mangroves and thick foliage,
and fly with their arms to the mountains, thus almost always laughing
at the efforts of their opponents, who seldom venture to follow them
into the thickets and morasses, where the musket is of no use and a
single step cannot be taken with any security.

[Outrages suffered.] The fatal consequences and ravages of this system
of cruising and warfare round the Islands are incalculable. Besides
plundering and burning the towns and settlements, these bloody
pirates put the old and helpless to the sword, destroy the cattle
and plantations, and annually carry off to their own homes as many as
a thousand captives of both sexes, who, if they are poor and without
hopes of being redeemed, are destined to drag out a miserable existence
amidst the most fatiguing and painful labor, sometimes accompanied
with torments. Such is the dread and apprehension of these seas that
only those navigate and carry on trade in them who are able to arm and
man their vessels in a way corresponding to the great risks they have
to run, or others whom want compels to disregard the imminent dangers
which await them. Among the latter class, the Bisayans, or "painted
(tattooed) natives," are distinguished, an extremely warlike people of
whom great use might be made. Reared from their infancy amidst danger
and battle, and greatly resembling the Moros in their features and
darkness of skin, they are equally alike in the agility with which
they manage the long sword and lance, and such is the courage and
implacable odium with which they treat their enemies that, if not taken
by surprise, they sell their lives very dear, sacrificing themselves
in a most heroic manner, rather than to be led away as captives.

In order, however, that a more correct idea may be formed of the
wicked policy and atrocious disposition of these Moros, and with a
view to do away with the misconceptions of those who are of opinion
that incentives to trade, and other slow and indirect means ought
to be employed for the purpose of overcoming them, it will suffice
to quote the following examples among a number of others, even more
recent ones, which might equally be brought forward.

[Instances of treachery.] In 1796, the governor of Zamboanga
dispatched, with regular passports and under a safe conduct obtained
from the Sultan of Mindanao, Lieutenant Don Pantaleon Arcillas,
with a sergeant, eight men, and a guide, in order to bring into
the fortress the cattle belonging to the king's farm, which had
strayed away and got up in the lands of the above-mentioned Mahometan
prince. Five days after their departure, whilst the lieutenant was
taking his meals at the house of a "Datu," or chief, named Oroncaya,
he was suddenly surrounded by seventy Moros, who, seizing upon him,
bound him to a tree and then flayed him alive, from the forehead to
the ankle. In this miserable and defenceless situation, the barbarous
"Datu" wreaked his vengeance on his body by piercing it all over
with his "kris," or dagger, and then ordered his skin to be hung up
on the pole of one of his ferocious banners.

In the year 1798, whilst the schooner San José lay at anchor at
Tabitabi, near Jolo, the sons-in-law and nephews of the sultan went
out to meet her in two large prows, exhibiting at the same time every
demonstration of peace, and, sending forward a small vessel with
refreshments, they invited the captain to come on board of them. The
latter, deceived by the apparent frankness and high rank of the Moros,
with the greatest good faith accepted the invitation, and proceeded on
board, accompanied by two sailors, with a view to make arrangements
for barter. Scarcely had they got on board of the large prow, when
they were surrounded and seized, and the captain, who was a Spaniard,
compelled to sign an order to his mate to deliver up the schooner,
which he reluctantly did, under the hope of saving his own and his
companions' lives. The Moros proceeded on board the Spanish vessel,
and, in the meantime, the two sailors were taken back to the boat,
and there killed with daggers in the presence of all. The schooner's
sails were next hoisted, and she was brought into Jolo, where the cargo
and crew were sold in sight of, and with the knowledge and consent of
the sultan; an atrocity for which he has always refused to give any
satisfaction to a nation, thus openly and barbarously outraged by his
own relatives, and in defiance of the existing treaties of peace. Such
is the cruel character, and such the execrable policy of the Moros
generally inhabiting the Islands situated in the Philippine seas.

[Growth of Moro power.] The most lamentable circumstance is, that
these infidel races, at all times to be dreaded, owing to their
numbers and savage ferocity, after the lapse of a century of almost
uninterrupted prosperity, and encouraged also by our inattention,
have at length gradually attained so formidable a degree of power,
that their reduction now must be considered an extremely arduous and
expensive enterprise, although an object urgently requisite, and worthy
of the greatness of a nation like ours. In order, however, that the
difficulties of so important an undertaking may be justly appreciated,
it may be proper to observe that the Island of Mindanao alone, at
the present moment, contains a population equal, if not larger, than
that of Luzon, and the margins of the immense lake, situated in its
center, are covered with well-built towns, filled with conveniences,
the fruits of their annual privateering, and of the traffic they
carry on with the inhabitants of the Island of Jolo. True it is,
and it may be said, equally fortunate, that they are greatly divided
into parties, subject to a variety of "datus," or independent chiefs,
in name only inferior to the one who styles himself the sultan of the
whole Island. As, however, the fortresses and districts of Caraga,
Misamis, and Zamboanga occupy nearly three parts of the circumference
of the Island, these Moros freely possess no more than the southern
part, commencing at about twenty-five leagues from Cape San Augustin,
and ending in the vicinity of Zamboanga; so that the largest number
of their naval armaments are fitted out and issued to sea, either by
the great river of Mindanao, or from some of the many bays and inlets
situated on the above extent of coast.

[Jolo.] The Island of Jolo, although small compared with that of
Mindanao, is, nevertheless, in itself the most important, as well
as the real hotbed of all the piracies committed. Its inhabitants,
according to the unanimous reports of captives and various merchants,
in skill and valor greatly exceed the other Mahometans who infest
these seas. The sultan is absolute, and his subjects carry on trade
with Borneo, Celebes, and the other Malayan tribes scattered about
this great Archipelago. In the port of Jolo, as already noticed,
sales are made of Christians captured by the other Moros. The Chinese
of Amoy, as well as the Dutch and British, carry them manufactured
goods, opium and arms, receiving, in return, black pepper, bees'
wax, balato, edible nests, tortoise-shell, mother-of-pearl, gold
dust, pearls, etc., and from Manila also a vessel usually goes once
a year with goods; but all act with the greatest precaution in this
dangerous traffic, guarding, as much as possible, against the insidious
acts of that perfidious government. The great number of renegades,
of all casts, who have successively naturalized themselves there;
the abundance of arms, and the prevailing opulence, have, in every
respect, contributed to render this Island a formidable and powerful
state. The capital is surrounded with forts and thick walls, and
the famous heights, standing near it, in case of emergency, afford a
secure asylum where the women can take refuge and the treasures of
the sultan and public be deposited, whilst in the plains below the
contest may be maintained by more than 50,000 combatants, already
very dexterous in the use of the musket and of a bold and courageous
character. The navy of these Islanders is also very respectable,
for, besides a great number of smaller prows and war-boats, they
have some of a large size, capable of carrying heavy artillery on
their decks, mounted on corresponding carriages, and not suspended
in slings as is the custom of the people of Mindanao. In a word,
Jolo is an Island governed by a system of administration extremely
vigorous and decisive; dread and superstition sustain the throne of
the tyrant, and the fame of his greatness frequently brings to his
feet the ulemas, or missionaries of the Koran, even as far as from
the furthest margin of the Red Sea. The prince and people, unanimous
in the implacable odium with which they view all Christians, cannot
be divided or kept on terms of peace; and if it is really wished to
free these seas from the evils and great dangers with which they are
at all times threatened, it is necessary at once to strike at the
root, by landing and attacking the Jolonese in their strongholds,
and break the charm by which they are held together.

This, at least, is the constant and unshaken opinion of all
experienced persons and those versed in Philippine affairs; and if,
by the substantial reasons and existing circumstances, I convince
myself sufficiently to openly recommend war to be undertaken against
the Moros and pushed with the utmost vigor, and more particularly
commencing the work by a formal invasion of Jolo; still, as I feel
myself incompetent to trace a precise plan, or to discuss the minute
details more immediately connected with the object, I feel it necessary
to confine myself to the pointing out, in general terms, of the means
I judge most conducive to the happy issue of so arduous but important
an enterprise, leaving the rest to more able and experienced hands.

[Council of war recommended.] As a previous step, I conceive that
a council of war ought to be formed in Manila, composed of the
captain-general, the commanders of the navy, artillery, and engineer
department, as well as of the regular corps, who, in conformity to
all the antecedent information lodged in the secretary's office for
the captain-generalship, and the previous report of some one of the
ex-governors of Zamboanga and the best informed missionaries, may be
enabled to deliberate and proceed on to a mature examination of the
whole affair, taking into their special consideration everything
regarding Jolo, its early reduction, the number of vessels and
men required for this purpose, the most advantageous points of
attack, and the best season in which this can be carried into
execution. After all these matters have been determined upon, the
operation in question ought to be connected with the other partial
and general arrangements of the government, in order that a plan the
best adapted to localities and existing circumstances may be chosen,
and without its being necessary to wait for the king's approbation
of the means resolved upon, owing to the distance of the court and
the necessity of acting with celerity. If, however, on account of
the deference in every respect due to the sovereign, it should be
thought proper to reconcile his previous sanction with the necessity
of acting without loss of time, the best mode would be to send from
Spain an officer of high rank, fully authorized, who, as practised
on other occasions, might give his sanction, in the name of the king,
to the resolutions adopted by the council of war, and take under his
own immediate charge, if it should be so deemed expedient, the command
of the expedition against Jolo, receiving the appointment of governor
of the Island, as soon as the conquest should be carried into effect,
as a just reward for his zeal and valor.

[War popular in Philippines.] Supposing an uniformity of opinions to
prevail with regard to the expediency of attempting the subjugation
of Jolo, and supposing also the existence of the necessary funds to
meet the expenses of a corresponding armament, it may be positively
relied upon that the project would be extremely popular, and meet
with the entire concurrence and support of the Philippine Islands. The
military men, aware of the great riches known to exist in the proposed
theatre of operations, would emulously come forward to offer their
services, under a hope of sharing the booty, and the warlike natives
of the Bisayas would be impelled on by their hatred to the Moros,
and their ardent wishes to avenge the blood of their fathers and
children. On the other hand, the abundance of regular and well
disciplined officers and troops, at present in the colony and the
number of gun-boats found in the ports, a want of which, on other
occasions, has always been experienced, will afford ample scope for
the equipment of a force competent to the important enterprise in
view. In fact, if the operation is arranged in a systematic manner,
and all the precautions and rules observed as are usual in cases of
attacks premeditated against European and civilized establishments,
there is no reason to expect any other than a flattering and decisive
result, since, in reality, the whole would be directed against an
enemy contemptible on account of his barbarism and his comparative
ignorance of the art of war.

[Native assistance.] The preparations deemed necessary being made in
Manila, and the Bisayan auxiliaries assembled beforehand in Zamboanga,
with their arms and respective chiefs, the whole of the operation
in question, it may be safely said, might be terminated within the
period of three or four months. Supposing even 2,000 regular troops
are destined for this expedition, with a corresponding train of field
pieces, and at the moment there should not be found in the Islands a
sufficient number of larger vessels to embargo or freight for their
conveyance, a competent quantity of coasters, galleys and small craft
might be met with at any time sufficiently capacious and secure to
carry the men. This substitute will be found the less inconvenient,
because, as the navigation is to be performed among the Islands during
the prevalence of the north winds, usually a favorable and steady
season of the year, the voyage will consequently be safe and easy. It
will also be possible to arrive at the point agreed upon, as a general
rendezvous, in twenty, or five-and-twenty days, which place, for many
reasons, ought to be the fortress of Zamboanga, situated in front of
Jolo and at moderate distance from that Island; it being from this port
that, in former times, the Philippine governors usually sent out their
armaments, destined to make war against the Basilanese and Jolonese.

[Mindanao also needs attention.] As soon as this important and
memorable enterprise has been carried into effect, and the punishment
and total subjugation of these faithless Mahometans completed and
the new conquest placed under a military authority, in the mean
time that the lands are distributing and arrangements making to
establish the civil administration, on the same plan followed in the
other provinces of the Philippine government, the armament ought to
return to Zamboanga with all possible speed; but, after stopping by
the way to reduce the small island of Basilan and leaving a fortress
and garrison there. Immediately afterwards, and before the various
tribes of Moros inhabiting the Island of Mindanao have been able to
concert among themselves and prepare for their defence, it would
be advisable to direct partial expeditions towards both flanks of
Zamboanga, for the purpose of burning the settlements of the natives
and driving them from the shores into the interior. Forts ought then
to be raised at the mouths of the inlets and rivers, and a fourth
district government formed in the southern part of the island; in such
manner that, by possession being taken of the coasts, the government
and district of Zamboanga may be placed in contact with the new
one established on the one side, and on the other with the district
of Misamis, also the new district with that of Caraga, the western
part of which territory is already united to that of Misamis. Such,
at least, was the opinion of Lieutenant-Colonel Don Mariano Tobias,
an officer deservedly celebrated for his prudence and consummate skill
in these matters, and this he substantially expressed in a council
of war, held on August 28, 1778, for the purpose of deliberating on
the most advisable means to check the Moros, as appears by a long
and intelligent report drawn upon this subject on April 26, 1800,
by the adjutant-general of this colony, Don Rufino Suarez.

In case it should be determined to adopt the means proposed by Colonel
Tobias, for the purpose of holding the Moros of Mindanao in check,
and to which, unfortunately, due regard has not hitherto been paid,
notwithstanding the enterprise presents very few difficulties, owing
to the little opposition to be expected from the infidel natives,
the latter would then be left completely surrounded and shut up in
the heart of the island, and their active system of privateering,
with which they have so many years infested these seas, entirely
destroyed. If, through the want of garrisons and population, it should
not, however, be possible to deprive them of all their outlets, by
which means they would still be able occasionally to send some of
their cruising vessels, nevertheless there would be facilities with
which it would be possible to pursue and counteract the ravages of
the few pirates who might furtively escape out of some river, while
now they are fitted out, and well manned and armed to the number of
one and two hundred war-boats, openly in their ports.

[A plan for future policing.] After the emporiums of slavery have
been destroyed by the conquest of Jolo, and the other general
measures adopted, as above pointed out, the government would then
be in a situation to turn its attention, with much greater ease,
to the arrangement of all the other minor schemes of precaution and
protection suited to the difference of circumstances and locality,
without the concurrence of which the work would be left imperfect,
and in some degree the existence of those settled in the new
establishments rendered precarious. As, however, I am unprepared
minutely to point out the nature of these measures, or distinctly
to lay down a ground-work for future civilization and improvement,
I shall merely observe, that what would then remain to be done would
neither require any great capital, or present obstacles which might
not easily be overcome. The Moros being then concentrated in the
Island of Mindanao, and this completely surrounded on all sides by our
forts and settlements, in the manner above described, the only enemies
let loose on these seas would be either the few who might, from time
to time, elude the vigilance of our troops and district-commanders,
or those who might have escaped from Jolo previous to its conquest,
and taken up their abode in one or other of the Bisayas Islands; or,
in short, such as are out cruising at the time our armament returns
to Zamboanga and takes possession of the southern coast of Mindanao;
in which case they would be compelled to resort to a roving life,
establishing, like the Jolo fugitives, temporary dwellings among the
mangroves and thickets bordering on the shore.

The principal objects then remaining for the attention of government
would be to guard and protect the towns and settlements established
on the coasts from the insults and inroads of banditti, impelled by
necessity or despair, and at the same time to promote the gradual
overthrow or civilization of the dispersed remnant of Moorish
population left in the Island. The cruising of the pirates being
thus reduced to a space comprehended in an oblong circle formed by
an imaginary line drawn from the southern extreme of the Island of
Leyte, to the south-west point of Samar, which next running along
the north-west coast of Mindoro, on the outside of Tacao and Burias,
and coming down to the west of Panay, Negros and Bohol, closes the
oval at the little island formed by the Strait of Panaon, about forty
gunboats might be advantageously stationed in the narrowest passages
from land to land; as, for example, in the Strait of San Juanico and
other passes of a similar kind, well known to the local pilots. By this
means, the limits would be gradually contracted. Various small naval
armaments ought, at the same time, to keep cruising in the center
of this circle, pursuing the Moros by sea and land, dislodging them
from their strongholds and lurking places, and sending on those who
might be captured to the depot pointed out by government.

[Feasibility of plans.] The first part of the plan would be the
more easily realized, as it is well-known that most of the districts
corresponding to the Bisayan tribes, including those of Camarines and
Albay, situated at the extremity of the island of Luzon, have several
gunboats of their own, which might be used with great advantage. By
merely advancing and stationing them in such channels as the Moros
must necessarily pass, either in going out or returning, according to
the different monsoons, they would easily be checked, without removing
the gunboats to any great distance from their own coasts. As besides
the great advantages resulting from this plan and every one doing
his duty are apparent, no doubt numbers of natives would volunteer
their services, more particularly if they were liberally rewarded,
and their maintenance provided from the funds of the respective
communities. Moreover, the points which at first should not be
considered as sufficiently guarded might be strengthened by the king's
gunboats, and, indeed, in all of them it would be advisable to station
some of the latter, commanded by a select officer, to whose orders
the captains of the provincial gunboats ought to be made subservient.

With regard to the second part, it will suffice to observe that the
captain-generalship of the Philippine Islands already possesses as
many as seventy gunboats, besides a considerable number of gallies
and launches, which altogether constitute a formidable squadron
of light vessels; and, after deducting those deemed necessary for
the protection of Jolo and the new province to be established in
Mindanao, a sufficient number would still be left to carry into
execution all the objects proposed. At present, although the Moros
navigate in numerous divions, and with a confidence inspired by their
undisturbed prosperity, a 24-pounder shot from one of our launches is
nevertheless sufficient to put them to flight; what therefore may not
be expected when their forces shall be so greatly diminished and their
apprehensions increased, of being defeated and captured? Nevertheless,
as it is not easy for our gunboats to come up with them, when giving
chase, it would be advisable to add to our cruisers a temporary
establishment of prows and light vessels, manned by Bisayan Indians,
which, by advancing on with the gallies, might attack the enemy and
give time for the gunboats to come up and decide the action. Besides as
the Bisayan Indians are perfectly acquainted with the mode of making
war on the Moros, the meaning of their signals and manoeuvers and
the kind of places on shore in which they take shelter when pursued
at sea, the employment of such auxiliaries would be extremely useful.

[Need of undivided leadership.] The whole of these defensive and
offensive arrangements would, however, be ineffectual or incomplete
in their results, if the most perfect union and concert is not
established in every part, so that all should conspire to the same
object, although by distinct means. In order therefore that the
necessary harmony may be secured, it would be expedient to remove the
chief authority nearer to the theater of war, by confiding all the
necessary instructions and powers to the person who might be selected
for the direction and command of the enterprise, after the general
plan of operations had been regularly approved. Under this impression,
and with a view to the better execution of all the details, it would
be advisable for the commanding officer, named by the government,
to take up his headquarters in the Island of Panay, which, owing to
its geographical situation, the great number of towns and inhabitants
contained in the three provinces into which it is divided, as well
as other political reasons, is generally esteemed preferable for the
object in question, to the Island of Zebu, where, in former times,
the commanders of the province of the painted natives resided,
as mentioned in the laws of the Indies. The center of action being
placed in Iloilo, a communication with the other points would thus
more easily be kept open, aid and relief might be sent more rapidly
to the quarter where required, and, in a word, all the movements,
of whatsoever kind they might be, would be executed with greater
precision and certainty of success. It would be unnecessary to
add that the provincial magistrates of Camarines and Albay ought to
co-operate, with their fourteen gunboats and other smaller vessels, in
the measures adopted by the commander of the Bisayan establishment,
distributing their forces according to the orders given by him,
and by undertaking to guard the straits of San Bernardino.

[Paragua.] The Island of Paragua, at the head of which the
provincial jurisdiction of Calamianes is placed, is not included
in the great circle, or chain of stations, above traced out, as
well in consequence of its great distance from the other islands,
for which reason it is not so much infested by the Moros, as because
of its being at present nearly depopulated and uncultivated, and for
these reasons the attention of government ought not to be withdrawn
from other more important points. With regard to that of Mindanao,
the necessity of keeping up along the whole of its immense coast, a
line of castles and watch towers, has already been fully pointed out,
more especially in the vicinity of the bay of Panguil, to the north,
and the mouths of the great river towards the south; the two points
in which the enemies' most formidable armaments are usually fitted
out. Consequently, it would not be possible to expect the provincial
commanders stationed there would be able to disengage any part of
their naval force, in order to place it at the disposal of the officer
commanding the Bisayan vessels. Indeed, it is obvious that it would be
extremely important to afford the people of Mindanao every possible
additional aid, in vessels, troops and money, in order the better to
check the sailing of partial divisions of the enemy, and thus prevent
the immense number of pirates, inhabiting the interior of the island,
from breaking the fortified line, and again covering these seas, and
with redoubled fury carrying death and desolation along all the coasts.

It would, in fact, be extremely desirable if, through the concerted
measures and constant vigilance of the four chief magistrates
intrusted with the command of the island, the future attempts of
the Mindanayans could be entirely counteracted, and their cruisers
altogether kept within the line for a certain period of years; as by
thus depriving them of the facilities to continue their old habits
of life, these barbarous tribes would be eventually compelled to
adopt other pursuits, either by ascending the mountainous parts of
the island, and shutting themselves up in the thick and impenetrable
forests, with a view to preserve their independence; or, throwing
down their arms and devoting themselves to the peaceful cultivation
of their lands. In the latter case, they would gradually lose their
present ferocious character; their regard for the conveniences and
repose of social life would increase; the contrast would be attended
with most favorable consequences, and in the course of time, the whole
of the aboriginal natives of these islands would come into our laws
and customs, and become confounded in the general mass of Philippine
subjects, owing allegiance to the king.

Finally, it must be equally acknowledged that the Islands of Jolo,
Basilan, Capul, and some of the other inferior ones, of which,
as above pointed out, an union ought to be formed in the way of an
additional government, subordinate to the captain-general, would be
able to co-operate in the war on no other plan than the one traced
out for the provinces held in Mindanao; that is, by their gunboats
being confided to the protection of their own coasts; though with
this difference, that if, in one instance, the main object would be
to prevent the evasion of the enemy, in the other every effort must
be employed to guard against and repel their incursions when they
do appear. However complete the success of the armament, destined
for the reduction of Jolo, it may nevertheless be presumed, that the
mountains would still continue to give shelter to hordes of fugitives,
who would take refuge in the fastnesses, and avail themselves of every
opportunity to concert plans, or fly off to join their comrades in
Mindanao, in order to return, and through their aid, satisfy their
thirst for vengeance, by surprising some fortress or settlement,
or establishing themselves on some neglected and not well known
point. In consequence of this, the governor, commanding there,
would at first require the active co-operation of all his forces,
for the purpose of consolidating the new conquest, and causing his
authority to be respected throughout the island.

[Importance of peace for Philippine progress.] These, in my opinion,
are the true and secure means by which the enemies of the peace
and prosperity of the Philippines may be humbled, their piracies
prevented, and a basis laid for the future civilization of the
remaining islands in this important Archipelago. To this sketch,
a number of other details and essential illustrations, no doubt,
are wanting; and possibly, I may be accused of some inaccuracies, in
discussing a topic, with which I candidly avow I cannot be considered
altogether familiar. The plan and success of the enterprise must,
however, greatly depend on military skill and talent; but as I have
attempted no more than fairly to trace the general outline of the
plan, and insist on the necessity of its adoption, my remarks, it
is to be hoped, will serve to awaken a serious disposition to review
and investigate the whole subject, a task that most assuredly ought
to be confided to a competent and special council. Whatever defects
I may involuntarily have fallen into, will then be corrected; at the
same time it ought not to appear strange that inexperienced persons
should presume to speak on matters connected with the public good,
when we see them so much neglected by those whose more immediate duty
it is to look after and promote them. At all events, dispassionate
zeal has seldom done harm; and I again repeat, that my wish is not
so much to see my own ideas adopted, as to urge the necessity of
their being examined and digested. I am desirous that other sources
of information on this subject should be explored, that practical men
should be called in, and that those in power should be induced to apply
themselves and devote their exertions to an object so highly deserving
of their attention. In short, I am anxious that the pious injunctions
of our monarchs should be fulfilled, and that the tears and blood of
the inhabitants of these neglected islands should cease to flow.

Should the happy day ever arrive, when the inhabitants of these
provinces shall behold themselves free from the cruel scourge with
which they have been desolated for so many years, they will bless the
nation that has redeemed them from all their cares, they will tighten
their relations with it, and deliver themselves up to its direction
without reserve. The natives will then come down from the strong
fastnesses they at present inhabit; they will clear fresh lands, and
earnestly devote themselves to tillage and industry. Under the shadow
of peace, population and commerce will increase; the Bisayan vessels
will then plough the ocean without the dread of other enemies than
the elements; and the Moros themselves of Mindanao (I say it with
confidence), straightened on all sides, and incessantly harassed
by the Christians, but on the other hand witnessing the advantages
and mildness of our laws, will at length submit to the dominion of
the monarchs of Spain, who will thus secure the quiet possession of
one of the most interesting portions of the habitable globe, and be
justly entitled to the gratitude of all nations connected with China
and India, for having put an end to a series of the most terrific
plunder and captivity that ever disgraced the annals of any age.



PART III

Manila in 1842

By Com. Charles Wilkes, U.S.N.

(Narrative of U. S. Exploring Expedition, Vol. V, Chaps. 8 and 9.)

[Port rules.] At daylight, on January 13, we were again under way,
with a light air, and at nine o'clock reached the roadstead, where we
anchored in six fathoms water, with good holding-ground. Being anxious
to obtain our letters, which, we were informed at Oahu, had been sent
to Manila, I immediately dispatched two boats to procure them. On
their way to the mole, they were stopped by the captain of the port,
Don Juan Salomon, who requested them, in a polite manner, to return,
and informed the officers that, agreeably to the rules of the port,
no boat was permitted to land until the visit of the health-officer
had been made, etc.

[Official courtesies.] The captain of the port, in a large barge,
was soon seen pulling off in company with the boats. He boarded us
with much ceremony, and a few moments sufficed to satisfy him of
the good health of the crew, when he readily gave his assent to
our visiting the shore. Every kind of assistance was offered me,
on the part of the government, and he, in the most obliging manner,
gave us permission to go and come when we pleased, with the simple
request that the boats should wear our national flag, that they might
at all times be known, and thus be free from any interruption by the
guards. The boats were again dispatched for the consul and letters,
and after being anxiously watched for, returned; every one on board
ship expecting his wishes to be gratified with news from home; but,
as is usual on such occasions, the number of the happy few bore no
comparison to that of the many who were disappointed.

Our vice-consul, Josiah Moore, Esq., soon paid us a visit, and gave
us a pressing invitation to take up our quarters on shore while we
remained. To this gentleman and Mr. Sturges I am greatly indebted for
much of the information that will be detailed in the following chapter.

[American hemp ships.] A number of vessels were lying in the roads,
among which were several Americans loading with hemp. There was also a
large English East Indiaman, manned by Lascars, whose noise rendered
her more like a floating Bedlam than any thing else to which I can
liken it.

[A Spanish oriental city.] The view of the city and country around
Manila partakes both of a Spanish and an Oriental character. The
sombre and heavy-looking churches, with their awkward towers; the long
lines of batteries mounted with heavy cannon; the massive houses,
with ranges of balconies; and the light and airy cottage, elevated
on posts, situated in the luxuriant groves of tropical trees--all
excite a desire to become better acquainted with the country.

[Surroundings.] Manila is situated on an extensive plain, gradually
swelling into distant hills, beyond which, again, mountains rise in
the back ground to the height of several thousand feet. The latter
are apparently clothed with vegetation to their summits. The city is
in strong contrast to this luxuriant scenery, bearing evident marks
of decay, particularly in the churches, whose steeples and tile roofs
have a dilapidated look. The site of the city does not appear to have
been well chosen, it having apparently been selected entirely for
the convenience of commerce, and the communication that the outlet
of the lake affords for the batteaux that transport the produce from
the shores of the Laguna de Bay to the city.

[Canals.] There are many arms or branches to this stream, which have
been converted into canals; and almost any part of Manila may now be
reached in a banca.

In the afternoon, in company with Captain Hudson, I paid my first visit
to Manila. The anchorage considered safest for large ships is nearly
three miles from the shore, but smaller vessels may lie much nearer,
and even enter the canal; a facility of which a number of these take
advantage, to accomplish any repairs they may have occasion to make.

[Typhoons.] The canal, however, is generally filled with coasting
vessels, batteaux from the lake, and lighters for the discharge of
the vessels lying in the roads. The bay of Manila is safe, excepting
during the change of the monsoons, when it is subject to the typhoons
of the China Seas, within whose range it lies. These blow at times with
much force, and cause great damage. Foreign vessels have, however,
kept this anchorage, and rode out these storms in safety; but native
as well as Spanish vessels, seek at these times the port of Cavite,
about three leagues to the southwest, at the entrance of the bay,
which is perfectly secure. Here the government dockyard is situated,
and this harbor is consequently the resort of the few gunboats and
galleys that are stationed here.

[Twin piers.] The entrance to the canal or river Pasig is three hundred
feet wide, and is enclosed between two well-constructed piers, which
extend for some distance into the bay. On the end of one of these is
the light-house, and on the other a guard-house. The walls of these
piers are about four feet above ordinary high water, and include the
natural channel of the river, whose current sets out with some force,
particularly when the ebb is making in the bay.

[Suburbs.] The suburbs, or Binondo quarter, contain more inhabitants
than the city itself, and is the commercial town. They have all the
stir and life incident to a large population actively engaged in trade,
and in this respect the contrast with the city proper is great.

[Walled city.] The city of Manila is built in the form of a large
segment of a circle, having the chord of the segment on the river:
the whole is strongly fortified, with walls and ditches. The houses
are substantially built after the fashion of the mother country. Within
the walls are the governor's palace, custom-house, treasury, admiralty,
several churches, convents, and charitable institutions, a university,
and the barracks for the troops; it also contains some public squares,
on one of which is a bronze statue of Charles IV.

The city is properly deemed the court residence of these islands; and
all those attached to the government, or who wish to be considered as
of the higher circle, reside here; but foreigners are not permitted
to do so. The houses in the city are generally of stone, plastered,
and white or yellow washed on the outside. They are only two stories
high, and in consequence cover a large space, being built around a
patio or courtyard.

[Dwellings.] The ground-floors are occupied as storehouses,
stables, and for porters' lodges. The second story is devoted to
the dining-halls and sleeping apartments, kitchens, bath-rooms,
etc. The bed-rooms have the windows down to the floor, opening on wide
balconies, with blinds or shutters. These blinds are constructed with
sliding frames, having small squares of two inches filled in with
a thin semi-transparent shell, a species of Placuna; the fronts of
some of the houses have a large number of these small lights, where
the females of the family may enjoy themselves unperceived.

[Business.] After entering the canal, we very soon found ourselves
among a motley and strange population. On landing, the attention is
drawn to the vast number of small stalls and shops with which the
streets are lined on each side, and to the crowds of people passing
to and fro, all intent upon their several occupations. The artisans in
Manila are almost wholly Chinese; and all trades are local, so that in
each quarter of the Binondo suburb the privilege of exclusive occupancy
is claimed by some particular kinds of shops. In passing up the
Escolta (which is the longest and main street in this district), the
cabinet-makers, seen busily at work in their shops, are first met with;
next to these come the tinkers and blacksmiths; then the shoe-makers,
clothiers, fishmongers, haberdashers, etc. These are flanked by outdoor
occupations; and in each quarter are numerous cooks, frying cakes,
stewing, etc., in movable kitchens; while here and there are to be
seen betel-nut sellers, either moving about to obtain customers,
or taking a stand in some great thoroughfare. The moving throng,
composed of carriers, waiters, messengers, etc., pass quietly and
without any noise: they are generally seen with the Chinese umbrella,
painted in many colors, screening themselves from the sun. The whole
population wear slippers, and move along with a slipshod gait.

The Chinese are apparently far more numerous than the Malays, and the
two races differ as much in character as in appearance: one is all
activity, while the other is disposed to avoid all exertion. They
preserve their distinctive character throughout, mixing but very
little with each other, and are removed as far as possible in their
civilities; the former, from their industry and perseverance, have
almost monopolized all the lucrative employments among the lower
orders, excepting the selling of fish and betel-nut, and articles
manufactured in the provinces.

On shore, we were kindly received by Mr. Moore, who at once made us
feel at home. The change of feeling that takes place in a transfer from
shipboard in a hot climate, after a long cruise, to spacious and airy
apartments, surrounded by every luxury that kind attentions can give,
can be scarcely imagined by those who have not experienced it.

As we needed some repairs and supplies, to attend to these was
my first occupation. Among the former, we required a heavy piece
of blacksmith-work, to prepare which, we were obliged to send our
armourers on shore. The only thing they could procure was a place for
a forge; but coal, and every thing else, we had to supply from the
ship. I mention these things to show that those in want of repairs
must not calculate upon their being done at Manila with dispatch,
if they can be accomplished at all.

[City of Manila.] The city government of Manila was established
June 24, 1571, and the title under which it is designated is, "The
celebrated and forever loyal city of Manila." In 1595, the charter
was confirmed by royal authority; and all the prerogatives possessed
by other cities in the kingdom were conferred upon it in 1638. The
members of the city council, by authority of the king, were constituted
a council of advisement with the governor and captain-general. The
city magistrates were also placed in rank next the judges; and in
1686 the jurisdiction of the city was extended over a radius of five
leagues. In 1818, the members of the council were increased and ordered
to assume the title of "Excellency." Manila has been one of the most
constantly loyal cities of the Spanish kingdom, and is, in consequence,
considered to merit these additional royal favors to its inhabitants.

[Commerce.] In 1834, the Royal Tribunal of Commerce was instituted,
to supersede the old consulate, which had been established since 1772,
The Royal Tribunal of Commerce acts under the new commercial code, and
possesses the same privileges of arbitration as the old consulate. It
consists of a prior, two consuls, and four deputies, elected by the
profession. The three first exercise consular jurisdiction, the other
four superintend the encouragement of commerce. The "Junta de Comercio"
(chamber of commerce) was formed in 1835. This junta consits of the
Tribunal of Commerce, with four merchants, who are selected by the
government, two of whom are removed annually. The prior of the Tribunal
presides at the Junta, whose meetings are required to be held twice a
month, or oftener if necessary, and upon days in which the Tribunal
is not in session. The two courts being under the same influences,
and having the same officers, little benefit is to be derived from
their double action, and great complaints are made of the manner in
which business is conducted in them.

[Magellan.] Of all her foreign possessions, the Philippines have
cost Spain the least blood and labor. The honor of their discovery
belongs to Magellan whose name is associated with the straits at
the southern extremity of the American continent, but which has
no memorial in these islands. Now that the glory which he gained
by being the first to penetrate from the Atlantic to the Pacific,
has been in some measure obliterated by the disuse of those straits
by navigators, it would seem due to his memory that some spot among
these islands should be set apart to commemorate the name of, him
who made them known to Europe. This would be but common justice to
the discoverer of a region which has been a source of so much honor
and profit to the Spanish nation, who opened the vast expanse of the
Pacific to the fleets of Europe, and who died fighting to secure the
benefits of his enterprise to his king and country.

Magellan was killed at the island of Mactan, on April 26, 1521;
and Duarte, the second in command, who succeeded him, imprudently
accepting an invitation from the chief of Cebu to a feast, was, with
twenty companions, massacred. Of all the Spaniards present, only one
escaped. After these and various other misfortunes, only one vessel
of the squadron, the Victoria, returned to Spain. Don Juan Sebastian
del Cano, her commander, was complimented by his sovereign by a grant
for his arms of a globe, with the proud inscription, commemorative
of his being the first circumnavigator, "Primus Me Circumcedit."

[Other expeditions.] Two years afterwards, a second expedition was
fitted out, under the command of Loaisa, who died after they had
passed through the Straits of Magellan, when they had been a year
on their voyage. The command then fell upon Sebastian, who died in
four days after his predecessor. Salazar succeeded to the command,
and reached the Ladrone Islands, but shortly after leaving there
he died also. They came in sight of Mindanao, but contrary winds
obliged them to go to the Moluccas. When arrived at the Portuguese
settlements, contentions and jealousies arose, and finally all the
expedition was dispersed, and the fate of all but one of the vessels
has become doubtful. None but the small tender returned, which,
after encountering great difficulties, reached New Spain.

The third expedition was fitted out by Cortes, then viceroy of Mexico,
and the command of it given to Saavedra. This sailed from the port
of Silguattanjo, on the 31st of October, 1528, and stopped at the
Ladrone Islands, of which it took possession for the crown of Spain. It
afterwards went to Mindanao, and then pursued its voyage to Timor,
where part of the expedition of Loaisa was found remaining. From
Timor they made two attempts to return to New Spain, both of which
failed. The climate soon brought on disease, which carried off a great
number, and among them Saavedra. Thus the whole expedition was broken
up, and the survivors found their way to the Portuguese settlements.

The fourth expedition was sent from New Spain, when under the
government of Don Antonio de Mendoza, for the purpose of establishing
a trade with the new islands, and it received orders not to visit
the Moluccas. This expedition sailed in 1542, under the command
of Villalobos. It reached the Philippine Islands without accident,
and Villalobos gave them that name after Philip II, then prince of
Asturias. Notwithstanding his positive instructions to the contrary,
he was obliged to visit the Moluccas, and met the same treatment from
the Portuguese that had been given to all whom they believed had any
intention to interfere in their spice trade. The squadron touched at
Amboina, where Villalobos died, an event which caused the breaking
up of the expedition; and the few Spaniards that remained embarked
in the Portuguese vessels to return home.

The fifth and last expedition was ordered by Philip II to be sent
from Mexico, when under the government of Don Luis de Velasco,
for the final conquest and settlement of the Philippines. With
this expedition was sent Andres Urdaneta, a friar, whose reputation
stood very high as a cosmographer: he had belonged to the ill-fated
expedition of Loaisa. This was the largest that had yet been fitted
out for this purpose, numbering five vessels and about four hundred
men. The command of it was intrusted to [Legaspi.] Legaspi, under
whom it sailed from the port of Natividad, on November 21, 1564, and
upon whom was conferred the title of governor and adelantado of the
conquered lands, with the fullest powers. On the 13th of February,
1565, he arrived at the island of Tandaya, one of the Philippines:
from thence he went to Leyte; there he obtained the son of a powerful
chief as a guide, through whom he established peace with several of
the native rulers, who thereafter aided the expedition with all the
means in their power. At Bohol they built the first church. There he
met and made peace with a chief of Luzon, with whom he went to that
island. (Facts here are confused.--C.)

He now (April, 1565) took possession of all the island in the name of
the crown of Spain, and became their first governor. In this conquest,
motives different from those which governed them on the American
continent, seemed to have influenced the Spaniards. Instead of carrying
on a cruel war against the natives, they here pursued the policy of
encouraging and fostering their industry. Whether they felt that this
policy was necessary for the success of their undertaking, or were
influenced by the religious fathers who were with them, is uncertain;
but their measures seem to have been dictated by a desire to promote
peace and secure the welfare of the inhabitants. There may be another
cause for this course of action, namely, the absence of the precious
metals, which held out no inducement to those thirsting for inordinate
gain. This may have had its weight in exempting the expedition in
its outset from the presence of those avaricious spirits which had
accompanied other Spanish expeditions, and been the means of marking
their progress with excessive tyranny, bloodshed, and violence. It is
evident to one who visits the Philippines that some other power besides
the sword has been at work in them; the natives are amalgamated with
the Spaniards, and all seem disposed to cultivate the land and foster
civilization. None of the feeling that grows out of conquest is to be
observed in these islands; the two races are identified now in habits,
manners, and religion, and their interests are so closely allied that
they feel their mutual dependence upon each other.

The establishment of the new constitution in Spain in the year 1825
has had a wonderful effect upon these colonies, whose resources have
within the last ten years been developed, and improvements pushed
forward with a rapid step. Greater knowledge and more liberal views
in the rulers are alone wanting to cause a still more rapid advance
in the career of prosperity.

As our visit was to Luzon, we naturally obtained more personal
information respecting it than the other islands. We learned that the
northern peninsula [268] was composed of granite and recent volcanic
rocks, together with secondary and tertiary deposits, while the
southern peninsula is almost wholly volcanic.

The northern contains many valuable mines of gold, lead, copper,
and iron, besides coal. A number of specimens of these, and the rocks
which contain them, were presented to the Expedition by Señores Araria
and Roxas of Manila.

So far as our information and observations went, the whole of the
Philippine Islands are of similar geological formation. In some of
the islands the volcanic rock prevails, while in others coal and the
metalliferous deposits predominate. On some of them the coal-beds
form part of the cliffs along the shore; on others, copper is found
in a chlorite and talcose slate. The latter is more particularly
the case with Luzon, and the same formation extends to Mindoro. Much
iron occurs on the mountains. Thus among the (Upland) natives, who
are yet unsubdued by the Spaniards, and who inhabit these mountains,
it is found by them of so pure a quality that it is manufactured
into swords and cleavers. These are, occasionally, obtained by the
Spaniards in their excursions into the interior against these bands.

[Tufa.] The country around Manila is composed of tufa of a light gray
color, which being soft and easily worked, is employed as the common
building material in the city. It contains, sometimes, scoria and
pumice, in pieces of various sizes, besides, occasionally, impressions
of plants, with petrified woods. These are confined to recent species,
and include palms, etc.

This tufa forms one of the remarkable features of the volcanoes of the
Philippine Islands, showing a strong contrast between them and those of
the Pacific isles, which have ejected little else than lava and scoria.

Few portions of the globe seem to be so much the seat of internal
fires, or to exhibit the effects of volcanic action so strongly as
the Philippines. During our visit, it was not known that any of the
volcanoes were in action; but many of them were smoking, particularly
that in the district of Albay, called Isaroc. Its latest eruption
was in the year 1839; but this did little damage compared with
that of 1814, which covered several villages, and the country for a
great distance around, with ashes. This mountain is situated to the
south-east of Manila one hundred and fifty miles, and is said to be
a perfect cone, with a crater at its apex.

[Resources.] It does not appear that the islands are much affected
by earth-quakes, although some have occasionally occurred that have
done damage to the churches at Manila.

The coal which we have spoken of is deemed of value; it has a strong
resemblance to the bituminous coal of our own country, possesses a
bright lustre, and appears very free from all woody texture when
fractured. It is found associated with sandstone, which contains
many fossils. Lead and copper are reported as being very abundant;
gypsum and limestone occur in some districts. From this, it will
be seen that these islands have everything in the mineral way to
constitute them desirable possessions.

With such mineral resources, and a soil capable of producing the
most varied vegetation of the tropics, a liberal policy is all that
the country lacks. The products of the Philippine Islands consist
of sugar, coffee, hemp, indigo, rice, tortoise-shell, hides, ebony,
saffron-wood, sulphur, cotton, cordage, silk, pepper, cocoa, wax,
and many other articles. In their agricultural operations the
people are industrious, although much labor is lost by the use of
defective implements. The plough, of very simple construction, has
been adopted from the Chinese; it has no coulter, the share is flat,
and being turned partly to one side, answers, in a certain degree,
the purpose of a mould-board. This rude implement is sufficient for
the rich soils, where the tillage depends chiefly upon the harrow,
in constructing which a thorny species of bamboo is used. The harrow
is formed of five or six pieces of this material, on which the thorns
are left, firmly fastened together. It answers its purpose well, and
is seldom out of order. A wrought-iron harrow, that was introduced
by the Jesuits, is used for clearing the ground more effectually,
and more particularly for the purpose of extirpating a troublesome
grass, that is known by the name of cogon (a species of Andropogon), of
which it is very difficult to rid the fields. The bolo or long-knife,
a basket, and hoe, complete the list of implements, and answer all
the purposes of our spades, etc.

[Draft animals.] The buffalo was used until within a few years
exclusively in their agricultural operations, and they have lately
taken to the use of the ox; but horses are never used. The buffalo,
from the slowness of his motions, and his exceeding restlessness
under the heat of the climate, is ill adapted to agricultural labor;
but the natives are very partial to them, notwithstanding they
occasion them much labor and trouble in bathing them during the great
heat. This is absolutely necessary, or the animal becomes so fretful
as to be unfit for use. If it were not for this, the buffalo would,
notwithstanding his slow pace, be most effective in agricultural
operations; he requires little food, and that of the coarsest kind;
his strength surpasses that of the stoutest ox, and he is admirably
adapted for the rice or paddy fields. They are very docile when used
by the natives, and even children can manage them; but it is said they
have a great antipathy to the whites, and all strangers. The usual
mode of guiding them is by a small cord attached to the cartilage of
the nose. The yoke rests on the neck before the shoulders, and is of
simple construction. To this is attached whatever it may be necessary
to draw, either by traces, shafts, or other fastenings. Frequently this
animal may be seen with large bundles of bamboo lashed to them on each
side. Buffaloes are to be met with on the lake with no more than their
noses and eyes out of the water, and are not visible until they are
approached within a few feet, when they cause alarm to the passengers
by raising their large forms close to the boat. It is said that they
resort to the lake to feed on a favorite grass that grows on its bottom
in shallow water, and which they dive for. Their flesh is not eaten,
except that of the young ones, for it is tough and tasteless. The milk
is nutritious, and of a character between that of the goat and cow.

The general appearance of the buffalo is that of a hybrid of the
bull and rhinoceros. Its horns do not rise upwards, are very close
at the root, bent backwards, and of a triangular form, with a flat
side above. One of the peculiarities of the buffalo is its voice,
which is quite low, and in the minor key, resembling that of a young
colt. It is as fond of mire as swine, and shows the consequence of
recent wallowing, in being crusted over with mud. The skin is visible,
being but thinly covered with hair; its color is usually that of a
mouse; in some individuals darker.

[Rice.] Rice is, perhaps, of their agricultural products, the article
upon which the inhabitants of the Philippine Islands most depend for
food and profit; of this they have several different varieties; which
the natives distinguish by their size and the shape of the grain:
the birnambang, lamuyo, malagequit, bontot-cabayo, dumali, quinanda,
bolohan, and tangi. The three first are aquatic; the five latter
upland varieties. They each have their peculiar uses. The dumali
is the early variety; it ripens in three months from planting, from
which circumstance it derives its name: it is raised exclusively on
the uplands. Although much esteemed, it is not extensively cultivated,
as the birds and insects destroy a large part of the crop.

The malagequit is very much prized, and used for making sweet and
fancy dishes; it becomes exceedingly glutinous, for which reason it
is used in making whitewash, which it is said to cause to become of a
brilliant white, and to withstand the weather. This variety is not,
however, believed to be wholesome. There is also a variety of this
last species which is used as food for horses, and supposed to be a
remedy and preventive against worms.

The rice grounds or fields are laid out in squares, and surrounded by
embankments, to retain the water of the rains or streams. After the
rains have fallen in sufficient quantities to saturate the ground, a
seed-bed is generally planted in one corner of the field, in which the
rice is sown broadcast, about the month of June. The heavy rains take
place in August, when the fields are ploughed, and are soon filled with
water. The young plants are about this time taken from the seed-bed,
their tops and roots trimmed, and then planted in the field by making
holes in the ground with the fingers and placing four or five sprouts
in each of them; in this tedious labor the poor women are employed,
whilst the males are lounging in their houses or in the shade of
the trees.

The harvest for the aquatic rice begins in December. It is reaped
with small sickles, peculiar to the country, called yatap; to the
back of these a small stick is fastened, by which they are held,
and the stalk is forced upon it and cut. The spikes of rice are
cut with this implement, one by one. In this operation, men, women,
and children all take part.

The upland rice requires much more care and labor in its
cultivation. The land must be ploughed three or four times, and all
the turf and lumps well broken up by the harrow.

During its growth it requires to be weeded two or three times, to
keep the weeds from choking the crop. The seed is sown broadcast in
May. This kind of rice is harvested in November, and to collect the
crop is still more tedious than in the other case, for it is always
gathered earlier, and never reaped, in consequence of the grain not
adhering to the ear. If it were gathered in any other way, the loss
by transportation on the backs of buffaloes and horses, without any
covering to the sheaf, would be so great as to dissipate a great
portion of the crop.

It appears almost incredible that any people can remain in
ignorance of a way of preventing so extravagant and wasteful a mode
of harvesting. The government has been requested to prohibit it on
account of the great expense it gives rise to; but whether any steps
have ever been taken in the matter, I did not learn. It is said that
not unfrequently a third part of the crop is lost, in consequence of
the scarcity of laborers; while those who are disengaged will refuse
to work, unless they receive one-third, and even one-half of the crop,
to be delivered free of expense at their houses. This the planters
are often obliged to give, or lose the whole crop. Nay, unless the
harvest is a good one, reapers are very unwilling to engage to take it
even on these terms, and the entire crop is lost. The laborers, during
the time of harvest, are supported by the planter, who is during that
time exposed to great vexation, if not losses. The reapers are for the
most part composed of the idle and vicious part of the population, who
go abroad over the country to engage themselves in this employment,
which affords a livelihood to the poorer classes; for the different
periods at which the varieties of rice are planted and harvested,
gives them work during a large portion of the year.

After the rice is harvested, there are different modes of treating
it. Some of the proprietors take it home, where it is thrown into
heaps, and left until it is desirable to separate it from the straw,
when it is trodden out by men and women with their bare feet. For
this operation, they usually receive another fifth of the rice.

Others stack it in a wet and green state, which subjects it to heat,
from which cause the grain contracts a dark color, and an unpleasant
taste and smell. The natives, however, impute these defects to the
wetness of the season.

The crop of both the low and upland rice, is usually from thirty
to fifty for one: this is on old land; but on that which is newly
cleared or which has never been cultivated, the yield is far beyond
this. In some soils of the latter description, it is said that for a
chupa (seven cubic inches) planted, the yield has been a caban. The
former is the two-hundred-and-eighth part of the latter. This is not
the only advantage gained in planting rich lands, but the saving of
labor is equally great; for all that is required is to make a hole
with the fingers, and place three or four grains in it. The upland
rice requires but little water, and is never irrigated.

The cultivator in the Philippine Islands is always enabled to secure
plenty of manure; for vegetation is so luxuriant that by pulling the
weeds and laying them with earth, a good stock is quickly obtained
with which to cover his fields. Thus, although the growth is so rank
as to cause him labor, yet in this hot climate its decay is equally
rapid, which tends to make his labors more successful.

The rice-stacks form a picturesque object on the field; they are
generally placed around or near a growth of bamboo, whose tall,
graceful, and feathery outline is of itself a beautiful object,
but connected as it is often seen with the returns of the harvest,
it furnishes an additional source of gratification.

The different kinds of rice, and especially the upland, would no doubt
be an acquisition to our country. At the time we were at Manila, it
was not thought feasible to pack it, for it had just been reaped,
and was so green that it would not have kept. [269] Although rice
is a very prolific crop, yet it is subject to many casualties, from
the locusts and other insects that devour it; the drought at other
times affects it, particularly the aquatic varieties. There is a use
to which the rice is applied here, which was new to us, namely, as a
substitute for razors; by using two grains of it between the fingers,
they nip the beard, or extract it from the chin and face.

[Manila hemp.] Among the important productions of these islands, I have
mentioned hemp, although the article called Manila hemp must not be
understood to be derived from the plant which produces the common hemp
(Cannabis), being obtained from a species of plantain (Musa textilis),
called in the Philippines "abacá." This is a native of these islands,
and was formerly believed to be found only on Mindanao; but this is
not the case, for it is cultivated on the south part of Luzon, and
all the islands south of it. It grows on high ground, in rich soil,
and is propagated by seeds. It resembles the other plants of the tribe
of plantains, but its fruit is much smaller, although edible. The
fibre is derived from the stem, and the plant attains the height of
fifteen or twenty feet. The usual mode of preparing the hemp is to cut
off the stem near the ground, before the time or just when the fruit
is ripe. The stem is then eight or ten feet long below the leaves,
where it is again cut. The outer coating of the herbaceous stem
is then stripped off, until the fibers or cellular parts are seen,
when it undergoes the process of rotting, and after being well dried
in houses and sheds, is prepared for market by assorting it, a task
which is performed by the women and children. That which is intended
for cloth is soaked for an hour or two in weak lime-water prepared
from sea-shells, again dried, and put up in bundles. From all the
districts in which it grows, it is sent to Manila, which is the only
port whence it can legally be exported. It arrives in large bundles,
and is packed there, by means of a screw-press, in compact bales,
for shipping, secured by rattan, each weighing two piculs.

The best Manila hemp ought to be white, dry, and of a long and fine
fiber. This is known at Manila by the name of lupis; the second
quality they call bandala.

The exportation has much increased within the last few years, in
consequence of the demand for it in the United States; and the whole
crop is now monopolized by the two American houses of Sturges & Co.,
and T. N. Peale & Co., of Manila, who buy all of good quality that
comes to market. This is divided between the two houses, and the
price they pay is from four to five dollars the picul. The entire
quantity raised in 1840 was eighty-three thousand seven hundred and
ninety piculs; in 1841, eighty-seven thousand.

The quantity exported to the United States in 1840, was sixty-eight
thousand two hundred and eighty piculs, and in 1841, only sixty-two
thousand seven hundred piculs; its value in Manila is about three
hundred thousand dollars. Twenty thousand piculs go to Europe. There
are no duties on its exportation.

That which is brought to the United States is principally manufactured
in or near Boston, and is the cordage known as "white rope." The
cordage manufactured at Manila is, however, very superior to the
rope made with us, although the hemp is of the inferior kind. A large
quantity is also manufactured into mats.

In the opinion of our botanist, it is not probable that the plant could
be introduced with success into our country, for in the Philippines
it is not found north of latitude 14° N.

[Coffee.] The coffee-plant is well adapted to these islands. A
few plants were introduced into the gardens of Manila, about fifty
years ago, since which time it has been spread all over the island,
as is supposed by the civet-cats, which, after swallowing the seeds,
carry them to a distance before they are voided.

The coffee of commerce is obtained here from the wild plant, and
is of an excellent quality. Upwards of three thousand five hundred
piculs are now exported, of which one-sixth goes to the United States.

[Sugar.] The sugar-cane thrives well here. It is planted after the
French fashion, by sticking the piece diagonally into the ground. Some,
finding the cane has suffered in times of drought, have adopted other
modes. It comes to perfection in a year, and they seldom have two
crops from the same piece of land, unless the season is very favorable.

There are many kinds of cane cultivated, but that grown in the valley
of Pampanga is thought to be the best. It is a small red variety, from
four to five feet high, and not thicker than the thumb. The manufacture
of the sugar is rudely conducted; and the whole business, I was told,
was in the hands of a few capitalists, who, by making advances, secure
the whole crop from those who are employed to bring it to market. It
is generally brought in moulds, of the usual conical shape, called
pilones, which are delivered to the purchaser from November to June,
and contain each about one hundred and fifty pounds. On their receipt,
they are placed in large storehouses, where the familiar operation
of claying is performed. The estimate for the quantity of sugar
from these pilones after this process is about one hundred pounds;
it depends upon the care taken in the process.

[Cotton.] Of cotton they raise a considerable quantity, which is of a
fine quality, and principally of the yellow nankeen. In the province
of Ilocos it is cultivated most extensively. The mode of cleaning it
of its seed is very rude, by means of a hand-mill, and the expense of
cleaning a picul (one hundred and forty pounds) is from five to seven
dollars. There have, as far as I have understood, been no endeavors
to introduce any cotton-gins from our country.

[Wages.] It will be merely necessary to give the prices at which
laborers are paid, to show how low the compensation is, in comparison
with those in our own country. In the vicinity of Manila, twelve and
a half cents per day is the usual wages; this in the provinces falls
to six and nine cents. A man with two buffaloes is paid about thirty
cents. The amount of labor performed by the latter in a day would
be the ploughing of a soane, about two-tenths of an acre. The most
profitable way of employing laborers is by the task, when, it is said,
the natives work well, and are industrious.

The manner in which the sugar and other produce is brought to market
at Manila is peculiar, and deserves to be mentioned. In some of the
villages, the chief men unite to build a vessel, generally a pirogue,
in which they embark their produce, under the conduct of a few persons,
who go to navigate it, and dispose of the cargo. In due time they
make their voyage, and when the accounts are settled, the returns
are distributed to each according to his share. Festivities are then
held, the saints thanked for their kindness, and blessings invoked
for another year. After this is over, the vessel is taken carefully
to pieces, and distributed, among the owners, to be preserved for
the next season.

The profits in the crops, according to estimates, vary from sixty
to one hundred per cent.; but it was thought, as a general average,
that this was, notwithstanding the great productiveness of the soil,
far beyond the usual profits accruing from agricultural operations. In
some provinces this estimate would hold good, and probably be exceeded.

[Indigo.] Indigo would probably be a lucrative crop, for that raised
here is said to be of quality equal to the best, and the crop is
not subject to so many uncertainties as in India: the capital and
attention required in vats, etc., prevent it from being raised in
any quantities. Among the productions, the bamboo and rattan ought to
claim a particular notice from their great utility; they enter into
almost every thing. Of the former their houses are built, including
frames, floors, sides, and roof; fences are made of the same material,
as well as every article of general household use, including baskets
for oil and water. The rattan is a general substitute for ropes of
all descriptions, and the two combined are used in constructing rafts
for crossing ferries.

I have thus given a general outline of the capabilities of this
country for agricultural operations, in some of the most important
articles of commerce; by which it will be seen that the Philippine
Islands are one of the most favored parts of the globe.

[Locusts.] The crops frequently suffer from the ravages of the locusts,
which sweep all before them. Fortunately for the poorer classes, their
attacks take place after the rice has been harvested; but the cane
is sometimes entirely cut off. The authorities of Manila, in the vain
hope of stopping their devastations, employ persons to gather them and
throw them into the sea. I understood on one occasion they had spent
eighty thousand dollars in this way, but all to little purpose. It is
said that the crops rarely suffer from droughts, but on the contrary
the rains are thought to fall too often, and to flood the rice fields;
these, however, yield a novel crop, and are very advantageous to the
poor, viz.: a great quantity of fish, which are called dalag, and are
a species of Blunnius; they are so plentiful, that they are caught
with baskets: these fish weigh from a half to two pounds, and some are
said to be eighteen inches long; but this is not all; they are said,
after a deep inundation, to be found even in the vaults of churches.

The Philippines are divided into thirty-one provinces, sixteen of
which are on the island of Luzon, and the remainder comprise the
other islands of the group and the Ladrones.

[Population.] The population of the whole group is above three
millions, including all tribes of natives, mestizos, and whites. The
latter-named class are but few in number, not exceeding three
thousand. The mestizos were supposed to be about fifteen or twenty
thousand; they are distinguished as Spanish and Indian mestizos. The
Chinese have of late years increased to a large number, and it is
said that there are forty thousand of them in and around Manila
alone. One-half of the whole population belongs to Luzon. The island
next to it in the number of inhabitants is Panay, which contains
about three hundred and thirty thousand. Then come Cebu, Mindanao,
Leyte, Samar, and Negros, varying from the above numbers down to
fifty thousand. The population is increasing, and it is thought that
it doubles itself in seventy years. This rate of increase appears
probable, from a comparison of the present population with the estimate
made at the beginning of the present century, which shows a growth
in the forty years of about one million four hundred thousand.

The native population is composed of a number of distinct tribes,
the principal of which in Luzon are Pangasinan, Ilocos, Cagayan,
Tagalog, and Pampangan.

The Igorots, who dwell in the mountains, are the only natives who
have not been subjected by the Spaniards. The other tribes have
become identified with their rulers in religion, and it is thought
that by this circumstance alone has Spain been able to maintain the
ascendency with so small a number, over such a numerous, intelligent,
and energetic race as they are represented to be. This is, however,
more easily accounted for, from the Spaniards fostering and keeping
alive the jealousy and hatred that existed at the time of the discovery
between the different tribes.

It seems almost incredible that Spain should have so long persisted
in the policy of allowing no more than one galleon to pass annually
between her colonies, and equally so that the nations of Europe should
have been so long deceived in regard to the riches and wealth that
Spain was monopolizing in the Philippines. The capture of Manila,
in 1762, by the English, first gave a clear idea of the value of this
remote and little-known appendage of the empire.

The Philippines, considered in their capacity for commerce, are
certainly among the most favored portions of the globe, and there is
but one circumstance that tends in the least degree to lessen their
apparent advantage; this is the prevalence of typhoons in the China
seas, which are occasionally felt with force to the north of latitude
10° N. South of that parallel, they have never been known to prevail,
and seldom so far; but from their unfailing occurrence yearly in some
part of the China seas, they are looked for with more or less dread,
and cause each season a temporary interruption in all the trade that
passes along the coast of these islands.

The army is now composed entirely of native troops, who number about
six thousand men, and the regiments are never suffered to serve in
the provinces in which they are recruited, but those from the north
are sent to the south, and vice versa. There they are employed to keep
up a continual watch on each other; and, speaking different dialects,
they never become identified.

They are, indeed, never allowed to remain long enough in one region,
to imbibe any feelings in unison with those of its inhabitants. The
hostility is so great among the regiments, that mutinies have occurred,
and contests arisen which have produced even bloodshed, which it was
entirely out of the power of the officers to prevent. In cases of
this kind, summary punishment is resorted to.

[Conditions not peaceful.] Although the Spaniards, as far as is known
abroad, live in peace and quiet, this is far from being the case; for
rebellion and revolts among the troops and tribes are not unfrequent in
the provinces. During the time of our visit one of these took place,
but it was impossible to learn anything concerning it that could
be relied upon, for all conversation respecting such occurrences
is interdicted by the government. The difficulty to which I refer
was said to have originated from the preaching of a fanatic priest,
who inflamed them to such a degree that they overthrew the troops
and became temporarily masters of the country. Prompt measures were
immediately taken, and orders issued to give the rebels no quarter;
the regiments most hostile to those engaged in the revolt were ordered
to the spot; they spared no one; the priest and his companions were
taken, put to death, and according to report, in a manner so cruel as
to be a disgrace to the records of the nineteenth century. Although I
should hope the accounts I heard of these transactions were incorrect,
yet the detestation these acts were held in, would give some color
to the statements.

The few gazettes that are published at Manila are entirely under the
control of the government; and a resident of that city must make
up his mind to remain in ignorance of the things that are passing
around him, or believe just what the authorities will allow to be
told, whether truth or falsehood. The government of the Philippines
is emphatically an iron rule: how long it can continue so, is doubtful.

[The governor-general.] One of my first duties was to make an
official call upon His Excellency Don Marcelino Oroa, who is the
sixty-first governor of the Philippine Islands. According to the
established etiquette, Mr. Moore, the vice-consul, announced our
desire to do so, and requested to be informed of the time when we
would be received. This was accordingly named, and at the appointed
hour we proceeded to the palace in the city proper. On our arrival,
we were announced and led up a flight of steps, ample and spacious,
but by no means of such splendor as would indicate the residence of
vice-royalty. The suite of rooms into which we were ushered were so
dark that it was difficult to see. I made out, however, that they were
panelled, and by no means richly furnished. His excellency entered
from a side-door, and led us through two or three apartments into his
private audience-room, an apartment not quite so dark as those we
had come from: our being conducted to this, I was told afterwards,
was to be considered an especial mark of respect to my country. His
reception of us was friendly. The governor has much more the appearance
of an Irishman than of a Spaniard, being tall, portly, of a florid
complexion. He is apparently more than sixty years of age. He was
dressed in a full suit of black, with a star on his breast.

Mr. Moore acted as interpreter, and the governor readily acceded to my
request to be allowed to send a party into the interior for a few days;
a permission which I almost despaired of receiving, for I knew that
he had refused a like application some few months before. The refusal,
however, I think was in part owing to the character of the applicants,
and the doubtful object they had in view. I impute the permission we
received to the influence of our consul, together with Mr. Sturges,
whose agreeable manners, conciliatory tone, and high standing with
the authorities, will, I am satisfied, insure us at all times every
reasonable advantage or facility.

The term of the governor in office is three years, and the present
incumbent was installed in 1841. This length of time is thought to be
sufficient for any one of them to make a fortune. The office is held
by the appointment of the ministry in Spain, and with it are connected
perquisites that are shared, it is said, by those who confer them.

After having paid our respects to his excellency, we drove to visit
several other officers of the government, who received us without
ceremony. We generally found them in loose morning-gowns, smoking, and
cigars were invariably offered us; for this habit appears in Manila to
extend to all ranks. Even in the public offices of the custom-house
it was the fashion, and cigars, with a machero for striking a light,
or a joss-stick kept burning, were usually seen in every apartment.

[Courteous Spanish officials.] To the captain of the port, Don Juan
Salomon, I feel under many obligations for his attentions. I was
desirous of obtaining information relative to the Sulu Seas, and to
learn how far the Spanish surveys had been carried. He gave me little
hopes of obtaining any; but referred me to Captain Halcon, of the
Spanish Navy, who had been employed surveying some part of the coast
of the islands to the north. The latter whom I visited, on my making
the inquiry of him, and stating the course I intended to pursue,
frankly told me that all the existing charts were erroneous. He
only knew enough of the ground to be certain that they were so,
and consequently useless. He advised my taking one of the native
pilots, who were generally well acquainted with the seas that lay
more immediately in my route. The captain of the port was afterwards
kind enough to offer to procure me one.

The intercourse I had with these gentlemen was a source of much
gratification, and it gives me great pleasure to make this public
expression of it. To both, my sincere acknowledgments are due for
information in relation to the various reefs and shoals that have
been recently discovered, and which will be found placed in their
true position on our charts.

During our stay at Manila, our time was occupied in seeing sights,
shopping, riding, and amusing ourselves with gazing on the throng
incessantly passing through the Escolta of the Binondo suburb, or
more properly, the commercial town of Manila.

[Cigar factories.] Among the lions of the place, the great royal cigar
manufactories claim especial notice from their extent and the many
persons employed. There are two of these establishments, one situated
in the Binondo quarter, and the other on the great square or Prado;
in the former, which was visited by us, there are two buildings of
two stories high, besides several storehouses, enclosed by a wall,
with two large gateways, at which sentinels are always posted. The
principal workshop is in the second story, which is divided into six
apartments, in which eight thousand females are employed. Throughout
the whole extent, tables are arranged, about sixteen inches high,
ten feet long, and three feet wide, at each of which fifteen women
are seated, having small piles of tobacco before them. The tables are
set crosswise from the wall, leaving a space in the middle of the room
free. The labor of a female produces about two hundred cigars a day;
and the working hours are from 6 a.m., till 6 p.m., with a recess of
two hours, from eleven till one o'clock. The whole establishment is
kept very neat and clean, and every thing appears to be carried on
in the most systematic and workmanlike manner. Among such numbers,
it has been found necessary to institute a search on their leaving
the establishment to prevent embezzlement, and this is regularly
made twice a day, without distinction of sex. It is a strange sight
to witness the ingress and egress of these hordes of females; and
probably the world cannot elsewhere exhibit so large a number of ugly
women. Their ages vary from fifteen to forty-five. The sum paid them
for wages is very trifling. The whole number of persons employed in the
manufactories is about fifteen thousand; this includes the officers,
clerks, overseers, etc.

As nearly as I could ascertain, the revenue derived from these
establishments is half a million of dollars.

The natives of the Philippines are industrious. They manufacture an
amount of goods sufficient to supply their own wants, particularly
from Panay and Ilocos. These for the most part consist of cotton and
silks, and a peculiar article called piña. The latter is manufactured
from a species of Bromelia (pineapple), and comes principally
from the island of Panay. The finest kinds of piña are exceedingly
beautiful, and surpass any other material in its evenness and beauty
of texture. Its color is yellowish, and the embroidery is fully
equal to the material. It is much sought after by all strangers,
and considered as one of the curiosities of this group. Various
reports have been stated of the mode of its manufacture, and among
others that it was woven under water, which I found, upon inquiry,
to be quite erroneous. The web of the piña is so fine, that they
are obliged to prevent all currents of air from passing through the
rooms where it is manufactured, for which purpose there are gauze
screens in the windows. After the article is brought to Manila, it
is then embroidered by girls; this last operation adds greatly to
its value. We visited one of the houses where this was in progress,
and where the most skilful workwomen are employed.

On mounting the stairs of bamboos, every step we took produced its
creak; but, although the whole seemed but a crazy affair, yet it did
not want for strength, being well and firmly bound together. There
were two apartments, each about thirteen by twenty-five feet, which
could be divided by screens, if required. At the end of it were seen
about forty females, all busily plying their needles, and so closely
seated as apparently to incommode each other. The mistress of the
manufactory, who was quite young, gave us a friendly reception, and
showed us the whole process of drawing the threads and working the
patterns, which, in many cases, were elegant.

A great variety of dresses, scarfs, caps, collars, cuffs, and
pocket-handkerchiefs, were shown us. These were mostly in the rough
state, and did not strike us with that degree of admiration which was
expected. They, however, had been in hand for six months, and were
soiled by much handling; but when others were shown us in the finished
state, washed and put up, they were such as to claim our admiration.

I was soon attracted by a very different sight at the other end of the
apartment. This was a dancing-master and his scholar, of six years old,
the daughter of the woman of the house. It was exceedingly amusing
to see the airs and graces of this child.

For music they had a guitar; and I never witnessed a ballet that
gave me more amusement, or saw a dancer that evinced more grace,
ease, confidence, and decided talent, than did this little girl. She
was prettily formed, and was exceedingly admired and applauded by us
all. Her mother considered her education as finished, and looked on
with all the admiration and fondness of parental affection.

On inquiry, I found that the idea of teaching her to read and write had
not yet been entertained. Yet every expense is incurred to teach them
to use their feet and arms, and to assume the expression of countenance
that will enable them to play a part in the afterscenes of life.

This manufactory had work engaged for nine months or a year in
advance. The fabric is extremely expensive, and none but the wealthy
can afford it. It is also much sought after by foreigners. Even orders
for Queen Victoria and many of the English nobility were then in hand;
at least I so heard at Manila. Those who are actually present have,
notwithstanding, the privilege of selecting what they wish to purchase;
for, with the inhabitants here, as elsewhere, ready money has too
much attraction for them to forego the temptation.

Time in Manila seems to hang heavily on the hands of some of its
inhabitants; their amusements are few, and the climate ill adapted to
exertion. The gentlemen of the higher classes pass their morning in
the transaction of a little public business, lounging about, smoking,
etc. In the afternoon, they sleep, and ride on the Prado; and in the
evening, visit their friends, or attend a tertulia. The ladies are to
be pitied; for they pass three-fourths of their time in déshabillé,
with their maids around them, sleeping, dressing, lolling, and combing
their hair. In this way the whole morning is lounged away; they neither
read, write, nor work. In dress they generally imitate the Europeans,
except that they seldom wear stockings, and go with their arms bare. In
the afternoon they ride on the Prado in state, and in the evening
accompany their husbands. Chocolate is taken early in the morning,
breakfast at eleven, and dinner and supper are included in one meal.

Mothers provide for the marriage of their daughters; and I was told
that such a thing as a gentleman proposing to any one but the mother,
or a young lady engaging herself, is unknown and unheard of. The
negotiation is all carried forward by the mother, and the daughter is
given to any suitor she may deem a desirable match. The young ladies
are said to be equally disinclined to a choice themselves, and if
proposals were made to them, the suitor would be at once referred to
the mother. Among the lower orders it is no uncommon thing for the
parties to be living without the ceremony of marriage, until they have
a family and no odium whatever is attached to such a connexion. They
are looked upon as man and wife, though they do not live together; and
they rarely fail to solemnize their union when they have accumulated
sufficient property to procure the requisite articles for housekeeping.

[The Luneta.] Three nights in each week they have music in the plaza,
in front of the governor's palace, by the bands of four different
regiments, who collect there after the evening parade. Most of the
better class resort here, for the pleasure of enjoying it. We went
thither to see the people as well as to hear the music. This is the
great resort of the haut ton, who usually have their carriages in
waiting, and promenade in groups backwards and forwards during the
time the music is playing. This is by far the best opportunity that
one can have for viewing the society of Manila, which seems as easy
and unrestrained as the peculiar gravity and ceremonious mode of
intercourse among the old Spaniards can admit. Before the present
governor took office, it had been the custom to allow the bands to
play on the Prado every fine evening, when all the inhabitants could
enjoy it until a late hour; but he has interdicted this practice,
and of course given much dissatisfaction; he is said to have done
this in a fit of ill temper, and although importuned to restore this
amusement to the common people, he pertinaciously refuses.

The bands of the regiments are under the direction of Frenchmen and
Spaniards: the musicians are all natives, and play with a correct ear.

Our afternoons were spent in drives on the Prado, where all the
fashion and rank of Manila are to be met, and where it is exceedingly
agreeable to partake of the fresh and pure air after a heated day in
the city. The extreme end of the Prado lies along the shore of the bay
of Manila, having the roadstead and ships on one side, and the city
proper with its fortifications and moats on the other. This drive
usually lasts for an hour, and all sorts of vehicles are shown off,
from the governor's coach and six, surrounded by his lancers, to the
sorry chaise and limping nag. The carriage most used is a four-wheeled
biloche, with a gig top, quite low, and drawn by two horses, on one
of which is a postilion; these vehicles are exceedingly comfortable
for two persons. The horses are small, but spirited, and are said
to be able to undergo great fatigue, although their appearance
does not promise it. This drive is enlivened by the music of the
different regiments, who are at this time to be seen manoeuvering on
the Prado. The soldiers have a very neat and clean appearance; great
attention is paid to them, and the whole are well appointed. The force
stationed in Manila is six thousand, and the army in the Philippines
amounts to twenty thousand men. The officers are all Spaniards,
generally the relations and friends of those in the administration
of the government. The pay of the soldiers is four dollars a month,
and a ration, which is equal to six cents a day. As troops I was told,
they acquitted themselves well. The Prado is laid out in many avenues,
leading in various directions to the suburbs, and these are planted
with wild almond trees, which afford a pleasant shade. It is well kept,
and creditable to the city.

In passing the crowds of carriages very little display of female
beauty is observed, and although well-dressed above, one cannot but
revert to their wearing no stockings beneath.

On the Prado is a small theatre, but so inferior that the building
scarce deserves the name: the acting was equally bad. This amusement
meets with little encouragement in Manila and, I was told, was
discountenanced by the Governor.

[A tertulia.] I had the pleasure during our stay of attending a
tertulia in the city. The company was not a large one, comprising
some thirty or forty ladies and about sixty gentlemen. It resembled
those of the mother country. Dancing was introduced at an early hour,
and continued till a few minutes before eleven o'clock, at which
time the gates of the city are always shut. It was amusing to see
the sudden breaking up of the party, most of the guests residing out
of the city. The calling for carriages, shawls, hats, etc., produced
for a few minutes great confusion, every one being desirous of getting
off at the earliest moment possible, for fear of being too late. This
regulation, by which the gates are closed at so early an hour, does
not appear necessary, and only serves to interrupt the communication
between the foreign and Spanish society as the former is obliged, as
before observed, to live outside of the city proper. This want of free
intercourse is to be regretted, as it prevents that kind of friendship
by which many of their jealousies and prejudices might be removed.

The society at this tertulia was easy, and so far as the enjoyment
of dancing went, pleasant; but there was no conversation. The
refreshments consisted of a few dulces, lemonade, and strong drinks
in an anteroom. The house appeared very spacious and well adapted for
entertainments, but only one of the rooms was well lighted. From the
novelty of the scene, and the attentions of the gentleman of the house,
we passed a pleasant evening.

The natives and mestizos attracted much of my attention at
Manila. Their dress is peculiar: over a pair of striped trousers
of various colors, the men usually wear a fine grass-cloth shirt,
a large straw hat, and around the head or neck a many colored silk
handkerchief. They often wear slippers as well as shoes. The Chinese
dress, as they have done for centuries, in loose white shirts and
trousers. One peculiarity of the common men is their passion for
cock-fighting; and they carry these fowls wherever they go, after a
peculiar fashion under their arm.

[Cock-figghting.] Cock-fighting is licensed by the government, and
great care is taken in the breeding of game fowls, which are very large
and heavy birds. They are armed with a curved double-edged gaff. The
exhibitions are usually crowded with half-breeds or mestizos, who are
generally more addicted to gambling than either the higher or lower
classes of Spaniards. It would not be an unapt designation to call
the middling class cock-fighters, for their whole lives seem to be
taken up with the breeding and fighting of these birds. On the exit
from a cockpit, I was much amused with the mode of giving the return
check, which was done by a stamp on the naked arm, and precludes
the possibility of its transfer to another person. The dress of the
lower order of females is somewhat civilized, yet it bore so strong
a resemblance to that of the Polynesians as to recall the latter
to our recollection. A long piece of colored cotton is wound round
the body, like the pareu, and tucked in at the side: this covers
the nether limbs; and a jacket fitting close to the body is worn,
without a shirt. In some, this jacket is ornamented with work around
the neck; it has no collar, and in many cases no sleeves, and over
this a richly embroidered cape. The feet are covered with slippers,
with wooden soles, which are kept on by the little toe, only four toes
entering the slipper, and the little one being on the outside. The
effect of both costumes is picturesque.

[Ducks.] The market is a never failing place of amusement to a
foreigner, for there a crowd of the common people is always to be seen,
and their mode of conducting business may be observed. The canals
here afford great facilities for bringing vegetables and produce to
market in a fresh state. The vegetables are chiefly brought from the
shores of the Laguna de Bay, through the river Pasig. The meat appeared
inferior, and as in all Spanish places the art of butchering is not
understood. The poultry, however, surpasses that of any other place
I have seen, particularly in ducks, the breeding of which is pursued
to a great extent. Establishments for breeding these birds are here
carried on in a systematic manner, and are a great curiosity. They
consist of many small enclosures, each about twenty feet by forty or
fifty, made of bamboo, which are placed on the bank of the river,
and partly covered with water. In one corner of the enclosure is a
small house, where the eggs are hatched by artificial heat, produced
by rice-chaff in a state of of fermentation. It is not uncommon to see
six or eight hundred ducklings all of the same age. There are several
hundreds of these enclosures, and the number of ducks of all ages
may be computed at millions. The manner in which they are schooled
to take exercise, and to go in and out of the water, and to return
to their house, almost exceeds belief. The keepers or tenders are of
the Tagalog tribe, who live near the enclosures, and have them at all
times under their eye. The old birds are not suffered to approach
the young, and all of one age are kept together. They are fed upon
rice and a small species of shell-fish that is found in the river
and is peculiar to it. From the extent of these establishments we
inferred that ducks were the favorite article of food at Manila, and
the consumption of them must be immense. The markets are well supplied
with chickens, pigeons, young partridges, which are brought in alive,
and turkeys. Among strange articles that we saw for sale, were cakes
of coagulated blood. The markets are well stocked with a variety of
fish, taken both in the Laguna and bay of Manila, affording a supply
of both the fresh and salt water species, and many smaller kinds that
are dried and smoked. Vegetables are in great plenty, and consist
of pumpkins, lettuce, onions, radishes, very long squashes, etc.;
of fruits, they have melons, chicos, durians, marbolas, and oranges.

[Fish.] Fish are caught in weirs, by the hook, or in seines. The former
are constructed of bamboo stakes, in the shallow water of the lake,
at the point where it flows through the Pasig river. In the bay,
and at the mouth of the river, the fish are taken in nets, suspended
by the four corners from hoops attached to a crane, by which they are
lowered into the water. The fishing-boats are little better than rafts,
and are called sarabaos.

The usual passage-boat is termed banca, and is made of a single
trunk. These are very much used by the inhabitants. They have a
sort of awning to protect the passenger from the rays of the sun;
and being light are easily rowed about, although they are exceedingly
uncomfortable to sit in, from the lowness of the seats, and liable to
overset, if the weight is not placed near the bottom. The outrigger
was very often dispensed with, owing to the impediment it offered to
the navigation of their canals; these canals offer great facilities
for the transportation of burdens; the banks of almost all of them
are faced with granite. Where the streets cross them, there are
substantial stone bridges, which are generally of no more than one
arch, so as not to impede the navigation. The barges used for the
transportation of produce resemble our canal-boats, and have sliding
roofs to protect them from the rain.

Water, for the supply of vessels, is brought off in large earthen
jars. It is obtained from the river, and if care is not taken, the
water will be impure; it ought to be filled beyond the city. Our
supply was obtained five or six miles up the river, by a lighter,
in which were placed a number of water-casks. It proved excellent.

The trade of Manila extends to all parts of the world.

There are many facilities for the transaction of business, as far as
the shipment of articles is concerned; but great difficulties attend
the settling of disputed accounts, collecting debts, etc., in the
way of which the laws passed in 1834 have thrown many obstacles. All
commercial business of this kind goes before, first, the Junta
de Comercio, and then an appeal to the Tribunal de Comercio. This
appeal, however, is merely nominal; for the same judges preside in
each, and they are said to be susceptible of influences that render
an appeal to them by honest men at all times hazardous. The opinion
of those who have had the misfortune to be obliged to recur to these
tribunals is, that it is better to suffer wrong than encounter both
the expense and vexation of a resort to them for justice. In the
first of these courts the decision is long delayed, fees exacted,
and other expenses incurred; and when judgment is at length given,
it excites one party or the other to appeal: other expenses accrue
in consequence, and the advocates and judges grow rich while both the
litigants suffer. I understood that these tribunals were intended to
simplify business, lessen the time of suits, and promote justice; but
these results have not been obtained, and many believe that they have
had the contrary effect, and have opened the road to further abuses.

[Environs.] The country around Manila, though no more than an extended
plain for some miles, is one of great interest and beauty, and affords
many agreeable rides on the roads to Santa Ana and Mariquina. Most of
the country-seats are situated on the Pasig river; they may indeed
be called palaces, from their extent and appearance. They are built
upon a grand scale, and after the Italian style, with terraces,
supported by strong abutments, decked with vases of plants. The
grounds are ornamented with the luxuriant, lofty, and graceful trees
of the tropics; these are tolerably well kept. Here and there fine
large stone churches, with their towers and steeples, are to be seen,
the whole giving the impression of a wealthy nobility, and a happy
and flourishing peasantry.

[The cemetery.] In one of our rides we made a visit to the Campo Santo
or cemetery, about four miles from Manila. It is small, but has many
handsome trees about it; among them was an Agati, full of large white
flowers, showing most conspicuously. The whole place is as unlike a
depository of the dead as it well can be. Its form is circular, having
a small chapel, in the form of a rotunda, directly opposite the gate,
or entrance. The walls are about twenty feet high, with three tiers of
niches, in which the bodies are enclosed with quicklime. Here they are
allowed to remain for three years, or until such time as the niches
may be required for further use. Niches may be purchased, however,
and permanently closed up; but in the whole cemetery there were but
five thus secured. This would seem to indicate an indifference on the
part of the living, for their departed relatives or friends; at least
such was my impression at the time. The center of the enclosure is laid
out as a flower-garden and shrubbery, and all the buildings are washed
a deep buff-color, with white cornices; these colors, when contrasted
with the green foliage, give an effect that is not unpleasing. In
the chapel are two tombs, the one for the bishop, and the other for
the governor. The former, I believe, is occupied, and will continue
to be so, until another shall follow him; but the latter is empty,
for, since the erection of the cemetery, none of the governors have
died. In the rear of the chapel is another small cemetery, called Los
Angeles; and, further behind, the Osero. The former is similar to the
one in front, but smaller, and appropriated exclusively to children;
the latter is an open space, where the bones of all those who have
been removed from the niches, after three years, are east out, and
now lie in a confused heap, with portions of flesh and hair adhering
to them. No person is allowed to be received here for interment,
until the fees are first paid to the priest, however respectable the
parties may be; and all those who pay the fees, and are of the true
faith, can be interred. I was told of a corpse of a very respectable
person being refused admittance, for the want of the priest's pass,
to show that the claim had been satisfied, and the coffin stopped
in the road until it was obtained. We ourselves witnessed a similar
refusal. A servant entered with a dead child; borne on a tray, which
he presented to the sacristan to have interred, the latter asked him
for the pass, which not being produced, he was dismissed, nor was he
suffered to leave his burden until this requisite could be procured
from the priest, who lived opposite. The price of interment was three
dollars, but whether this included the purchase of the niche, or its
rent for the three years only, I did not learn.

The churches of Manila can boast of several fine-toned bells, which
are placed in large belfries or towers. There was one of these towers
near the Messrs. Sturges', where we stayed; and the manner in which
the bell was used, when swung around by the force of two or three men,
attracted our attention; for the ringers occasionally practised feats
of agility by passing over with the bell, and landing on the coping on
the opposite side. The tower being open, we could see the manoeuver
from the windows, and, as strangers, went there to look on. One day,
whilst at dinner, they began to ring, and as many of the officers
had not witnessed the fact, they sought the windows. This excited
the vanity of those in the belfry, who redoubled their exertions,
and performed the feat successfully many times, although in some
instances they narrowly escaped accident, by landing just within
the outside coping. This brought us all to the window, and the next
turn, more force having been given to the bell, the individual who
attempted the feat was thrown headlong beyond the tower, and dashed
to pieces on the pavement beneath. Although shocked at the accident,
I felt still more so when, after a few minutes, the bell was again
heard making its usual sound, as if nothing had occurred to interrupt
the course of its hourly peals.

[Monasteries.] In company with Dr. Tolben, I visited one of the
convents where he attended on some of the monks who were sick; he
seemed well acquainted with them all. I was much struck with the extent
of the building, which was four stories high, with spacious corridors
and galleries, the walls of which were furnished with pictures
representing the martyrdom of the Dominican friars in Japan. These were
about seventy in number, in the Chinese style of art, and evidently
painted by some one of that nation, calling himself an artist. From
appearances, however, I should think they were composed by the priests,
who have not a little taxed their invention to find out the different
modes in which a man can be put to death. Many evidently, if not all,
had been invented for the pictures. So perplexed had they apparently
been, that in one of the last it was observed that the executioner
held his victim at arms' length by the heels, and was about to let him
drop headforemost into a well. From the galleries we passed into the
library, and thence into many of the rooms, and finally we mounted to
the top of the monastery, which affords a beautiful view of the bay,
city, and suburbs. There I was presented to three of the friars,
who were pleasant and jolly-looking men. Upon the roof was a kind
of observatory, or look-out, simply furnished with billiard-tables
and shuffleboards, while the implements for various other games lay
about on small tables, with telescopes on stands, and comfortable
arm-chairs. It was a place where the friars put aside their religious
and austere character or appearance, and sought amusement. It was
a delightful spot, so far as coolness and the freshness of the sea
air were concerned, and its aspect gave me an insight behind the
curtain of these establishments that very soon disclosed many things
I was ignorant of before. All the friars were of a rotund form,
and many of them bore the marks of good living in their full, red,
and bloated faces. It seems to be generally understood at Manila,
that they live upon the fat of the land. We visited several of the
rooms, and were warmly greeted by the padres, one of whom presented
me with a meteorological table for the previous year.

The revenues of all these religious establishments are considerable;
the one I visited belonged to the Dominicans, and was very rich. Their
revenues are principally derived from lands owned by them, and the
tithes from the different districts which they have under their charge,
to which are added many alms and gifts. On inquiry, I found their
general character was by no means thought well of, and they had of
late years lost much of the influence that they possessed before the
revolution in the mother country.

Among the inhabitants we saw here, was a native boy of the Igorots,
or mountain tribe. He is said to be a true Negrito. (Another confusion
of facts.--C.)

[Mountaineers.] The Spaniards, as has been stated, have never been
able to subdue this tribe, who are said to be still as wild as on
their first landing; they are confined almost altogether to the plains
within or near the mountains, and from time to time make inroads in
great force on the outer settlements, carrying off as much plunder
as possible. The burden of this often causes them to be overtaken
by the troops. When overtaken, they fight desperately, and were it
not for the fire-arms of their adversaries, would give them much
trouble. Few are captured on such occasions, and it is exceedingly
difficult to take them alive, unless when very young. These mountains
furnish them with an iron ore almost pure, in manufacturing which
they show much ingenuity. Some of their weapons were presented to
the Expedition by Josiah Moore, Esq. These are probably imitations
of the early Spanish weapons used against them. From all accounts,
the natives are of Malay origin, and allied to those of the other
islands of the extensive archipelago of the Eastern Seas; but the
population of the towns and cities of the island are so mixed,
from the constant intercourse with Chinese, Europeans, and others,
that there is no pure blood among them. When at Manila, we obtained a
grammar of the Tagalog language, which is said to be now rarely heard,
and to have become nearly obsolete. This grammar is believed to be the
only one extant, and was procured from a padre, who presented it to the
Expedition. (Tagalog is here mistaken for a mountaineer's dialect.--C.)

The Pampangans are considered the finest tribe of natives; they are
excessively fond of horse-racing, and bet very considerable sums upon
it; they have the reputation of being an industrious and energetic
set of men.

[Revenue.] The mode of raising revenue by a poll-tax causes great
discontent among all classes, for although light, it is, as it always
has been elsewhere, unpopular. All the Chinese pay a capitation tax
of four dollars. The revenue from various sources is said to amount
to one million six hundred thousand dollars, of which the poll-tax
amounts to more than one-half, the rest being derived from the customs,
tobacco, etc. There is no tax upon land. It was thought at Manila
that a revenue might be derived by indirect taxation, far exceeding
this sum, without being sensibly felt by the inhabitants. This mode
is employed in the eastern islands under the English and Dutch rule,
and it is surprising that the Spaniards also do not adopt it, or some
other method to increase resources that are so much needed. Whenever
the ministry in Spain had to meet a claim, they were a few years
ago in the habit of issuing drafts on this colonial government in
payment. These came at last in such numbers, that latterly they have
been compelled to suspend the payment of them.

The revenue of the colonial government is very little more than will
meet the expenses; and it is believed that, notwithstanding these
unaccepted claims, it received orders to remit the surplus, if any,
to Spain, regardless of honor or good faith.

[Government.] The government of the Philippines is in the hands of a
governor-general, who has the titles of viceroy, commander-in-chief,
sub-delegate, judge of the revenue from the post-office, commander of
the troops, captain-general, and commander of the naval forces. His
duties embrace every thing that relates to the security and defence
of the country. As advisers, he has a council called the Audiencia.

The islands are divided into provinces, each of which has a
military officer with the title of governor, appointed by the
governor-general. They act as chief magistrates, have jurisdiction
over all disputes of minor importance, have the command of the troops
in time of war, and are collectors of the royal revenues, for the
security of which they give bonds, which must be approved of by the
comptroller-general of the treasury. The province of Cavite is alone
exempt from this rule, and the collection of tribute is there confided
to a police magistrate.

Each province is again sub-divided into pueblos, containing a greater
or less number of inhabitants, each of which has again its ruler,
called a gobernadorcillo, who has in like manner other officers under
him to act as police magistrates. The number of the latter are very
great, each of them having his appropriate duties. These consist in the
supervision of the grain fields, coconut groves, betel-nut plantations,
and in the preservation of the general order and peace of the town. So
numerous are these petty officers, that there is scarcely a family of
any consequence, that has not a member who holds some kind of office
under government. This policy, in case of disturbances, at once
unites a large and influential body on the side of the government,
that is maintained at little expense. The gobernadorcillo exercises
the municipal authority, and is especially charged to aid the parish
priest in every thing appertaining to religious observances, etc.

In the towns where the descendants of the Chinese are sufficiently
numerous, they can, by permission of the governor, elect their own
petty governors and officers from among themselves.

In each town there is also a headman (cabeza de barangay), who has
the charge of fifty tributaries, in each of which is included as
many families. This division is called a barangay. This office forms
by far the most important part of the machinery of government in the
Philippine Islands, for these headmen are the attorneys of these small
districts, and become the electors of the gobernadorcillos, and other
civil officers. Only twelve, however, of them or their substitutes,
are allowed to vote in each town.

The office of head-man existed before the conquest of the island,
and the Spaniards showed their wisdom in continuing and adapting it to
their system of police. The office among the natives was hereditary,
but their conquerors made it also elective, and when a vacancy now
occurs through want of heirs, or resignation, it is filled up by
the superintendent of the province, on the recommendation of the
gobernadorcillo and the headman. This is also the case when any new
office is created. The privileges of the headmen are great; themselves,
their wives, and their first-born children, are exempted from paying
tribute to the crown, an exoneration which is owing to their being
collectors of the royal revenues. Their duties consist in maintaining
good order and harmony, in dividing the labor required for the public
benefit equally, adjusting differences, and receiving the taxes.

The gobernadorcillo takes cognizance of all civil cases not exceeding
two taels of gold, or forty-four dollars in silver; all criminal
cases must be sent to the chief of the province. The headmen formerly
served for no more than three years, and if this was done faithfully,
they became and were designated as principals, in virtue of which
rank they received the title of Don.

The election takes place at the court-house of the town; the electors
are the gobernadorcillo whose office is about to expire, and twelve
of the oldest headmen, cabezas de barangay, collectors of tribute
for the gobernadorcillo they must select, by a plurality of votes,
three individuals, who must be able to speak, read, and write the
Spanish language. The voting is done by ballot, in the presence
of the notary (escribano), and the chief of the province, who
presides. The curate may be present, to look after the interest of
the church but for no other purpose. After the votes are taken, they
are sealed and transmitted to the governor-general, who selects one
of the three candidates, and issues a commission. In the more distant
provinces, the chief of the district has the authority to select the
gobernadorcillo, and fill up the commission, a blank form of which,
signed by the governor-general, is left with him for that purpose.

The headmen may be elected petty governors, and still retain their
office, and collect the tribute or taxes; for it is not considered
just, that the important office of chief of Barangay should deprive
the holder of the honor of being elected gobernadorcillo.

The greater part of the Chinese reside in the province of Tondo,
but the tribute is there collected by the alcalde mayor, with an
assistant taken from among the officers of the royal treasury.

The poll-tax on the Chinese amounts to four dollars a head; it was
formerly one-half more. Tax-lists of the Chinese are kept, in which
they are registered and classified; and opposite the name is the
amount at which the individual is assessed.

The Spanish government seems particularly desirous of giving
consequence even to its lowest offices; and in order to secure it to
them, it is directed that the chiefs of provinces, shall treat the
gobernadorcillos with respect, offering them seats when they enter
their houses or other places, and not allowing them to remain standing;
furthermore, the parish curates are required to treat them with
equal respect. So far as concerns the provinces, the government may
be called, notwithstanding the officers, courts. etc., monastic. The
priests rule, and frequently administer punishment, with their own
hands, to either sex, of which an instance will be cited hereafter.

[A country excursion.] As soon as we could procure the necessary
passports, which were obligingly furnished by the governor to "Don
Russel Sturges y quatro Anglo Americanos," our party left Manila
for a short jaunt to the mountains. It was considered as a mark of
great favor on the part of his excellency to grant this indulgence,
particularly as he had a few months prior denied it to a party of
French officers. I was told that he preferred to make it a domestic
concern, by issuing the passport in the name of a resident, in order
that compliance in this case might not give umbrage to the French. It
was generally believed that the cause of the refusal in the former
instance was the imprudent manner in which the French officers went
about taking plans and sketches, at the corners of streets, etc., which
in the minds of an unenlightened and ignorant colonial government, of
course excited suspicion. Nothing can be so ridiculous as this system
of passports; for if one was so disposed, a plan, and the most minute
information of every thing that concerns the defences of places, can
always be obtained at little cost now-a-days; for such is the skill of
engineers, that a plan is easily made of places, merely by a sight of
them. We were not, however, disposed to question the propriety of the
governor's conduct in the former case, and I left abundantly obliged
to him for a permission that would add to our stock of information.

It was deemed at first impossible for the party to divide, as they
had but one passport, and some difficulties were anticipated from
the number being double that stated in the passport. The party
consisted of Messrs. Sturges, Pickering, Eld, Rich, Dana, and
Brackenridge. Mr. Sturges, however, saw no difficulty in dividing the
party after they had passed beyond the precincts of the city, taking
the precaution, at the same time, not to appear together beyond the
number designated on the paper.

On the 14th, they left Manila, and proceeded in carriages to Santa Ana,
on the Pasig, in order to avoid the delay that would ensue if they
followed the windings of the river in a banca, and against the current.

At Santa Ana they found their bancas waiting for them, and
embarked. Here the scene was rendered animated by numerous boats of
all descriptions, from the parao to the small canoe of a single log.

There is a large population that live wholly on the water: for the
padrones of the parao have usually their families with them, which,
from the great variety of ages and sexes, give a very different and
much more bustling appearance to the crowd of boats, than would be the
case if they only contained those who are employed to navigate them. At
times the paraos and bancas, of all sizes, together with the saraboas
and pativas (duck establishments), become jumbled together, and create
a confusion and noise such as is seldom met with in any other country.

[Duck farms.] The pativas are under the care of the original
inhabitants, to whom exclusively the superintendence of the ducklings
seems to be committed. The pens are made of bamboo, and are not
over a foot high. The birds were all in admirable order, and made no
attempt to escape over the low barrier, although so light that it was
thought by some of our gentlemen it would not have sufficed to confine
American ducks, although their wings might have been cut. The mode of
giving them exercise was by causing them to run round in a ring. The
good understanding existing between the keepers and their charge was
striking, particularly when the former were engaged in cleansing the
pens, and assisting the current to carry off the impurities. In the
course of their sail, it was estimated that hundreds of thousands of
ducks of all ages were seen.

The women who were seen were usually engaged in fishing with a hook
and line, and were generally standing in the water, or in canoes. The
saraboas were here also in use. The run of the fish is generally
concentrated by a chevaux-de-frise to guide them towards the nets
and localities where the fishermen place themselves.

At five o'clock they reached the Laguna de Bay, where they took in a
new crew, with mast and sail. This is called twenty-five miles from
Manila by the river; the distance in a bird's flight is not over
twelve. The whole distance is densely peopled, and well cultivated. The
crops consist of indigo, rice, etc., with groves of the betel, palm,
coconut, and quantities of fruit trees.

The shores of the lake are shelving, and afford good situations
for placing fish-weirs, which are here established on an extensive
scale. These weirs are formed of slips of bamboo, and are to be seen
running in every direction to the distance of two or three miles. They
may be said to invest entirely the shores of the lake for several miles
from its outlet, and without a pilot it would be difficult to find the
way through them. At night, when heron and tern were seen roosting on
the top of each slat, these weirs presented rather a curious spectacle.

The Laguna de Bay is said to be about ten leagues in length by three in
width, and trends in a north-northwest and south-southeast direction.

After dark, the bancas separated. Mr. Sturges, with Dr. Pickering
and Mr. Eld, proceeded to visit the mountain of Maijaijai,
while Messrs. Rich, Dana, and Brackenridge, went towards the Taal
Volcano. The latter party took the passport, while the former relied
upon certain letters of introduction for protection, in case of
difficulty.

Mr. Sturges, with his party, directed his course to the east side
of the lake, towards a point called Jalajala, which they reached
about three o'clock in the morning, and stopped for the crew to cook
some rice, etc. At 8 o'clock a.m., they reached Santa Cruz, situated
about half a mile up a small streamlet, called Paxanau. At this place
they found Don Escudero to whom they had a letter of introduction,
and who holds a civil appointment. They were kindly received by this
gentleman and his brown lady, with their interesting family. He at
once ordered horses for them to proceed to the mission of Maijaijai,
and entertained them with a sumptuous breakfast.

They were not prepared to set out before noon, until which time they
strolled about the town of Santa Cruz, the inhabitants of which
are Tagalogs. There are only two old Spaniards in the place. The
province in which Santa Cruz is situated contains about five thousand
inhabitants, of whom eighteen hundred pay tribute.

The people have the character of being orderly, and govern themselves
without the aid of the military. The principal article of culture is
the coconut tree, which is seen in large groves. The trunks of these
were notched, as was supposed, for the purpose of climbing them. From
the spathe a kind of spirit is manufactured, which is fully as strong
as our whiskey.

About noon they left Don Escudero's, and took a road leading to the
southward and eastward, through a luxuriant and beautiful country,
well cultivated, and ornamented with lofty coconut trees, betel
palms, and banana groves. Several beautiful valleys were passed,
with streamlets rushing through them.

Maijaijai is situated about one thousand feet above the Laguna de Bay,
but the rise is so gradual that it was almost imperceptible. The
country has everywhere the appearance of being densely peopled;
but no more than one village was passed between Santa Cruz and the
mission. They had letters to F. Antonio Romana y Aranda, padre of
the mission, who received them kindly, and entertained them most
hospitably. [Climbing Banajao.] When he was told of their intention
to visit the mountain, he said it was impossible with such weather,
pointing to the black clouds that then enveloped its summit; and he
endeavoured to persuade the gentlemen to desist from what appeared
to him a mad attempt; but finding them resolved to make the trial,
he aided in making all the necessary preparations, though he had no
belief in their success.

On the morning of the 27th, after mass, Mr. Eld and Dr. Pickering
set out, but Mr. Sturges preferred to keep the good padre company
until their return. The padre had provided them with guides, horses,
twenty natives, and provisions for three days. He had been himself
on the same laborious journey, some six months before, and knew its
fatigues, although it turned out afterwards that his expedition was
performed in fine weather, and that he had been borne on a litter by
natives the whole way.

The first part of the road was wet and miry, and discouraging
enough. The soil was exceedingly rich, producing tropical plants
in great profusion, in the midst of which were seen the neat bamboo
cottages, with their industrious and cleanly-looking inhabitants. When
they reached the foot of the mountain, they found it was impossible to
ride farther, and were obliged to take to walking, which was, however,
less of a hardship than riding the little rats of horses, covered with
mud and dirt, which were at first deemed useless; but the manner in
which they ascended and maintained themselves on the slippery banks,
surpassed anything they had before witnessed in horseflesh. The first
part of the ascent of the mountain was gradual, but over a miry path,
which was extremely slippery; and had it not been for the sticks stuck
down by the party of the padre in their former ascent, they would have
found it extremely difficult to overcome; to make it more disagreeable,
it rained all the time.

It took about two hours to reach the steep ascent. The last portion
of their route had been through an uninhabited region, with some
openings in the woods, affording pasture-grounds to a few small herds
of buffalo. In three hours they reached the half-way house, by a very
steep and regular ascent. Here the natives insisted upon stopping
to cook their breakfast, as they had not yet partaken of anything
through the day. The natives now endeavored to persuade them it was
impracticable to go any farther, or at least to reach the top of the
mountain and return before night. Our gentlemen lost their patience at
the delay, and after an hour's endurance of it, resolved to set out
alone. Six of the natives followed them, and by half-past three they
reached the summit, where they found it cold and uncomfortable. The
ascent had been difficult, and was principally accomplished by catching
hold of shrubs and the roots of trees. The summit is comparatively
bare, and not more than fifty feet in width. The side opposite to
that by which they mounted was perpendicular, but owing to the thick
fog they could not see the depth to which the precipice descended.

The observations with the barometers were speedily taken, which gave
the height of Banajao as six thousand five hundred feet. The trees
on the summit were twenty or thirty feet high, and a species of
fir was very common. Gaultheria, attached to the trunks of trees,
Rhododendrons, and Polygonums, also abounded. The rocks were so
covered with soil that it was difficult to ascertain their character;
Dr. Pickering is of opinion, however, that they are not volcanic. The
house on the summit afforded them little or no shelter; being a mere
shed, open on all sides, they found it untenantable, and determined
to return as soon as their observations were finished, to the half-way
house, which they reached before dark.

The night was passed uncomfortably, and in the morning they made
an early start down the mountain to reach the native village at its
foot, where they were refreshed with a cup of chocolate, cakes, and
some dulces, according to the custom of the country. At ten o'clock
they reached the mission, where they were received by the padre and
Mr. Sturges. The former was greatly astonished to hear that they
had really been to the summit, and had accomplished in twenty-four
hours what he had deemed a labor of three days. He quickly attended
to their wants, the first among which was dry clothing; and as their
baggage had unfortunately been left at Santa Cruz, the wardrobe of
the rotund padre was placed at their disposal. Although the fit was
rather uncouth on the spare forms of our gentlemen, yet his clothes
served the purpose tolerably well, and were thankfully made use
of. During their absence, Mr. Sturges had been much amused with the
discipline he had witnessed at the hands of the church, which here
seem to be the only visible ruling power. Two young natives had made
complaint to the padre that a certain damsel had entered into vows
or engagements to marry both; she was accordingly brought up before
the padre, Mr. Sturges being present. The padre first lectured her
most seriously upon the enormity of her crime, then inflicted several
blows on the palm of her outstretched hand, again renewing the lecture,
and finally concluding with another whipping. The girl was pretty, and
excited the interest of our friend, who looked on with much desire to
interfere, and save the damsel from the corporal punishment, rendered
more aggravated by the dispassionate and cool manner in which it and
the lecture were administered. In the conversation which ensued, the
padre said he had more cases of the violation of the marriage vow,
and of infidelity, than any other class of crimes.

After a hearty breakfast, or rather dinner, and expressing their
thanks to the padre, they rode back to Santa Cruz, where they arrived
at an early hour, and at nine o'clock in the evening they embarked
in their bancas for Manila.

[Los Baños.] In the morning they found themselves, after a comfortable
night, at Los Baños. Here they took chocolate with the padre, to whom
Mr. Sturges had a letter, who informed them that the other party had
left the place the evening before for Manila.

This party had proceeded to the town of Baia, where they arrived at
daylight on the 15th. Baia is quite a pretty place, and well situated;
the houses are clean and comfortable, and it possessed a venerable
stone church, with towers and bells. On inquiring for the padre,
they found that he was absent, and it was in consequence impossible
for them to procure horses to proceed to the Volcano of Taal. They
therefore concluded to walk to the hot springs at Los Baños, about
five miles distant. Along the road they collected a number of curious
plants. Rice is much cultivated, and fields of it extend to some
distance on each side of the road. Buffaloes were seen feeding and
wallowing in the ditches.

At Los Baños the hot springs are numerous, the water issuing from the
rock over a considerable surface. The quantity of water discharged
by them is large, and the whole is collected and conducted to the
bathing-houses. The temperature of the water at the mouth of the
culvert was 180°.

The old bath-house is a singular-looking place, being built on the
hill-side, in the old Spanish style, with large balconies, that are
enclosed in the manner already described, in speaking of the houses
in Manila. It is beautifully situated, and overlooks the baths and
lake. The baths are of stone, and consist of two large rooms, in
each of which is a niche, through which the hot water passes. This
building is now in ruins, the roof and floors having fallen in.

Los Baños is a small village, but contains a respectable-looking
stone church, and two or three houses of the same material. Here the
party found a difficulty in getting on, for the alcalde could not
speak Spanish, and they were obliged to use an interpreter, in order
to communicate with him. Notwithstanding this, he is a magistrate,
whose duty it is to administer laws written in that language. Finding
they could not succeed even here in procuring guides or horses,
they determined to remain and explore Mount Maquiling, the height
of which is three thousand four hundred and fifty feet, and in the
meantime to send for their bancas.

The next day they set out on their journey to that mountain, and the
first part of their path lay over a gentle ascent, through cultivated
grounds. Next succeeded an almost perpendicular hill, bare of trees,
and overgrown with a tall grass, which it was difficult to pass
through.

Such had been the time taken up, that the party found it impossible
to reach the summit and return before dark. They therefore began
to collect specimens; and after having obtained a full load, they
returned late in the afternoon to Los Baños.

The mountain is composed of trachytic rocks and tufa, which are
occasionally seen to break through the rich and deep soil, showing
themselves here and there, in the deep valleys which former volcanic
action has created, and which have destroyed the regular outline
of the cone-shaped mountain. The tufa is generally found to form
the gently-sloping plains that surround these mountains, and has in
all probability been ejected from them. Small craters, of some two
hundred feet in height, are scattered over the plains. The tufa is
likewise exposed to view on the shores of the lake; but elsewhere,
except on a few bare hills, it is entirely covered with the dense
and luxuriant foliage. The tufa is generally of a soft character,
crumbling in the fingers, and in it are found coarse and fine fragments
of scoria, pumice, etc. The layers are from a few inches to five feet
in thickness.

In the country around Los Baños, there are several volcanic hills, and
on the sides of Mount Maquiling are appearances of parasitic cones,
similar to those observed at the Hawaiian Islands; but time and the
foliage have so disguised them, that it is difficult to determine
exactly their true character.

I regretted exceedingly that the party that set out for the Lake of
Taal was not able to reach it, as, from the accounts I had, it must
be one of the most interesting portions of the country. It lies nearly
south-west from Manila, and occupies an area of about one hundred and
twenty square miles. The Volcano of Taal is situated on an island
near the center of it, and is now in action. The cone which rises
from its center is remarkably regular, and consists for the most part
of cinders and scoria. It has been found to be nine hundred feet in
elevation above the lake. The crater has a diameter of two miles,
and its depth is equal to the elevation; the walls of the crater
are nearly perpendicular, so much so that the descent cannot be
made without the assistance of ropes. At the bottom there are two
small cones. Much steam issues from the many fissures, accompanied
by sulphurous acid gas. The waters of the lake are impregnated with
sulphur, and there are said to be also large beds of sulphur. In
the opinion of those who have visited this spot, the whole lake once
formed an immense crater; and this does not appear very improbable,
if we are to credit the accounts we received of the many craters
on this island that are now filled with water; for instance, in the
neighborhood of San Pablo there are said to be eight or nine.

[The hot springs.] The hot springs of Los Baños are numerous, and in
their vicinity large quantities of steam are seen to issue from the
shore of the lake. There are about a dozen which give out a copious
supply of water. The principal one has been enclosed, and made
to flow through a stone aqueduct, which discharges a considerable
stream. The temperature of the water as it leaves the aqueduct is
178°. The villagers use it for cooking and washing; the signs of the
former employment are evident enough from the quantities of feathers
from the poultry that have been scalded and plucked preparatory to
cooking. The baths are formed by a small circular building six feet
in diameter, erected over the point of discharge for the purpose of
securing a steam-bath; the temperature of these is 160° and 140°. A
change of temperature is said to have occurred in the latter.

The rocks in the vicinity are all tufa, and some of the springs break
out close to the cold water of the lake. Near the aqueduct, a stone
wall surrounds one of the principal outlets. Two-thirds of the area
thus enclosed is occupied by a pond of warm water, and the other third
is divided into two stone reservoirs, built for baths. These baths
had at one time a high reputation, and were a very fashionable resort
for the society of Manila; but their celebrity gradually diminished,
and the whole premises have gone out of repair, and are fast falling
to ruin.

The water of the springs has no perceptible taste, and only a very
faint smell of sulphur is perceived. No gas escapes from it, but a
white incrustation covers the stones over which the water flows.

Some of these waters were obtained, and since our return were put into
the hands of Dr. C. T. Jackson, of Boston, who gives the following
analysis:

Specific gravity, 1.0043; thermometer 60°; barometer 30.05 in.

A quantity of the water, equal in bulk to three thousand grains of
distilled water, on evaporation gave--

Dry salts, 5.95 grains.

A quantity of the water, equal in bulk to one thousand grains of
distilled water, was operated on for each of the following ingredients:


    Chlorine            0.66
    Carbonic acid       0.16
    Sulphuric acid      0.03
    Soda and sodium     0.97
    Magnesia            0.09
    Lime                0.07
    Potash              traces
    Organic matter        ,,
    Manganese             ,,
                        ----
                        1.98


[Mount Maquiling.] On Mount Maquiling, wild buffaloes, hogs, a small
species of deer, and monkeys are found. Birds are also very numerous,
and among them is the horn-bill; the noise made by this bird resembles
a loud barking; report speaks of them as an excellent bird for the
table. Our gentlemen reached their lodging-place as the night closed
in, and the next day again embarked for Manila, regretting that
time would not permit them to make another visit to so interesting
a field of research. They found the lake so rough that they were
compelled to return, and remain until eight o'clock. This, however,
gave our botanists another opportunity of making collections, among
which were beautiful specimens of Volkameria splendens, with elegant
scarlet flowers, and a Brugmansia, which expanded its beautiful
silvery flowers after sunset. On the shores a number of birds were
feeding, including pelicans, with their huge bills, the diver, with
its long arched neck, herons, gulls, eagles, and snow-white cranes,
with ducks and other small aquatic flocks. Towards night these were
joined by large bats, that were seen winging their way towards the
plantations of fruit. These, with quantities of insects, gave a vivid
idea of the wonderful myriads of animated things that are constantly
brought into being in these tropical and luxuriant climates.

Sailing all night in a rough sea, they were much incommoded by the
water, which was shipped into the banca and kept them constantly baling
out: they reached the Pasig river at daylight, and again passed the
duck establishments, and the numerous boats and bancas on their way
to the markets of Manila.

Both the parties reached the consul's the same day, highly pleased with
their respective jaunts. To the kindness of Messrs. Sturges and Moore,
we are mainly indebted for the advantages and pleasures derived from
the excursions.

The instruments were now embarked, and preparations made for going
to sea. Our stay at Manila had added much to our collections; we
obtained many new specimens, and the officers and naturalists had
been constantly and profitably occupied in their various duties.

We went on board on January 20, and were accompanied to the vessel
by Messrs. Sturges and Moore, with several other residents of Manila.

We had, through the kindness of Captain Salomon, procured a native
pilot for the Sulu Sea, who was to act as interpreter.

On the morning of the 21st, we took leave of our friends, and got
under way. The same day, and before we had cleared the bay, we spoke
the American ship Angier, which had performed the voyage from the
United States in one hundred and twenty-four days, and furnished us
with late and interesting news. We then, with a strong northerly wind,
made all sail to the south for the Straits of Mindoro.


Sulu in 1842

On the evening of January 21, the Vincennes, with the tender in
company, left Manila bay. I then sent for Mr. Knox, who commanded
the latter, and gave him directions to keep closely in company with
the Vincennes, and at the same time pointed out to him places of
rendezvous where the vessels might again meet in case any unavoidable
circumstance caused their separation. I was more particular in giving
him instructions to avoid losing sight of the Vincennes, as I was aware
that my proposed surveys might be impeded or frustrated altogether,
were I deprived of the assistance of the vessel under his command.

[Mindoro.] On the 22nd, we passed the entrance of the Straits of San
Bernardino. It would have been my most direct route to follow these
straits until I had passed Mindoro, and it is I am satisfied the safest
course, unless the winds are fair, for the direct passage. My object,
however, was to examine the ground for the benefit of others, and the
Apo Shoal, which lies about mid-channel between Palawan and Mindoro,
claimed my first attention. The tender was despatched to survey it,
while I proceeded in the Vincennes to examine the more immediate
entrance to the Sulu Sea, off the southwest end of Mindoro.

Calavite Peak is the north point of Mindoro, and our observations
made it two thousand feet high. This peak is of the shape of a
dome, and appears remarkably regular when seen from its western
side. On approaching Mindoro, we, as is usual, under high islands,
lost the steady breeze, and the wind became light for the rest of
the day. Mindoro is a beautiful island, and is evidently volcanic;
it appears as if thrown up in confused masses; it is not much settled,
as the more southern islands are preferred to it as a residence.

On the 23rd, we ascertained the elevation of the highest peak of
the island by triangulation to be three thousand one hundred and
twenty-six fet. The easternmost island of the Palawan group, Busuanga,
was at the time just in sight from the deck, to the southwest.

It had been my intention to anchor at Ambolou Island; but the wind
died away before we reached it, and I determined to stand off and on
all night.

On the 24th, I began to experience the truth of what Captain Halcon had
asserted, namely, that the existing charts were entirely worthless,
and I also found that my native pilot was of no more value than
they were, he had evidently passed the place before; but whether
the size of the vessel, so much greater than any he had sailed in,
confused him, or whether it was from his inability to understand and
to make himself understood by us, he was of no use whatever, and we
had the misfortune of running into shoal water, barely escaping the
bottom. These dangers were usually quickly passed, and we soon found
ourselves again floating in thirty or forty fathoms water.

We continued beating to windward, in hopes of being joined by the
Flying-fish, and I resolved to finish the survey towards the island
of Semarara. We found every thing in a different position from that
assigned it by any of the charts with which we were furnished. On
this subject, however, I shall not dwell, but refer those who desire
particular information to the charts and Hydrographical Memoir.

Towards evening, I again ran down to the southwest point of the island
of Mindoro, and sent a letter on shore to the pueblo, with directions
to have it put on board the tender, when she should arrive. We then
began to beat round Semarara, in order to pass over towards Panay.

The southern part of Mindoro is much higher than the northern
but appears to be equally rough. It is, however, susceptible of
cultivation, and there are many villages along its shores.

Semarara is moderately high, and about fifteen miles in circumference;
it is inhabited, and like Mindoro much wooded. According to the native
pilot, its shores are free from shoals. It was not until the next day
that we succeeded in reaching Panay. I determined to pass the night
off Point Potol, the north end of Panay, as I believed the sea in its
neighborhood to be free of shoals, and wished to resume our running
survey early in the morning.

[Panay.] At daylight on the 27th we continued the survey down the
coast of Panay, and succeeded in correcting many errors in the
existing charts (both English and Spanish). The channel along this
side is from twelve to twenty miles wide, and suitable for beating
in; little current is believed to exist; and the tides, as far as
our observations went, seem to be regular and of little strength.

The island of Panay is high and broken, particularly on the south
end; its shores are thickly settled and well cultivated. Indigo and
sugar-cane claim much of the attention of the inhabitants. The natives
are the principal cultivators. They pay to government a capitation tax
of seven reals. Its population is estimated at three hundred thousand,
which I think is rather short of the actual number.

On all the hills there are telegraphs of rude construction, to give
information of the approach of piratical prahus from Sulu, which
formerly were in the habit of making attacks upon the defenceless
inhabitants and carrying them off into slavery. Of late years they have
ceased these depredations, for the Spaniards have resorted to a new
mode of warfare. Instead of pursuing and punishing the offenders, they
now intercept all their supplies, both of necessaries and luxuries;
and the fear of this has had the effect to deter pirates from their
usual attacks.

We remained off San Pedro for the night, in hopes of falling in with
the Flying-fish in the morning.

On the morning of the 28th, the Flying-fish was discovered plainly in
sight. I immediately stood for her, fired a gun and made signal. At
seven o'clock, another gun was fired, but the vessel still stood off,
and was seen to make sail to the westward without paying any regard
whatever to either, and being favored by a breeze while the Vincennes
was becalmed, she stole off and was soon out of sight. [270]

After breakfast we opened the bay of Antique, on which is situated the
town of San José. As this bay apparently offered anchorage for vessels
bound up this coast, I determined to survey it; and for this purpose
the boats were hoisted out and prepared for surveying. Lieutenant
Budd was despatched to visit the pueblo called San José.

On reaching the bay, the boats were sent to different points of it,
and when they were in station, the ship fired guns to furnish bases
by the sound, and angles were simultaneously measured. The boats made
soundings on their return to the ship, and thus completed this duty,
so that in an hour or two afterwards the bay was correctly represented
on paper. It offers no more than a temporary anchorage for vessels,
and unless the shore is closely approached, the water is almost too
deep for the purpose.

[San José.] At San José a Spanish governor resides, who presides over
the two pueblos of San Pedro and San José, and does the duty also
of alcalde. Lieutenant Budd did not see him, as he was absent, but
his lady did the honors. Lieutenant Budd represented the pueblo as
cleanly and orderly. About fifteen soldiers were seen, who compose
the governor's guard, and more were said to be stationed at San
Pedro. A small fort of eight guns commands the roadstead. The beach
was found to be of fine volcanic sand, composed chiefly of oxide of
iron, and comminuted shells; there is here also a narrow shore reef
of coral. The plain bordering the sea is covered with a dense growth
of coconut trees. In the fine season the bay is secure, but we were
informed that in westerly and southwesterly gales heavy seas set in,
and vessels are not able to lie at anchor. Several small vessels were
lying in a small river about one and a half miles to the southward of
the point on which the fort is situated. The entrance to this river
is very narrow and tortuous.

Panay is one of the largest islands of the group. We had an opportunity
of measuring the height of some of its western peaks or highlands,
none of which exceed three thousand feet. The interior and eastern side
have many lofty summits, which are said to reach an altitude of seven
thousand five hundred feet; but these, as we passed, were enveloped
in clouds, or shut out from view by the nearer highlands. The general
features of the island are like those of Luzon and Mindoro. The few
specimens we obtained of its rocks consisted of the different varieties
of talcose formation, with quartz and jasper. The specimens were of
no great value, as they were much worn by lying on the beach.

The higher land was bare of trees, and had it not been for the
numerous fertile valleys lying between the sharp and rugged spurs,
it would have had a sterile appearance.

The bay of Antique is in latitude 10° 40' N., longitude 121° 59'
30'' E.

It was my intention to remain for two or three days at a convenient
anchorage to enable us to make short excursions into the interior;
but the vexatious mismanagement of the tender now made it incumbent
that I should make every possible use of the time to complete the
operations connected with the hydrography of this sea; for I perceived
that the duties which I intended should be performed by her, would now
devolve upon the boats, and necessarily expose both officers and men to
the hazard of contracting disease. I regretted giving up this design,
not only on my own account and that of the Expedition, but because of
the gratification it would have afforded personally to the naturalists.

The town of San José has about thirty bamboo houses, some of which
are filled in with clay or mortar, and plastered over, both inside
and out. Few of them are more than a single story in height. That of
the governor is of the same material, and overtops the rest; it is
whitewashed, and has a neat and cleanly appearance. In the vicinity of
the town are several beautiful valleys, which run into the mountains
from the plain that borders the bay. The landing is on a bamboo bridge,
which has been erected over an extensive mud-flat, that is exposed at
low water, and prevents any nearer approach of boats. This bridge is
about seven hundred feet in length; and a novel plan has been adopted
to preserve it from being carried away. The stems of bamboo not
being sufficiently large and heavy to maintain the superstructure in
the soft mud, a scaffold is constructed just under the top, which is
loaded with blocks of large stone, and the outer piles are secured to
anchors or rocks, with grass rope. The roadway or top is ten feet wide,
covered with split bamboo, woven together, and has rails on each side,
to assist the passenger. This is absolutely necessary for safety;
and even with this aid, one unaccustomed to it must be possessed
of no little bodily strength to pass over this smooth, slippery,
and springy bridge, without accident.

Two pirogues were at anchor in the bay, and on the shore was the
frame of a vessel which had evidently been a long while on the stocks,
for the weeds and bushes near the keel were six or eight feet high,
and a portion of the timbers were decayed. Carts and sleds drawn by
buffaloes were in use, and everything gave it the appearance of a
thriving village. Although I have mentioned the presence of soldiers,
it was observed on landing that no guard was stationed about or even at
the fort; but shortly afterwards a soldier was seen hurrying towards
the latter, in the act of dressing himself in his regimentals, and
another running by his side, with his cartridge-box and musket. In
a little while one was passing up and down on his post, as though he
was as permanent there as the fort itself.

After completing these duties, the light airs detained us the remainder
of the day under Panay, in sight of the bay. On the 29th, at noon,
we had been wafted by it far enough in the offing to obtain the
easterly breeze, which soon became strong, with an overcast sky,
and carried us rapidly on our course; my time would not permit my
heaving-to. We kept on our course for Mindanao during the whole night,
and were constantly engaged in sounding, with our patent lead, with
from thirty to forty fathoms cast, to prevent our passing over this
part of the sea entirely unexamined.

[Mindanao.] At daylight on the 31st, we had the island of Mindanao
before us, but did not reach its western cape until 5 p.m. This island
is high and broken, like those to the north of it, but, unlike them,
its mountains are covered with forests to their very tops, and there
were no distinct cones of minor dimensions, as we had observed on
the others. If they do exist, they were hidden by the dense forest.

I had determined to anchor at Caldera, a small port on the south-west
side of Mindanao, about ten miles distant from Zamboanga, where the
governor resides. The latter is a considerable place, but the anchorage
in its roadstead is said to be bad, and the currents that run through
the Straits of Basilan are represented to be strong. Caldera, on the
other hand, has a good, though small anchorage, which is free from the
currents of the straits. It is therefore an excellent stopping-place,
in case of the tide proving unfavorable. On one of its points stands
a small fort, which, on our arrival, hoisted Spanish colors.

At six o'clock we came to anchor at Caldera, in seven fathoms
water. There were few indications of inhabitants, except at and
near the fort. An officer was despatched to the fort, to report the
ship. It was found to be occupied by a few soldiers under the command
of a lieutenant.

[Caldera fort.] The fort is about seventy feet square, and is built
of large blocks of red coral, which evidently have not been taken from
the vicinity of the place, as was stated by the officers of the fort;
for although our parties wandered along the alluvial beach for two or
three miles in each direction, no signs of coral were observed. Many
fragments of red, gray, and purple basalt and porphyry were met with
along the beach; talcose rock and slate, syenite, hornblend, quartz,
both compact and slaty, with chalcedony, were found in pieces and
large pebbles. Those who were engaged in dredging reported the bottom
as being of coral, in from four to six or eight fathoms; but this
was of a different kind from that of which the fort was constructed.

The fort was built in the year 1784, principally for protection against
the Sulu pirates, who were in the habit of visiting the settlements,
and carrying off the inhabitants as slaves, to obtain ransom for
them. This, and others of the same description, were therefore
constructed as places of refuge for the inhabitants, as well as to
afford protection to vessels.

Depredations are still committed, which render it necessary to keep
up a small force. One or two huts which were seen in the neighborhood
of the bay, are built on posts twenty feet from the ground, and into
them they ascend by ladders, which are hauled up after the occupants
have entered.

These, it is said, are the sleeping-huts, and are so built for the
purpose of preventing surprise at night. Before our arrival we had
heard that the villages were all so constructed, but a visit to one
soon showed that this was untrue. The natives seen at the village
were thought to be of a decidedly lighter color and a somewhat
different expression from the Malays. They were found to be very
civil, and more polished in manners than our gentlemen expected. On
asking for a drink of water, it was brought in a glass tumbler on a
china plate. An old woman, to whom they had presented some trifles,
took the trouble to meet them in another path on their return, and
insisted on their accepting a basket of potatoes. Some of the houses
contained several families, and many of them had no other means of
entrance than a notched post stuck up to the door.

The forests of Mindanao contain a great variety of trees, some of
which are of large size, rising to the height of one hundred and
and one hundred and fifty feet. Some of their trunks are shaped like
buttresses, similar to those before spoken of at Manila, from which
they obtain broad slabs for the tops of tables. The trunks were
observed to shoot up remarkably straight. Our botanical gentlemen,
though pleased with the excursion, were disappointed at not being
able to procure specimens from the lofty trees; and the day was less
productive in this respect than they had anticipated. Large woody
vines were common, which enveloped the trunks of trees in their folds,
and ascending to their tops, prevented the collection of the most
desirable specimens.

The paths leading to the interior were narrow and much obstructed;
one fine stream was crossed. Many buffaloes were observed wallowing
in the mire, and the woods swarmed with monkeys and numbers of birds,
among them the horn-bills; these kept up a continued chatter, and made
a variety of loud noises. The forests here are entirely different from
any we had seen elsewhere; and the stories of their being the abode
of large boas and poisonous snakes, make the effect still greater
on those who visit them for the first time. Our parties, however,
saw nothing of these reptiles, nor anything to warrant a belief that
such exist. Yet the officer at the fort related to me many snake
stories that seemed to have some foundation; and by inquiries made
elsewhere, I learned that they were at least warranted by some facts,
though probably not to the extent that he represented.

Traces of deer and wild hogs were seen, and many birds were obtained,
as well as land and sea shells. Among the latter was the Malleus
vulgaris, which is used as food by the natives. The soil on this
part of the island is a stiff clay, and the plants it produces
are mostly woody; those of an herbaceous character were scarce,
and only a few orchideous epiphytes and ferns were seen. Around the
dwellings in the villages were a variety of vegetables and fruits,
consisting of sugar-cane, sweet-potato, gourds, pumpkins, peppers,
rice, water and musk melons, all fine and of large size.

The officer at the fort was a lieutenant of infantry; one of that rank
is stationed here for a month, after which he, with the garrison,
consisting of three soldiers, are relieved, from Zamboanga, where
the Spaniards have three companies.

[Zamboanga.] Zamboanga is a convict settlement, to which the native
rogues, principally thieves, are sent. The Spanish criminals, as I
have before stated in speaking of Manila, are sent to Spain.

The inhabitants of the island of Mindanao, who are under the subjection
of Spain, are about ten thousand in number, of whom five or six
thousand are at or in the neighborhood of Zamboanga. The original
inhabitants, who dwell in the mountains and on the east coast, are
said to be quite black, and are represented to be a very cruel and
bad set; they have hitherto bid defiance to all attempts to subjugate
them. When the Spaniards make excursions into the interior, which is
seldom, they always go in large parties on account of the wild beasts,
serpents, and hostile natives; nevertheless, the latter frequently
attack and drive them back.

The little fort is considered as a sufficient protection for the
fishermen and small vessels against the pirates, who inhabit the
island of Basilan, which is in sight from Mindanao, and forms the
southern side of the straits of the same name. It is said that about
seven hundred inhabit it. The name of Moro is given by the Spaniards
to all those who profess the Mohammedan religion, and by such all the
islands to the west of Mindanao, and known under the name of the Sulu
archipelago, are inhabited.

The day we spent at Caldera was employed in surveying the bay, and
in obtaining observations for its geographical position, and for
magnetism. The flood tide sets to the northward and westward, through
the straits, and the ebb to the eastward. In the bay we found it to
run two miles an hour by the log, but it must be much more rapid in
the straits.

At daylight on February 1st, we got under way to stand over for
the Sangboys, a small island with two sharp hills on it. One and a
half miles from the bay we passed over a bank, the least water on
which was ten fathoms on a sandy bottom, and on which a vessel might
anchor. The wind shortly after failed us, and we drifted with the tide
for some hours, in full view of the island of Mindanao, which is bold
and picturesque. We had thus a good opportunity of measuring some of
its mountain ranges, which we made about three thousand feet high.

In the afternoon, a light breeze came from the southwest, and before
sunset I found that we were again on soundings. As soon as we had
a cast of twenty fathoms, I anchored for the night, judging it much
better than to be drifting about without any knowledge of the locality
and currents to which we were subjected.

On the morning of the 2nd, we got under way to proceed to the
westward. As the bottom was unequal, I determined to pass through
the broadest channel, although it had the appearance of being the
shoalest, and sent two boats ahead to sound. In this way we passed
through, continuing our surveying operations, and at the same time
made an attempt to dredge; but the ground was too uneven for the
latter purpose, and little of value was obtained.

[Sulu.] Shortly after passing the Sangboys, we had the island of
Sulu in sight, for which I now steered direct. At sunset we found
ourselves within five or six miles of Soung Harbor; but there was not
sufficient light to risk the dangers that might be in our course,
nor wind enough to command the ship; and having no bottom where we
were, I determined again to run out to sea, and anchor on the first
bank I should meet. At half-past eight o'clock, we struck sounding
in twenty-six fathoms, and anchored.

At daylight we determined our position by angles, and found it
to correspond with part of the route we had passed over the day
before, and that we were about fifteen miles from the large island
of Sulu. Weighing anchor, we were shortly wafted by the westerly
tide and a light air towards that beautiful island, which lay in the
midst of its little archipelago; and as we were brought nearer and
nearer, we came to the conclusion that in our many wanderings we had
seen nothing to be compared to this enchanting spot. It appeared to
be well cultivated, with gentle slopes rising here and there into
eminences from one to two thousand feet high. One or two of these
might be dignified with the name of mountains, and were sufficiently
high to arrest the passing clouds; on the afternoon of our arrival
we had a singular example in the dissipation of a thunderstorm.

Although much of the island was under cultivation, yet it had all the
freshness of a forest region. The many smokes on the hills, buildings
of large size, cottages, and cultivated spots, together with the
moving crowds on the land, the prahus, canoes, and fishing-boats on
the water gave the whole a civilized appearance. Our own vessel lay,
almost without a ripple at her side, on the glassy surface of the
sea, carried onwards to our destined anchorage by the flowing tide,
and scarce a sound was heard except the splashing of the lead as
it sought the bottom. The effect of this was destroyed in part by
the knowledge that this beautiful archipelago was the abode of a
cruel and barbarous race of pirates. Towards sunset we had nearly
reached the bay of Soung, when we were met by the opposing tide,
which frustrated all our endeavors to reach it, and I was compelled
to anchor, lest we should again be swept to sea.

As soon as the night set in, fishermen's lights were seen moving along
the beach in all directions, and gliding about in canoes, while the sea
was filled with myriads of phosphorescent animalcula. After watching
this scene for two or three hours in the calm and still night, a storm
that had been gathering reached us; but it lasted only for a short
time, and cleared off after a shower, which gave the air a freshness
that was delightful after the sultry heat we had experienced during
the day.

The canoes of this archipelago were found to be different from any
that we had heretofore seen, not only in shape, but in making use
of a double outrigger, which consequently must give them additional
security. The paddle also is of a different shape, and has a blade at
each end, which are used alternately, thus enabling a single person to
manage them with ease. These canoes are made of a single log, though
some are built upon. They seldom carry more than two persons. The
figure on the opposite page will give a correct idea of one of them.

We saw the fishermen engaged in trolling and using the line; but the
manner of taking fish which has been heretofore described is chiefly
practised. In fishing, as well as in all their other employments,
the kris and spear were invariably by their side.

[Sulu harbor.] The next morning at eight o'clock we got under way,
and were towed by our boats into the bay of Soung, where we anchored
off the town in nine fathoms water. While in the act of doing so,
and after our intentions had become too evident to admit of a doubt,
the Sultan graciously sent off a message giving us permission to
enter his port.

Lieutenant Budd was immediately despatched with the interpreter to call
upon the Datu Mulu or governor, and to learn at what hour we could see
the Sultan. When the officer reached the town, all were found asleep;
and after remaining four hours waiting, the only answer he could get
out of the Datu Mulu was, that he supposed that the Sultan would be
awake at three o'clock, when he thought I could see him.

During this time the boats had been prepared for surveying; and after
landing the naturalists, they began the work.

At the appointed time, Captain Hudson and myself went on shore to wait
upon the Sultan. On our approach to the town, we found that a great
proportion of it was built over the water on piles, and only connected
with the shore by narrow bridges of bamboo. The style of building in
Sulu does not differ materially from that of the Malays. The houses
are rather larger, and they surpass the others in filth.

[Pirate craft.] We passed for some distance between the bridges to
the landing, and on our way saw several piratical prahus apparently
laid up. Twenty of these were counted, of about thirty tons burden,
evidently built for sea-vessels, and capable of mounting one or two
long guns. We landed at a small streamlet, and walked a short distance
to the Datu's house, which is of large dimensions and rudely built on
piles, which raise it about six feet above the ground, and into which
we were invited. The house of the Datu contains one room, part of which
is screened off to form the apartment of his wife. Nearly in the center
is a raised dais, eight or ten feet square, under which are stowed
all his valuables, packed in chests and Chinese trunks. Upon this
dais are placed mats for sleeping, with cushions, pillows, etc.; and
over it is a sort of canopy, hung around with fine chintz or muslin.

The dais was occupied by the Datu, who is, next to the Sultan, the
greatest man of this island. He at once came from it to receive us, and
had chairs provided for us near his sanctum. After we were seated, he
again retired to his lounge. The Datu is small in person, and emaciated
in form, but has a quick eye and an intelligent countenance. He
lives, as he told me, with all his goods around him, and they formed
a collection such as I could scarcely imagine it possible to bring
together in such a place. The interior put me in mind of a barn
inhabited by a company of strolling players. On one side were hung up
a collection of various kinds of gay dresses, here drums and gongs,
there swords, lanterns, spears, muskets, and small cannon; on another
side were shields, buckler, masks, saws, and wheels, with belts, bands,
and long robes. The whole was a strange mixture of tragedy and farce;
and the group of natives were not far removed in appearance from the
supernumeraries that a Turkish tragedy might have brought together in
the green-room of a theatre. A set of more cowardly-looking miscreants
I never saw. They appeared ready either to trade with us, pick our
pockets, or cut our throats, as an opportunity might offer.

The wife's apartment was not remarkable for its comforts, although
the Datu spoke of it with much consideration, and evidently held his
better half in high estimation. He was also proud of his six children,
the youngest of whom he brought out in its nurse's arms, and exhibited
with much pride and satisfaction. He particularly drew my attention
to its little highly-wrought and splendidly-mounted kris, which was
stuck through its girdle, as an emblem of his rank. He was in reality a
fine-looking child. The kitchen was behind the house, and occupied but
a small space, for they have little in the way of food that requires
much preparation. The house of the Datu might justly be termed nasty.

We now learned the reason why the Sultan could not be seen; it was
Friday, the Mahomedan Sabbath, and he had been at the mosque from
an early hour. Lieutenant Budd had been detained, because it was not
known when he would finish his prayers; and the ceremonies of the day
were more important than usual, on account of its peculiar sanctity
in their calendar.

[Visiting the Sultan.] Word had been sent off to the ship that the
Sultan was ready to receive me, but the messenger passed us while on
our way to shore. After we had been seated for a while, the Datu asked
if we were ready to accompany him to see the Sultan; but intimated
that no one but Captain Hudson and myself could be permitted to
lay eyes on him. Being informed that we were, he at once, and in
our presence, slipped on his silken trousers, and a new jacket,
covered with bell-buttons; put on his slippers, strapped himself
round with a long silken net sash, into which he stuck his kris, and,
with umbrella in hand, said he was ready. He now led the way out of
his house, leaving the motley group behind, and we took the path to
the interior of the town, towards the Sultan's. The Datu and I walked
hand in hand, on a roadway about ten feet wide, with a small stream
running on each side. Captain Hudson and the interpreter came next,
and a guard of six trusty slaves brought up the rear.

When we reached the outskirts of the town, about half a mile from
the Datu's, we came to the Sultan's residence, where he was prepared
to receive us in state. His house is constructed in the same manner
as that of the Datu, but is of larger dimensions, and the piles are
rather higher. Instead of steps, we found a ladder, rudely constructed
of bamboo, and very crazy. This was so steep that it was necessary to
use the hands in mounting it. I understood that the ladder was always
removed in the night, for the sake of security. We entered at once
into the presence-chamber, where the whole divan, if such it may be
called, sat in arm-chairs, occupying the half of a large round table,
covered with a white cotton cloth. On the opposite side of the table,
seats were placed for us. On our approach, the Sultan and all his
council rose, and motioned us to our seats. When we had taken them,
the part of the room behind us was literally crammed with well-armed
men. A few minutes were passed in silence, during which time we
had an opportunity of looking at each other, and around the hall in
which we were seated. The latter was of very common workmanship, and
exhibited no signs of oriental magnificence. Overhead hung a printed
cotton cloth, forming a kind of tester, which covered about half of
the apartment. In other places the roof and rafters were visible. A
part of the house was roughly partitioned off, to the height of nine
or ten feet, enclosing, as I was afterwards told, the Sultan's sleeping
apartment, and that appropriated to his wife and her attendants.

The Sultan is of middle height, spare and thin; he was dressed in a
white cotton shirt, loose trousers of the same material, and slippers;
he had no stockings; the bottom of his trousers was worked in scollops
with blue silk, and this was the only ornament I saw about him. On his
head he wore a small colored cotton handkerchief, wound into a turban,
that just covered the top of his head. His eyes were bloodshot, and had
an uneasy wild look, showing that he was under the effects of opium,
of which they all smoke large quantities. His teeth were as black as
ebony, which, with his bright cherry-colored lips, [271] contrasted
with his swarthy skin, gave him anything but a pleasant look.

On the left hand of the Sultan sat his two sons, while his right
was occupied by his councillors; just behind him, sat the carrier
of his betel-nut casket. The casket was of filigree silver, about
the size of a small tea-caddy, of oblong shape, and rounded at the
top. It had three divisions, one for the leaf, another for the nut,
and a third for the lime. Next to this official was the pipe-bearer,
who did not appear to be held in such estimation as the former.

[Treaty with United States.] I opened the conversation by desiring
that the Datu would explain the nature of our visit, and tell the
Sultan that I had come to make the treaty which he had some time
before desired to form with the United States. [272]

The Sultan replied that such was still his desire; upon which I told
him I would draw one up for him that same day. While I was explaining
to him the terms, a brass candlestick was brought in with a lighted
tallow candle, of a very dark color, and rude shape, that showed
but little art in the manufacture. This was placed in the center
of the table, with a plate of Manila cigars. None of them, however,
were offered to us, nor any kind of refreshment.

Our visit lasted nearly an hour. When we arose to take our leave,
the Sultan and his divan did the same, and we made our exit with low
bows on each side.

I looked upon it as a matter of daily occurrence for all those
who came to the island to visit the Sultan; but the Datu Mulu took
great pains to make me believe that a great favor had been granted in
allowing us a sight of his ruler. On the other hand, I dwelt upon the
condescension it was on my part to visit him, and I refused to admit
that I was under any gratitude or obligation for the sight of His
Majesty the Sultan Mohammed Damaliel Kisand, but said that he might
feel grateful to me if he signed the treaty I would prepare for him.

On our return from the Sultan's to the Datu Mulu's house, we found
even a greater crowd than before. The Datu, however, contrived to
get us seats. The attraction which drew it together was to look at
Mr. Agate, who was taking a sketch of Mohammed Polalu, the Sultan's
son, and next heir to the throne. I had hoped to procure one of the
Sultan, but this was declared to be impossible.

The son, however, has all the characteristics of the Sulu, and
the likeness was thought an excellent one. Mohammed Polalu is about
twenty-three years of age, of a tall slender figure, with a long face,
heavy and dull eyes, as though he was constantly under the influence
of opium. So much, indeed, was he addicted to the use of this drug,
even according to the Datu Mulu's accounts, that his strength and
constitution were very much impaired. As he is kept particularly
under the guardianship of the Datu, the latter has a strong interest
in preserving this influence over him, and seems on this account to
afford him every opportunity of indulging in this deplorable habit.

During our visit, the effects of a pipe of this drug were seen upon
him; for but a short time after he had reclined himself on the Datu's
couch and cushion, and taken a few whiffs, he was entirely overcome,
stupid, and listless. I had never seen any one so young, bearing
such evident marks of the effects of this deleterious drug. When
but partially recovered from its effects he called for his betelnut,
to revive him by its exciting effects. This was carefully chewed by
his attendant to a proper consistency, moulded in a ball about the
size of a walnut, and then slipped into the mouth of the heir apparent.

[Interior travel prohibited.] One of the requests I had made of the
Sultan was, that the officers might have guides to pass over the
island. This was at once said to be too dangerous to be attempted, as
the datus of the interior and southern towns would in all probability
attack the parties. I understood what this meant, and replied that
I was quite willing to take the responsibility, and that the party
should be well armed. To this the Sultan replied that he would
not risk his own men. This I saw was a mere evasion, but it was
difficult and would be dangerous for our gentlemen to proceed alone,
and I therefore said no more. On our return to the Datu's, I gave
them permission to get as far from the beach as they could, but I was
afterwards informed by them that in endeavoring to penetrate into the
woods, they were always stopped by armed men. This was also the case
when they approached particular parts of the town, but they were not
molested as long as their rambles were confined to the beach. At the
Datu's we were treated to chocolate and negus in gilt-edged tumblers,
with small stale cakes, which had been brought from Manila.

After we had sat some time I was informed that Mr. Dana missed his
bowie-knife pistol, which he had for a moment laid down on a chest. I
at once came to the conclusion that it had been stolen, and as the
theft had occurred in the Datu's house, I determined to hold him
responsible for it, and gave him at once to understand that I should
do so, informing him that the pistol must be returned before the next
morning, or he must take the consequences. This threw him into some
consternation, and by my manner he felt that I was serious.

Captain Hudson and myself, previous to our return on board, visited
the principal parts of the town. The Chinese quarter is separated
by a body of water, and has a gateway that leads to a bridge. The
bridge is covered by a roof, and on each side of it are small shops,
which are open in front, and thus expose the goods they contain. In
the rear of the shops were the dwellings of the dealers. This sort
of bazaar contained but a very scanty assortment, and the goods were
of inferior quality.

We visited some blacksmith-shops, where they were manufacturing krises
and spears. These shops were open sheds; the fire was made upon the
ground, and two wooden cylinders, whose valves were in the bottom,
served for bellows; when used, they had movable pistons, which were
worked by a man on an elevated seat, and answered the purpose better
than could have been expected.

The kris is a weapon in which this people take great pride; it is of
various shapes and sizes, and is invariably worn from infancy to old
age; they are generally wavy in their blades, and are worn in wooden
scabbards, which are neatly made and highly polished.

The market was well stocked with fruit and fish. Among the former the
durian seemed to predominate; this was the first time we had seen
it. It has a very disagreeable odour, as if decayed, and appears
to emit a sulphuretted hydrogen gas, which I observed blackened
silver. Some have described this fruit as delicious, but if the
smell is not enough, the taste in my opinion will convince any one
of the contrary.

Mr. Brackenridge made the following list of their fruits: Durian,
Artocarpus integrifolia, Melons, water and musk, Oranges, mandarin
and bitter, Pineapples, Carica papaya, Mangosteen, Bread-fruit,
Coco and Betelnut. The vegetables were capsicums, cucumbers, yams,
sweet-potatoes, garlic, onions, edible fern-roots, and radishes of
the salmon variety, but thicker and more acrid in flavor.

[A stolen granite monument.] In walking about the parts of the town we
were permitted to enter, large slabs of cut granite were seen, which
were presumed to be from China, where the walls of canals or streamlets
are lined with it. But Dr. Pickering in his rambles discovered pieces
that had been cut as if to form a monument, and remarked a difference
between it and the Chinese kind. On one or two pieces he saw the mark
No. 1, in black paint; the material resembled the Chelmsford granite,
and it occurred to him that the stone had been cut in Boston. I
did not hear of this circumstance until after we had left Sulu, and
have little doubt now that the interdiction against our gentlemen
visiting some parts of the town was owing to the fear they had of the
discovery of this plunder. This may have been the reason why they so
readily complied with my demands, in order to get rid of us as soon as
possible, feeling themselves guilty, and being unprepared for defence;
for, of the numerous guns mounted, few if any were serviceable.

The theft of the pistol was so barefaced an affair, that I made up
my mind to insist on its restoration. At the setting of the watch
in the evening, it had been our practice on board the Vincennes to
fire a small brass howitzer. This frequently, in the calm evenings,
produced a great reverberation, and rolled along the water to the
surrounding islands with considerable noise. Instead of it, on this
evening, I ordered one of the long guns to be fired, believing that
the sound and reverberation alone would suffice to intimidate such
robbers. One was accordingly fired in the direction of the town,
which fairly shook the island, as they said, and it was not long
before we saw that the rogues were fully aroused, for the clatter of
gongs and voices that came over the water, and the motion of lights,
convinced me that the pistol would be forthcoming in the morning. In
this I was not mistaken, for at early daylight I was awakened by a
special messenger from the Datu to tell me that the pistol was found,
and would be brought off without delay; that he had been searching for
it all night, and had at last succeeded in finding it, as well as the
thief, on whom he intended to inflict the bastinado. Accordingly, in
a short time the pistol was delivered on board, and every expression
of friendship and good-will given, with the strongest assurances that
nothing of the kind should happen again.

[Marongas island.] As our naturalists could have no opportunity
of rambling over the island of Sooloo, it was thought that one
of the neighbouring islands (although not so good a field) would
afford them many of the same results, and that they could examine
it unmolested. Accordingly, at an early hour, they were despatched
in boats for that purpose, with a sufficient guard to attend them
in case of necessity. The island on which they landed, Marongas,
has two hills of volcanic conglomerate and vesicular lava, containing
angular fragments embedded. The bottom was covered with living coral,
of every variety, and of different colors; but there was nothing like
a regular coral shelf, and the beach was composed of bits of coral
intermixed with dead shells, both entire and comminuted. The center
of the island was covered with mangrove-bushes; the hills were cones,
but had no craters on them. The mangroves had grown in clusters,
giving the appearance of a number of small islets. This, with the
neighboring islands, were thought to be composed in a great part of
coral, but it was impossible for our gentlemen to determine the fact.

The day was exceedingly hot, and the island was suffering to such
a degree from drought that the leaves in many cases were curled and
appeared dry. On the face of the rocky cliff they saw many swallows
(hirundo esculenta) flying in and out of the caverns facing the sea;
but they were not fortunate enough to find any of the edible nests,
so much esteemed by Chinese epicures.

At another part of the island they heard the crowing of a cock,
and discovered a small village, almost hidden by the mangroves, and
built over the water. In the neighborhood were several fish-baskets
set out to dry, as well as a quantity of fencing for weirs, all made
of rattan. Their shape was somewhat peculiar. After a little while the
native fishermen were seen approaching, who evidently had a knowledge
of their visit from the first. They came near with great caution
in their canoes; but after the first had spoken and reconnoitered,
several others landed, exhibiting no signs of embarrassment, and soon
motioned our party off. To indicate that force would be resorted to,
in case of refusal, at the same time they pointed to their arms, and
drew their krises. Our gentlemen took this all in good part, and, after
dispensing a few trifling presents among them, began their retreat
with a convenient speed, without, however, compromising their dignity.

The excursion had been profitable in the way of collections, having
yielded a number of specimens of shrubs and trees, both in flower
and fruit; but owing to the drought, the herbaceous plants were, for
the most part, dried up. Among the latter, however, they saw a large
and fine terrestrial species of Epidendrum, whose stem grew to the
height of several feet, and when surmounted by its flowers reached
twelve or fifteen feet high. Many of the salt-marsh plants seen in
the Fijis, were also observed here. Besides the plants, some shells
and a beautiful cream-colored pigeon were obtained.

During the day we were busily engaged in the survey of the harbor,
and in making astronomical and magnetical observations on the beach,
while some of the officers were employed purchasing curiosities,
on shore, at the town, and alongside the ship. These consisted of
krises, spears, shields, and shells; and the Sulus were not slow in
comprehending the kind of articles we were in search of.

Few if any of the Sulus can write or read, though many talk
Spanish. Their accounts are all kept by the slaves. Those who can read
and write are, in consequence, highly prized. All the accounts of the
Datu of Soung are kept in Dutch, by a young Malay from Tarnate, who
writes a good hand, and speaks English, and whom we found exceedingly
useful to us. He is the slave of the Datu, who employs him for this
purpose only. He told us he was captured in a brig by the pirates of
Basilan, and sold here as a slave, where he is likely to remain for
life, although he says the Datu has promised to give him his freedom
after ten years.

Horses, cows, and buffaloes are the beasts of burden, and a Sulu
may usually be seen riding either one or the other, armed cap-a-pie,
with kris, spear, and target, or shield.

They use saddles cut out of solid wood, and many ride with their
stirrups so short that they bring the knees very high, and the
riders look more like well-grown monkeys than mounted men. The cows
and buffaloes are guided by a piece of thong, through the cartilage
of the nose. By law, no swine are allowed to be kept on the island,
and if they are bought, they are immediately killed. The Chinese are
obliged to raise and kill their pigs very secretly, when they desire
that species of food; for, notwithstanding the law and the prejudices
of the inhabitants, the former continue to keep swine.

[Natives.] The inhabitants of Sulu are a tall, thin, and
effeminate-looking race: I do not recollect to have seen one corpulent
person among them. Their faces are peculiar for length, particularly
in the lower jaw and chin, with high cheek-bones, sunken, lack-lustre
eyes, and narrow foreheads. Their heads are thinly covered with hair,
which appears to be kept closely cropped. I was told that they pluck
out their beards, and dye their teeth black with antimony, and some
file them.

Their eyebrows appear to be shaven, forming a very regular and high
arch, which they esteem a great beauty.

The dress of the common people is very like that of the Chinese,
with loose and full sleeves, without buttons. The materials of which
it is made are grass-cloths, silks, satins, or white cotton, from
China. I should judge from the appearance of their persons, that they
ought to be termed, so far as ablutions go, a cleanly people. There
is no outward respect or obeisance shown by the slave to his master,
nor is the presence of the Datu, or even of the Sultan himself, held
in any awe. All appear upon an equality, and there does not seem to
be any controlling power; yet it may be at once perceived that they
are suspicious and jealous of strangers.

The Sulus, although they are ready to do any thing for the sake of
plunder, even to the taking of life, yet are not disposed to hoard
their ill-gotten wealth, and, with all their faults, cannot be termed
avaricious.

They have but few qualities to redeem their treachery, cruelty,
and revengeful dispositions; and one of the principal causes of
their being so predominant, or even of their existence, is their
inordinate lust for power. When they possess this, it is accompanied
by a haughty, consequential, and ostentatious bravery. No greater
affront can be offered to a Sulu, than to underrate his dignity and
official consequence. Such an insult is seldom forgiven, and never
forgotten. From one who has made numerous voyages to these islands, I
have obtained many of the above facts, and my own observation assures
me that this view of their character is a correct one. I would,
however, add another trait, which is common among them, and that is
cowardice, which is obvious, in spite of their boasted prowess and
daring. This trait of character is universally ascribed to them among
the Spaniards in the Philippines, who ought to be well acquainted
with them.

The dress of the women is not unlike that of the men in
appearance. They wear close jackets of various colors when they go
abroad, and the same loose breeches as the men, but over them they
usually have a large wrapper (sarong), not unlike the pareu of the
Polynesian islanders, which is put round them like a petticoat, or
thrown over the shoulders. Their hair is drawn to the back of the head,
and around the forehead it is shaven in the form of a regular arch,
to correspond with the eyebrows. Those that I saw at the Sultan's
were like the Malays, and had light complexions, with very black
teeth. The Datu thought them very handsome, and on our return he
asked me if I had seen the Sultan's beauties. The females of Sulu
have the reputation of ruling their lords, and possess much weight
in the government by the influence they exert over their husbands.

[Superiority of women.] It may be owing to this that there is little
jealousy of their wives, who are said to hold their virtues in no
very great estimation. In their houses they are but scantily clothed,
though women of rank have always a large number of rings on their
fingers, some of which are of great value, as well as earrings of
fine gold. They wear no stockings, but have on Chinese slippers, or
Spanish shoes. They are as capable of governing as their husbands,
and in many cases more so, as they associate with the slaves, from
whom they obtain some knowledge of Christendom, and of the habits
and customs of other nations, which they study to imitate in every way.

The mode in which the Sulus employ their time may be exemplified by
giving that of the Datu; for all, whether free or slave, endeavor to
imitate the higher rank as far as is in their power. The datus seldom
rise before eleven o'clock, unless they have some particular business;
and the Datu Mulu complained of being sleepy in consequence of the
early hour at which we had disturbed him.

On rising, they have chocolate served in gilt glassware, with some
light biscuit, and sweetmeats imported from China or Manila, of
which they informed me they laid in large supplies. They then lounge
about their houses, transacting a little business, and playing at
various games, or, in the trading season, go to the meeting of the
Ruma Bechara.

At sunset they take their principal meal, consisting of stews of fish,
poultry, beef, eggs, and rice, prepared somewhat after the Chinese
and Spanish modes, mixed up with that of the Malay. Although Moslems,
they do not forego the use of wine, and some are said to indulge in
it to a great extent. After sunset, when the air has become somewhat
cooled by the refreshing breezes, they sally forth attended by their
retainers to take a walk, or proceed to the bazaars to purchase goods,
or to sell or to barter away their articles of produce. They then pay
visits to their friends, when they are in the habit of having frequent
convivial parties, talking over their bargains, smoking cigars,
drinking wine and liquors, tea, coffee, and chocolate, and indulging
in their favorite pipe of opium. At times they are entertained with
music, both vocal and instrumental, by their dependants. Of this art
they appear to be very fond, and there are many musical instruments
among them. A datu, indeed, would be looked upon as uneducated if he
could not play on some instrument.

It is considered polite that when refreshments are handed they should
be partaken of. Those offered us by the Datu were such as are usual,
but every thing was stale. Of fruit they are said to be very fond,
and can afford to indulge themselves in any kinds. With all these
articles to cloy the appetite, only one set meal a day is taken;
though the poorer classes, fishermen and laborers, partake of two.

[Government.] The government of the Sulu Archipelago is a kind of
oligarchy, and the supreme authority is vested in the Sultan and the
Ruma Bechara or trading council. This consists of about twenty chiefs,
either datus, or their next in rank, called orangs, who are governors
of towns or detached provinces. The influence of the individual
chiefs depends chiefly upon the number of their retainers or slaves,
and the force they can bring into their service when they require
it. These are purchased from the pirates, who bring them to Sulu and
its dependencies for sale. The slaves are employed in a variety of
ways, as in trading prahus, in the pearl and bêche de met fisheries,
and in the search after the edible birds' nests.

A few are engaged in agriculture, and those who are at all educated
are employed as clerks. These slaves are not denied the right of
holding property, which they enjoy during their lives, but at their
death it reverts to the master. Some of them are quite rich, and
what may appear strange, the slaves of Sulu are invariably better
off than the untitled freemen, who are at all times the prey of the
hereditary datus, even of those who hold no official stations. By
all accounts these constitute a large proportion of the population,
and it being treason for any low-born freeman to injure or maltreat
a datu, the latter, who are of a haughty, overbearing, and tyrannical
disposition, seldom keep themselves within bounds in their treatment
of their inferiors. The consequence is, the lower class of freemen
are obliged to put themselves under the protection of some particular
datu, which guards them from the encroachment of others. The chief
to whom they thus attach themselves, is induced to treat them well,
in order to retain their services, and attach them to his person,
that he may, in case of need, be enabled to defend himself from
depredations, and the violence of his neighbors.

Such is the absence of legal restraint, that all find it necessary
to go abroad armed, and accompanied by a trusty set of followers,
who are also armed. This is the case both by day and night, and,
according to the Datu's account, frequent affrays take place in the
open streets, which not unfrequently end in bloodshed.

Caution is never laid aside, the only law that exists being that of
force; but the weak contrive to balance the power of the strong by
uniting. They have not only contentions and strife among themselves,
but it was stated at Manila that the mountaineers of Sulu, who are
said to be Christians, occasionally make inroads upon them. At Sulu,
however, it did not appear that they were under much apprehension of
these attacks. The only fear I heard expressed was by the Sultan,
in my interview with him; and the cause of this, as I have already
stated, was probably a desire to find an excuse for not affording us
facilities to go into the interior. Within twenty years, however,
the reigning sultan has been obliged to retire within his forts,
in the town of Sulu, which I have before adverted to.

These people are hostile to the Sulus of the coast and towns, who
take every opportunity to rob them of their cattle and property,
for which the mountaineers seek retaliation when they have an
opportunity. From the manner in which the Datu spoke of them,
they are not much regarded. Through another source I learned that
the mountaineers were Papuans, and the original inhabitants of the
islands, who pay tribute to the Sultan, and have acknowledged his
authority, ever since they were converted to Islamism. Before that
time they were considered extremely ferocious, and whenever it was
practicable they were destroyed. Others speak of an original race
of Dyacks in the interior, but there is one circumstance to satisfy
me that there is no confidence to be placed in this account, namely,
that the island is not of sufficient extent to accommodate so numerous
a population as some ascribe to it.

The forts consist of a double row of piles, filled in with coral
blocks. That situated on the east side of the small stream may be
said to mount a few guns, but these are altogether inefficient; and
in another, on the west side, which is rather a rude embankment than
a fort, there are some twelve or fifteen pieces of large calibre;
but I doubt very much if they had been fired off for years, and many
of the houses built upon the water would require to be pulled down
before these guns could be brought to bear upon any thing on the side
of the bay, supposing them to be in a good condition; a little farther
to the east of the town, I was informed they had a kind of stockade,
but none of us were permitted to see it.

[Population.] According to our estimates, and the information we
received while at Sulu, the island itself does not contain more than
thirty thousand inhabitants, of which the town of Soung may have six
or seven thousand. The whole group may number about one hundred and
thirty thousand. I am aware, however, that it is difficult to estimate
the population of a half-civilized people, who invariably exaggerate
their own strength; and visitors are likewise prone to do the same
thing. The Chinese comprise about an eighth of the population of the
town, and are generally of the lower class. They are constantly busy
at their trades, and intent upon making money.

At Soung, business seems active, and all, slaves as well as masters,
seem to engage in it. The absence of a strong government leaves all at
liberty to act for themselves, and the Ruma Bechara gives unlimited
freedom to trade. These circumstances promote the industry of the
community, and even that of the slave, for he too, as before observed,
has a life interest in what he earns.

Soung being the residence of the Sultan, as well as the grand depot
for all piratical goods, is probably more of a mart than any of the
surrounding towns. In the months of March and April it is visited by
several Chinese junks, who remain trading until the beginning of the
month of August. If delayed after that time, they can scarcely return
in safety, being unable to contend with the boisterous weather and
head winds that then prevail in the Chinese seas. These junks are said
to come chiefly from Amoy, where the cottons, etc., best suited for
the Sulus are made. Their cargoes consist of a variety of articles of
Chinese manufacture and produce, such as silk, satin goods, cottons,
red and checked, grass-cloth clothing, handkerchiefs, cutlery, guns,
ammunition, opium, lumber, china and glass-ware, rice, sugar, oil,
lard, and butter. In return for this merchandise they obtain camphor,
birds' nests, rattans, bêche de mer, pearls, and pearl-shells, coco,
tortoise-shell, and wax; but there is no great quantity of these
articles to be obtained, perhaps not more than two or three cargoes
during the season. The trade requires great knowledge of the articles
purchased, for the Chinese and Sulus are both such adepts in fraud,
that great caution and circumspection are necessary.

[Customs dues.] The duties on importation are not fixed, but are
changed and altered from time to time by the Ruma Bechara. The
following was stated to me as the necessary payments before trade
could be carried on:


A large ship, with Chinese on board, pays       $2,000
A large ship, without Chinese on board, pays     1,800
Small ships                                      1,500
Large brig                                       1,000
Small brig                                         500
Schooners                                       from 150 to 400


This supposes them all to have full cargoes. That a difference should
be made in a vessel with or without Chinamen, seems singular; but this,
I was told, arose from the circumstance that English vessels take them
on board, in order to detect and prevent the impositions of the Sulus.

Vessels intending to trade at Soung should arrive before the Chinese
junks, and remain as long as they stay, or even a few days later. In
trading with the natives, all operations ought to be carried on for
cash, or if by barter, no delivery should be made until the articles
to be taken in exchange are received. In short, it is necessary to
deal with them as though they were undoubted rogues, and this pleases
them much more than to appear unsuspicious. Vessels that trade engage
a bazaar, which they hire of the Ruma Bechara, and it is advisable to
secure the good-will of the leading datus in that council by presents,
and paying them more for their goods than others.

There are various other precautions necessary in dealing with
this people; for they will, if possible, so act as to give rise to
disputes, in which case an appeal is made to their fellows, who are
sure to decide against the strangers. Those who have been engaged
in this trade, advise that the prices of the goods should be fixed
upon before the Sultan, and the scales of the Datu of Soung employed;
for although these are quite faulty, the error is compensated by the
articles received being, weighed in the same. This also secures the
Datu's good-will, by the fee (some fifty dollars) which he receives
for the use of them. Thus it will be perceived that those who desire
to trade with Sulu, must make up their minds to encounter many
impositions, and to be continually watchful of their own interests.

Every possible precaution ought to be taken; and it will be found,
the treatment will depend upon, or be according to the force or
resolution that is displayed. In justice to this people it must be
stated, there have been times when traders received every kindness and
attention at the island of Sulu, and I heard it even said, that many
vessels had gone there to refit; but during the last thirty or forty
years, the reigning sultans and their subjects have become hostile
to Europeans, of whom they plunder and destroy as many as they can,
and this they have hitherto been allowed to do with impunity.

Although I have described the trade with Sulu as limited, yet
it is capable of greater extension; and had it not been for the
piratical habits of the people, the evil report of which has been
so widely spread, Sulu would now have been one of the principal
marts of the East. The most fertile parts of Borneo are subject to
its authority. There all the richest productions of these Eastern
seas grow in immense quantities, but are now left ungarnered in
consequence of there being no buyers. The cost of their cultivation
would be exceedingly low, and I am disposed to believe that these
articles could be produced here at a lower cost than anywhere else.

Besides the trade with China, there is a very considerable one with
Manila in small articles, and I found one of our countrymen engaged
in this traffic, under the Spanish flag. To him I am indebted for
much information that his opportunities of observation had given him.

The materials for the history of Sulu are meagre, and great doubt
seems to exist in some periods of it. That which I have been able to
gather is as follows:

[History.] The island of Sulu is generally believed to have been
originally inhabited by Papuans, some of whom, as I have already
stated, are still supposed to inhabit the mountainous part. The first
intercourse had with them was by the Chinese, who went there in search
of pearls. The Orang Dampuwans were the first of the Malays to form
settlements on the islands; but after building towns, and making other
improvements, they abandoned the islands, in consequence, it is said,
of the inhabitants being a perfidious race, having previously to
their departure destroyed as many of the natives as they could.

The fame of the submarine riches of this archipelago reached Banjar
or Borneo, the people of which were induced to resort there, and
finding it to equal their expectation, they sent a large colony,
and made endeavors to win over the inhabitants, and obtain thereby
the possession of their rich isle. In order to confirm the alliance,
a female of Banjarmassing, of great beauty, was sent, and married to
the principal chief; and from this alliance the sovereigns of Sulu
claim their descent. The treaty of marriage made Sulu tributary to
the Banjarmassing empire.

After the Banjars had thus obtained possession of the archipelago,
the trade in its products attracted settlers from the surrounding
islands, who soon contrived to displace the aborigines, and drive
them to the inaccessible mountains for protection.

When the Chinese took possession of the northern parts of Borneo,
under the Emperor Songtiping, about the year 1375, the daughter of that
prince was married to a celebrated Arabian chief named Sheriff Alli,
who visited the shores of Borneo in quest of commerce. The descendants
of this marriage extended their conquests not only over the Sulu
Archipelago, but over the whole of the Philippines, and rendered
the former tributary to Borneo. In three reigns after this event,
the sultan of Borneo proper married the daughter of a Sulu chief, and
from this union came Mirhome Bongsu, who succeeding to the throne while
yet a minor, his uncle acted as regent. Sulu now wished to throw off
the yoke of Borneo, and through the intrigues of the regent succeeded
in doing so, as well as in retaining possession of the eastern side
of Borneo, from Maludu Bay on the north, to Tulusyan on the south,
which has ever since been a part of the Sulu territory.

This event took place before Islamism became the prevailing religion;
but which form of idolatry, the Sulus pretend, is not now known. It
is, however, believed the people on the coasts were Buddhists, while
those of the interior were Pagans.

The first sultan of Sulu was Kamaludin, and during his reign one Sayed
Alli, a merchant, arrived at Sulu from Mecca. He was a sherif, and soon
converted one-half of the islanders to his own faith. He was elected
sultan on the death of Kamaludin, and reigned seven years, in the
course of which he became celebrated throughout the archipelago. Dying
at Sulu, a tomb was erected to him there, and the island came to be
looked upon by the faithful as the Mecca of the East, and continued
to be resorted to as a pilgrimage until the arrival of the Spaniards.

[Tawi Tawi.] Sayed Alli left a son called Batua, who succeeded him. The
latter had two sons, named Sabudin and Nasarudin, who, on the death
of their father, made war upon each other. Nasarudin, the youngest,
being defeated, sought refuge on Tawi Tawi, where he established
himself, and built a fort for his protection. The difficulties
were finally compromised, and they agreed to reign together over
Sulu. Nasarudin had two sons, called Amir and Bantilan, of whom the
former was named as successor to the two brothers, and on their deaths
ascended the throne. During his reign another sherif arrived from
Mecca, who succeeded in converting the remainder of the population to
Islamism. Bantilan and his brother Amir finally quarrelled, and the
latter was driven from Sulu to seek refuge in the island of Basilan,
where he became sultan.

On the arrival of the Spaniards in 1566, a kind of desultory war was
waged by them upon the various islands, in the hope of conquering
them and extending their religion. In these wars they succeeded in
gaining temporary possession of a part of Sulu, and destroyed the
tomb of Sayed Alli. The Spaniards always looked upon the conversion
of the Moslems to the true Catholic faith with great interest; but in
the year 1646, the sultan of Magindanao succeeded in making peace,
by the terms of which the Spaniards withdrew from Sulu, and were to
receive from the sultan three cargoes of rice annually as a tribute.

In 1608, the small-pox made fearful ravages, and most of the
inhabitants fled from the scourge. Among these was the heir apparent,
during whose absence the throne became vacant, and another was elected
in his stead. This produced contention for a short time, which ended
in the elected maintaining his place.

This tribute continued to be paid until the flight of Amir to Basilan,
about the year 1752, where he entered into a secret correspondence
with the authorities at Zamboanga, and after two years a vessel was
sent from Manila, which carried him to that capital, where he was
treated as a prisoner of state.

[The English treaty.] In June, 1759, an English ship, on board of
which was Dalrymple, then in the service of the East India Company,
arrived at Sulu on a trading voyage. Dalrymple remained at Sulu
for three months, engaged in making sales and purchases. The Sultan
Bantilan treated him with great kindness, and sought the interest of
Dalrymple to obtain the liberation of his brother, who was now held
prisoner by the Spaniards at Manila, by telling him of the distress
of his brother's wife, who had been left behind when Amir quitted the
island, and had been delivered of twins, after he had been kidnapped
by the Spaniards. Dalrymple entered into a pledge to restore Amir,
and at the same time effected a commercial treaty between the East
India Company and the Sulu chiefs. By this it was stipulated that
an annual cargo should be sent to Sulu, and sold at one hundred per
cent. profit, for which a return cargo should be provided for the China
market, which should realize an equal profit there, after deducting all
expenses. The overplus, if any, was to be carried to the credit of the
Sulus. This appears to have been the first attempt made by the English
to secure a regular commercial intercourse with this archipelago.

In the year 1760, a large fleet of Spanish vessels sailed from Manila,
with about two thousand men, having the Sultan Amir on board, to
carry on a war against Sulu.

On their arrival, they began active operations. They were repelled
on all sides, and after seven days' ineffectual attempts, they gave
up their design. They returned to Manila, it is said, with a loss of
half their number, and without having done any injury to the Sulus. Not
discouraged with this failure, the Spaniards, about two years after,
organized a still larger force, which is estimated by some accounts as
high as ten thousand men. Although this failed in its attempts on the
fort at Soung, the Spaniards obtained possession of Tanjong Matonda,
one of the small ports on the island, where they erected a church and
fort. Here they established a colony, and appointed a governor. The
inhabitants upon this deserted their habitations in the neighborhood,
and fled to the mountains, which, it is said, excited the mountaineers,
a host of whom, with their chief, whose name was Sri Kala, determined
to rush upon the Spaniards, and annihilate them. Having to contend
against disciplined troops, it was not an easy task to succeed. But
Sri Kala had a follower, named Sigalo, who offered to lead the host
to battle against the Spaniards, and to exterminate them, or die in
the attempt. The chief accepted his offer, and Sigalo, with a chosen
few, marched towards the fort, leaving the rest of the mountaineers
in readiness to join them at an appointed signal, and rush into the
fort en masse.

[Victory over Spaniards.] Sri Kala and Sigalo, in order to lull
the watchfulness of the Spaniards, took with them a young woman, of
exquisite beauty, named Purmassuri. The lustful Spaniards were thus
thrown off their guard, the signal was given, and the host, rushing
forward, entered the fort, every Spaniard within which was slain. A
few only, who were on the outside, escaped to the vessels, which set
sail, and after encountering various mishaps, returned to Manila.

Some time after this the Sultan Bantilan died, and his son Alim-ud-deen
was proclaimed sultan. Dalrymple did not return until 1762, with a
part of the appointed cargo; but the vessel in which the larger part
had been shipped, failed to arrive, from not being able to find Sulu,
and went to China. Thence she proceeded to Manila, and afterwards
to Sulu. The captain of the latter vessel gave a new credit to the
Sulus, before they had paid for their first cargo; and on the arrival
of Dalrymple the next time, he found that the small-pox had carried
off a large number of the inhabitants, from which circumstance all
his hopes of profit were frustrated. He then obtained for the use of
the East India Company, a grant of the island of Balambangan, which
lies off the north end of Borneo, forming one side of the Straits of
Balabac, the western entrance to the Sulu Sea. Here he proposed to
establish a trading post, and after having visited Madras, he took
possession of this island in 1763.

In October, 1762, the English took Manila, where the Sultan Amir
was found by Dalrymple, who engaged to reinstate him on his throne,
if he would cede to the English the north end of Borneo, as well
as the south end of Palawan. This he readily promised, and he was,
in consequence, carried back to Sulu and reinstated; his nephew,
Alim-ud-deen, readily giving place to him, and confirming the grant
to the East India Company, in which the Ruma Bechara joined.

After various arrangements, the East India Company took possession of
Balambangan, in the year 1773, and formed a settlement there with a
view of making it an emporium of trade for Eastern commodities. Troops
and stores were sent from India, and the population began to increase
by settlers, both Chinese and Malays, who arrived in numbers. In the
year 1775, the fort, notwithstanding all the treaties and engagements
between Dalrymple and the Sultan, was surprised by the Sulus, and many
of the garrison put to death. [Victory over English.] This virtually
put an end to the plans of the English, although another attempt was
made to re-establish the settlement by Colonel Farquhar, in 1803;
but it was thought to be too expensive a post, and was accordingly
abandoned in the next year. This act of the Sulus fairly established
their character for perfidy, and ever since that transaction they
have been looked upon as treacherous in the highest degree, and,
what is singular, have been allowed to carry on their piracies quite
unmolested. The taking of Balambangan has been generally imputed to the
treacherous disposition and innate love of plunder among the Sulus,
as well as to their fear that it would destroy the trade of Sulu by
injuring all that of the archipelago. But there are strong reasons
for believing that this dark deed owed its origin in part to the
influence of the Spaniards and Dutch, who looked with much distrust
upon the growth of the rival establishment. Such was the jealousy
of the Spaniards, that the governor of the Philippines peremptorily
required that Balambangan should be evacuated. The Sulus boast of the
deed, and admit that they received assistance from both Zamboanga and
Ternate, the two nearest Spanish and Dutch ports. These nations had
great reasons to fear the establishment of a power like that of the
East India Company, in a spot so favorably situated to secure the
trade of the surrounding islands, possessing fine harbors, and in
every way adapted to become a great commercial depot. Had it been
held by the East India Company but for a few years, it must have
become what Singapore is now.

The original planner of this settlement is said to have been Lord
Pigot; but the merit of carrying it forward was undoubtedly due to
Dalrymple, whose enterprising mind saw the advantage of the situation,
and whose energy was capable of carrying the project successfully
forward.

Since the capture of Balambangan, there has been no event in the
history of Sulu that has made any of the reigns of the Sultans
memorable, although fifteen have since ascended the throne.

Sulu has from all the accounts very much changed in its character
as well as population since the arrival of the Spaniards, and the
establishment of their authority in the Philippines. Before that
event, some accounts state that the trade with the Chinese was
of great extent, and that from four to five hundred junks arrived
annually from Cambojia, with which Sulu principally traded. At that
time the population is said to have equalled in density that of the
thickly-settled parts of China.

The government has also undergone a change; for the Sultan, who
among other Malay races is usually despotic, is here a mere cipher,
and the government has become an oligarchy. This change has probably
been brought about by the increase of the privileged class of Datus,
all of whom were entitled to a seat in the Ruma Bechara until about
the year 1810, when the great inconvenience of so large a council
was felt, and it became impossible to control it without great
difficulty and trouble on the part of the Sultan. The Ruma Bechara
was then reduced until it contained but six of the principal Datus,
who assumed the power of controlling the state. The Ruma Bechara,
however, in consequence of the complaints of many powerful Datus,
was enlarged; but the more powerful, and those who have the largest
numerical force of slaves, still rule over its deliberations. The whole
power, within the last thirty years, has been usurped by one or two
Datus, who now have monopolized the little foreign trade that comes
to these islands. The Sultan has the right to appoint his successor,
and generally names him while living. In default of this, the choice
devolves upon the Ruma Bechara, who elect by a majority.

[Piracies] From a more frequent intercourse with Europeans and the
discovery of new routes through these seas, the opportunities of
committing depredations have become less frequent, and the fear of
detection greater. By this latter motive they are more swayed than
by any thing else, and if the Sulus have ever been bold and daring
robbers on the high seas, they have very much changed.

Many statements have been made and published relative to the piracies
committed in these seas, which in some cases exceed, and in others
fall short, of the reality. Most of the piratical establishments are
under the rule, or sail under the auspices of the Sultan and Ruma
Bechara of Sulu, who are more or less intimately connected with
them. The share of the booty that belongs to the Sultan and Ruma
Bechara is twenty-five per cent. on all captures, whilst the Datus
receive a high price for the advance they make of guns and powder,
and for the services of their slaves.

The following are the piratical establishments of Sulu, obtained
from the most authentic sources, published as well as verbal. The
first among these is the port of Soung, at which we anchored, in
the island of Sulu; not so much from the number of men available
here for this pursuit, as the facility of disposing of the goods. By
the Spaniards they are denominated Illanun or Lanuns pirates. [273]
There are other rendezvous on Pulo Toolyan, at Bohol, Tonho, Pilas,
Tawi Tawi, Sumlout, Pantutaran, Parodasan, Palawan, and Basilan,
and Tantoli on Celebes. These are the most noted, but there are many
minor places, where half a dozen prahus are fitted out. Those of Sulu,
and those who go under the name of the Lanuns, have prahus of larger
size, and better fitted. They are from twenty to thirty tons burden,
and are propelled by both sails and oars. They draw but little water,
are fast sailers, and well adapted for navigating through these
dangerous seas. These pirates are supposed to possess in the whole
about two hundred prahus, which usually are manned with from forty to
fifty pirates; the number therefore engaged in this business, may be
estimated at ten thousand. They are armed with muskets, blunderbusses,
krises, hatchets, and spears, and at times the vessels have one or two
large guns mounted. They infest the Macassar Strait, the Celebes Sea,
and the Sulu Sea. Soung is the only place where they can dispose of
their plunder to advantage, and obtain the necessary outfits. It may
be called the principal resort of these pirates, where well-directed
measures would result in effectually suppressing the crime.

Besides the pirates of Sulu, the commerce of the eastern islands is
vexed with other piratical establishments. In the neighboring seas,
there are the Malay pirates, who have of late years become exceedingly
troublesome. Their prahus are of much smaller size than those of Sulu,
being from ten to twelve tons burden, but in proportion they are much
better manned, and thus are enabled to ply with more efficiency their
oars or paddles. These prahus frequent the shores of Malacca Straits,
Cape Roumania, the Carimon Isles, and the neighboring straits, and
at times they visit the Rhio Straits. Some of the most noted, I was
informed, were fitted out from Johore, in the very neighborhood of
the English authorities at Singapore; they generally have their haunts
on the small islands on the coast, from which they make short cruises.

They are noted for their arrangements for preventing themselves
from receiving injury, in the desperate defences that are sometimes
made against them. These small prahus have usually swivels mounted,
which, although not of great calibre, are capable of throwing a shot
beyond the range of small-arms. It is said that they seldom attempt
an attack unless the sea is calm, which enables them to approach their
victims with more assurance of success, on account of the facility with
which they are enabled to manage their boats. The frequent calms which
occur in these seas between the land and sea breezes, afford them many
opportunities of putting their villanous plans in operation; and the
many inlets and islets, with which they are well acquainted, afford
places of refuge and ambush, and for concealing their booty. They
are generally found in small flotillas of from six to twenty prahus,
and when they have succeeded in disabling a vessel at long shot, the
sound of the gong is the signal for boarding, which, if successful,
results in a massacre more or less bloody, according to the obstinacy
of the resistance they have met with.

In the winter months, the Malacca Straits are most infested with them;
and during the summer, the neighborhood of Singapore, Point Rumania,
and the channels in the vicinity. In the spring, from February to
May, they are engaged in procuring their supplies, in fishing, and
refitting their prahus for the coming year.

[Suppression of pirates.] I have frequently heard plans proposed
for the suppression of these pirates, particularly of those in the
neighborhood of the settlements under British rule. The European
authorities are much to blame for the quiescent manner in which they
have so long borne these depredations, and many complaints are made
that Englishmen, on being transplanted to India, lose that feeling of
horror for deeds of blood, such as are constantly occurring at their
very doors, which they would experience in England. There are, however,
many difficulties to overcome before operations against the pirates
can be effective. The greatest of these is the desire of the English
to secure the good-will of the chiefs of the tribes by whom they are
surrounded. They thus wink at their piracies on the vessels of other
nations, or take no steps to alleviate the evils of slavery. Indeed
the language that one hears from many intelligent men who have
long resided in that part of the world is, that in no country where
civilization exists does slavery exhibit so debasing a form as in her
Indian possessions. Another difficulty consists in the want of minute
knowledge of the coasts, inlets, and hiding-places of the pirates, and
this must continue to exist until proper surveys are made. This done,
it would be necessary to employ vessels that could pursue the pirates
everywhere, for which purpose steamers naturally suggest themselves.

What will appear most extraordinary is, that the very princes who
are enjoying the stipend for the purchase of the site whereon the
English authority is established, are believed to be the most active
in equipping the prahus for these piratical expeditions; yet no notice
is taken of them, although it would be so easy to control them by
withholding payment until they had cleared themselves from suspicion,
or by establishing residents in their chief towns.

[The Bajows.] Another, and a very different race of natives who
frequent the Sulu Archipelago, must not be passed by without
notice. These are the Bajow divers or fishermen, to whom Sulu is
indebted for procuring the submarine treasures with which her seas
are stored. They are also very frequently employed in the bêche de
mer or trepang fisheries among the islands to the south. The Bajows
generally look upon Macassar as their principal place of resort. They
were at one time believed to be derived from Johore, on the Malayan
peninsula; at another, to be Buguese; but they speak the Sulu dialect,
and are certainly derived from some of the neighboring islands. The
name of Bajows, in their tongue, means fishermen. From all accounts,
they are allowed to pursue their avocations in peace, and are not
unfrequently employed by the piratical datus, and made to labor for
them. They resort to their fishing-grounds in fleets of between one
and two hundred sail, having their wives and children with them,
and in consequence of the tyranny of the Sulus, endeavor to place
themselves under the protection of the flag of Holland, by which
nation this useful class of people is encouraged. The Sulu Seas are
comparatively little frequented by them, as they are unable to dispose
of the produce of their fisheries for want of a market, and fear the
exactions of the Datus. Their prahus are about five tons each. The
Bajows at some islands are stationary, but are for the most part
constantly changing their ground. The Spanish authorities in the
Philippines encourage them, it is said, to frequent their islands,
as without them they would derive little benefit from the banks in
the neighboring seas, where quantities of pearl-oysters are known
to exist, which produce pearls of the finest kind. The Bajows are
inoffensive and very industrious, and in faith Mahomedans.

The climate of Sulu during our short stay, though warm, was
agreeable. The time of our visit was in the dry season, which lasts
from October till April, and alternates with the wet one, from May
till September. June and July are the windy months, when strong
breezes blow from the westward. In the latter part of August and
September, strong gales are felt from the south, while in December
and January the winds are found to come from the northward; but light
winds usually prevail from the southwest during the wet season, and
from the opposite quarter, the dry, following closely the order of the
monsoons in the China seas. As to the temperature, the climate is very
equable, the thermometer seldom rising above 90° or falling below 70°.

Diseases are few, and those that prevail arise from the manner in
which the natives live. They are from that cause an unhealthy-looking
race. The small-pox has at various times raged with great violence
throughout the group, and they speak of it with great dread. Few of
the natives appeared to be marked with it, which may have been owing,
perhaps, to their escaping this disorder for some years. Vaccination
has not yet been introduced among them, nor have they practiced
inoculation.

Notwithstanding Soung was once the Mecca of the East, its people
have but little zeal for the Mahomedan faith. It was thought at once
time that they had almost forgotten its tenets, in consequence of
the neglect of all their religious abservances. The precepts which
they seem to regard most are that of abstaining from swine's flesh,
and that of being circumcised. Although polygamy is not interdicted,
few even of the datus have more than one wife.

Soung Road offers good anchorage; and supplies of all kinds may be
had in abundance. Beef is cheap, and vegetables and fruits at all
seasons plenty.

Our observations placed the town in latitude 6° 01' N., longitude 120°
55' 51'' E.

Having concluded the treaty and other business that had taken me to
Sulu, we took our departure for the Straits of Balabac, the western
entrance into this sea, with a fine breeze to the eastward. By
noon we had reached the group of Pangootaaraang, consisting of five
small islands. All of these are low, covered with trees, and without
lagoons. They presented a great contrast to Sulu, which was seen behind
us in the distance. The absence of the swell of the ocean in sailing
through this sea is striking, and gives the idea of navigating an
extensive bay, on whose luxuriant islands no surf breaks. There are,
however, sources of danger that incite the navigator to watchfulness
and constant anxiety; the hidden shoals and reefs, and the sweep of
the tide, which leave him no control over his vessel.

[Cagayan Sulu.] Through the night, which was exceedingly dark, we
sounded every twenty minutes, but found no bottom; and at daylight
on the 7th, we made the islands of Cagayan Sulu, in latitude 7° 03'
30'' N., longitude 118° 37' E. The tide or current was passing the
islands to the west-southwest, three quarters of a mile per hour;
we had soundings of seventy-five fathoms. Cagayan Sulu has a pleasant
appearance from the sea, and may be termed a high island. It is less
covered with undergrowth and mangrove-bushes than the neighboring
islands, and the reefs are comparatively small. It has fallen off in
importance; and by comparing former accounts with those I received,
and from its present aspect, it would seem that it has decreased
both in population and products. Its caves formerly supplied a large
quantity of edible birds' nests; large numbers of cattle were to be
found upon it; and its cultivation was carried on to some extent. These
articles of commerce are not so much attended to at the present time,
and the bêche de mer and tortoise-shell, formerly brought hither,
are now carried to other places. There is a small anchorage on the
west side, but we did not visit it. There are no dangers near these
small islands that may not be guarded against. Our survey extended
only to their size and situation, as I deemed it my duty to devote
all the remainder of the time I had to spare to the Balabac Straits.

[Balabac straits.] After the night set in, we continued sounding
every ten minutes, and occasionally got bottom in from thirty to
seventy fathoms. At midnight, the water shoaled to twenty fathoms,
when I dropped the anchor until daylight. We shortly afterwards had
a change of wind, and a heavy squall passed over us.

In the morning we had no shoal ground near us, and the bank on which
we had anchored was found to be of small size; it is probable that
we had dropped the anchor on the shoalest place. Vessels have nothing
to fear in this respect.

At 9:00 a.m. of the 8th, we made the Mangsee Islands ahead of us, and
likewise Balabac to the north, and Balambagan to the south. Several
sand-banks and extensive reefs were also seen between them. On seeing
the ground on which we had to operate, of which the published charts
give no idea whatever, I determined to proceed, and take a central
position with the ship under the Mangsee Islands; but in order not to
lose time, I hoisted out and dropped two boats, under Lieutenant Perry,
to survey the first sand-bank we came to, which lies a few miles to
the eastward of these islands, with orders to effect this duty and join
me at the anchorage, or find a shelter under the lee of the islands.

At half-past two p.m. we anchored near the reef, in thirty-six fathoms
water. I thought myself fortunate in getting bottom, as the reefs on
closing with them seemed to indicate but little appearance of it.

The rest of the day was spent in preparing the boats for our
operations. I now felt the want of the tender. Although in the absence
of this vessel, great exposure was necessary to effect this survey,
I found both officers and men cheerful and willing. The parties were
organized,--the first to proceed to the north, towards Balabac Island,
to survey the intermediate shoals and reefs, under Lieutenant Emmons
and Mr. Totten; the second to the south, under Lieutenants Perry and
Budd; and Mr. Hammersly for the survey of the shoals of Balambangan and
Banguey, and their reefs. The examination of the Mangsee Islands, and
the reefs adjacent, with the astronomical and magnetic observations,
etc., devolved on myself and those who remained on board the ship.

The weather was watched with anxiety, and turned out disagreeable,
heavy showers and strong winds prevailing; notwithstanding, the
boats were despatched, after being as well protected against it as
possible. We flattered ourselves that these extensive reefs would
produce a fine harvest of shells; but, although every exertion
was made in the search, we did not add as many to our collections
as we anticipated. Some land-shells, however, were found that we
little expected to meet with, for many of the trees were covered
with them, and on cutting them down, large quantities were easily
obtained. Mr. Peale shot several birds, among which was a Nicobar
pigeon; some interesting plants and corals were also added. On the
island a large quantity of drift-wood was found, which with that
which is growing affords ample supplies of fuel for ships. No fresh
water is to be had, except by digging, the island being but a few
feet above high-water mark.

Although the time was somewhat unfavorable, Lieutenant Emmons and
party executed their orders within the time designated, and met with no
other obstructions than the inclemency of the weather. This was not,
however, the case with Lieutenant Perry, who, near a small beach on
the island of Balambangan, encountered some Sulus, who were disposed
to attack him. The natives, no doubt, were under the impression that
the boats were from some shipwrecked vessel. They were all well armed,
and apparently prepared to take advantage of the party if possible;
but, by the prudence and forbearance of this officer, collision was
avoided, and his party saved from an attack.

[Balambangan.] The island of Balambangan was through the
instrumentality of Mr. Dalrymple, as heretofore stated, obtained
from the Sulus for a settlement and place of deposit, by the East
India Company, who took possession of it in 1773. Its situation off
the northern end of Borneo, near the fertile district of that island,
its central position, and its two fine ports, offered great advantages
for commerce, and for its becoming a great entrepot for the riches
of this archipelago. Troops, and stores of all kinds, were sent
from India; numbers of Chinese and Malays were induced to settle;
and Mr. Herbert, one of the council of Bencoolen, was appointed
governor. It had been supposed to be a healthy place, as the island
was elevated, and therefore probably free from malaria; but in 1775
the native troops from India became much reduced from sickness, and
the post consequently much weakened. This, with the absence of the
cruisers from the harbor, afforded a favorable opportunity for its
capture; and the wealth that it was supposed to contain created an
inducement that proved too great for the hordes of marauding pirates
to resist. Choosing their time, they rushed upon the sentries, put
them to death, took possession of the guns, and turned them against
the garrison, only a few of whom made their escape on board of a small
vessel. The booty in goods and valuables was said to have been very
large, amounting to nearly four hundred thousand pounds sterling.

Although Borneo offers many inducements to commercial enterprise,
the policy of the Dutch Company has shut themselves out, as well
as others, by interdicting communication. In consequence, except
through indirect channels, there has been no information obtained of
the singular and unknown inhabitants of its interior. This, however,
is not long destined to be the case.

Mr. Brooke, an English gentleman of fortune, has, since our passage
through these seas, from philanthropic motives, made an agreement
with the rajah of Sarawack, on the northern and western side of
Borneo, to cede to him the administration of that portion of the
island. This arrangement it is believed the British government will
confirm, in which event Sarawack will at once obtain an importance
among the foreign colonies, in the Eastern seas, second only to that
of Singapore.

The principal inducement that has influenced Mr. Brooke in this
undertaking is the interest he feels in the benighted people of the
interior, who are known under the name of Dyack, and of whom some
extraordinary accounts have been given.

A few of these, which I have procured from reputable sources, I will
now relate, in order that it may be seen among what kind of people
this gentleman has undertaken to introduce the arts of civilization.

[The Dyacks.] The Dyacks are, by all accounts, a fine race, and
much the most numerous of any inhabiting Borneo. They are almost
exclusively confined to the interior, where they enjoy a fine climate,
and all the spontaneous productions of the tropics. They are believed
to be the aborigines of the island. The name of Dyack seems to be
more particularly applied to those who live in the southern section
of Borneo. To the north they are called Idaan or Tirun, and those so
termed are best known to the Sulus, or the inhabitants of that part of
the coast of Borneo over which the Sulus rule. In personal appearance,
the Dyacks are slender, have higher foreheads than the Malays, and are
a finer and much better-looking people. Their hair is long, straight,
and coarse, though it is generally cropped short round the head. The
females are spoken of as being fair and handsome, and many of those
who have been made slaves are to be seen among the Malays.

In manners the Dyacks are described as simple and mild, yet they are
characterized by some of the most uncommon and revolting customs of
barbarians. Their government is very simple; the elders in each village
for the most part rule; but they are said to have chiefs that do not
differ from the Malay rajahs. They wear no clothing except the maro,
and many of them are tattooed, with a variety of figures, over their
body. They live in houses built of wood, that are generally of large
size, and frequently contain as many as one hundred persons. These
houses are usually built on piles, divided into compartments, and
have a kind of veranda in front, which serves as a communication
between the several families. The patriarch, or elder, resides in
the middle. The houses are entered by ladders, and have doors, but
no windows. The villages are protected by a sort of breastwork.

Although this people are to be found throughout all Borneo, and even
within a few miles of the coast, yet they do not occupy any part of
its shores, which are held by Malays, or Chinese settlers. There
is no country more likely to interest the world than Borneo. All
accounts speak of vast ruins of temples and palaces, throughout the
whole extent of its interior, which the ancestors of the present
inhabitants could not have constructed. The great resemblance these
bear to those of China and Cambojia has led to the belief that Borneo
was formerly peopled by those nations; but all traditions of the origin
of these edifices have been lost; and so little is now known of the
northern side of Borneo, that it would be presumption to indulge in any
surmises of what may have been its state during these dark ages. Even
the Bugis priests, who are the best-informed persons in the country,
have no writings or traditions that bear upon the subject; and the
few scattered legends of Eastern origin, can afford no proof of the
occurrence of the events they commemorate in any particular locality.

The accounts of the habits of the Dyacks are discrepant. Some give them
credit for being very industrious, while others again speak of them
as indolent. They are certainly cultivators of the soil, and in order
to obtain the articles they need, will work assiduously. Many of them
are employed in collecting gold-dust, and some in the diamond mines;
and they will at times be found procuring gums, rattans, etc., from
their native forests for barter. They are a people of great energy
of character, and perseverance in the attainment of their object,
particularly when on war-parties, or engaged in hunting.

Their food consists of rice, hogs, rats, snakes, monkeys, and many
kinds of vermin, with which this country abounds.

Their chief weapon is the parang or heavy knife, somewhat like the
kris. It is manufactured of native iron and steel, with which the
coast of the country is said to abound. They have a method of working
it which renders it unnecessary for them to look to a foreign supply;
the only articles of foreign hardware that they are said to desire,
are razors, out of which to make their cockspurs. One thing seems
strange: although asserted upon good authority, that the iron and
steel of the coast are thought to be superior by foreigners, they
are not to be compared with that which is found in the interior,
and manufactured by the Dyacks. All the best krises used by the Malay
rajahs and chiefs, are obtained from the interior. Some of these are
exquisitely manufactured, and so hard that, without turning the edge,
they cut ordinary wrought iron and steel.

Among their other weapons is the sumpit, a hollow tube, through
which they blow poisoned arrows. The latter are of various kinds,
and those used in war are dipped in the sap of what the natives term
the "upo." The effect of this poison is almost instantaneous, and
destroys life in four or five minutes. Those who have seen a wound
given accidentally, describe the changes that the poison occasions
as plainly perceptible in its progress. Before using the arrow, its
poisoned point is dipped in lime-juice to quicken it. The range of
the sumpit is from fifty to sixty yards. Although the arrows are
poisoned, yet it is said they sometimes eat the games they kill
with them, parboiling it before it is roasted, which is thought to
extract the poison. Firearms, respecting which they have much fear,
have not yet been introduced among them; indeed, it is said that so
easily are they intimidated by such weapons, that on hearing a report
of a gun they invariably run away. Each individual in a host would
be impressed with the belief that he was the one that was to be shot.

[The diwatas.] They address their prayers to the maker of the world,
whom they call Dewatta, and this is all the religion they have. There
are many animals and birds held by them in high veneration, and they
are close observers of the flight of birds, from which they draw
prognostics. There is in particular a white-headed eagle or kite, upon
whose flight and cries they put great reliance, and consult them in war
or on any particular expedition. For this purpose they draw numbers
of them together, and feed them by scattering rice about. It is said
their priests consult their entrails also on particular occasions,
to endeavor to look into future events.

In the performance of their engagements and oaths, they are most
scrupulous. They seem to have some idea of a future life, and that
on the road to their elysium they have to pass over a long tree,
which requires the assistance of all those they have slain in this
world. The abode of happy spirits is supposed to be on the top of Kini
Balu, one of their loftiest mountains, and the portals are guarded
by a fiery serpent, who does not suffer any virgin to pass into the
celestial paradise.

Polygamy does not exist among them, but they have as concubines slaves,
who are captured in their wars or rather predatory expeditions. If a
wife proves unfaithful to her husband, he kills several of his slaves,
or inflicts upon her many blows, and a divorce may be effected by
the husband paying her a certain price, and giving up her clothes and
ornaments, after which he is at liberty to marry another. The women,
however, exercise an extraordinary influence over the men.

[Headhunting.] But of all their peculiar traits, there is none more
strange than the passion they seem to indulge for collecting human
heads. These are necessary accompaniments in many transactions of
their lives, particularly in their marriages, and no one can marry
unless he has a certain number of heads; indeed, those who cannot
obtain these are looked upon with disdain by the females. A young man
wishing to wed, and making application to marry her for whom he has
formed an attachment, repairs with the girl's father to the rajah
or chief, who immediately inquires respecting the number of heads
he has procured, and generally decides that he ought to obtain one
or two more, according to his age, and the number the girl's father
may have procured, before he can be accepted. He at once takes his
canoe and some trusty followers, and departs on his bloody errand,
waylaying the unsuspecting or surprising the defenceless, whose head
he immediately cuts off, and then makes a hurried retreat. With this
he repairs to the dwelling of his mistress, or sends intelligence
of his success before him. On his arrival, he is met by a joyous
group of females, who receive him with every demonstration of joy,
and gladly accept his ghastly offering.

Various barbarous ceremonies now take place, among which the heads
undergo inspection to ascertain if they are fresh; and, in order to
prove this, none of the brain must be removed, nor must they have been
submitted to smoke to destroy the smell. After these preliminaries,
the family honor of the bride is supposed to be satisfied, and she is
not allowed to refuse to marry. A feast is now made, and the couple
are seated in the midst naked, holding the bloody heads, when handfuls
of rice are thrown over them, with prayers that they may be happy and
fruitful. After this, the bridegroom repairs in state to the house of
the bride, where he is received at the door by one of her friends,
who sprinkles him with the blood of a cock, and her with that of a
hen. This completes the affair, and they are man and wife.

[Cremation.] Funerals are likewise consecrated by similar offerings,
the corpse remaining in the house until a slave can be procured,
by purchase or otherwise, whom they design to behead at the time the
body is burnt. This is done in order that the defunct may be attended
by a slave on his way to the other world or realms of bliss. After
being burnt, the ashes of the deceased are gathered in an urn, and
the head of the slave preserved and placed near it.

In some parts, a rajah or chief is buried with great pomp in his war
habiliments, and food and his arms are placed at his side. A mound
is erected over him, which is encircled with a bamboo fence, upon
which a number of fresh heads are stuck, all the warriors who have
been attached to him bringing them as the most acceptable offering;
and subsequently these horrid offerings are renewed.

The Dyacks are found also in the Celebes island, but there, as in
Borneo, they are confined to the interior. I have already mentioned
that they were supposed to have been the original inhabitants of the
Sulu Archipelago. The Sulus speak of the country of the Dyacks as
being exceedingly fertile and capable of producing every thing. The
north end of Borneo is particularly valuable, as its produce is easily
transported from the interior, where much of the land is cultivated. I
have obtained much more information in relation to this people, in
a variety of ways, from individuals as well as from the published
accounts, which are to be found at times in the Eastern prints; but
as this digression has already extended to a great length, I trust
that enough has been said to enable the reader to contrast it with
the natives who inhabit the islands that dot the vast Pacific Ocean,
and to make him look forward with interest to the developments that
the philanthropic exertions of Mr. Brooke may bring to light.

Having completed our duties here, the boats were hoisted in, after
despatching one to leave orders for Mr. Knox of the Flying-Fish,
in a bottle tied to a flagstaff.

On the afternoon of the 12th, we got under way to proceed direct to
Singapore, and passed through the channel between the reef off the
Mangsee Islands, and those of Balambangan and Banguey. We found this
channel clear, and all the dangers well defined.

As the principal objects of my visit were to ascertain the disposition
and resources of the Sulus for trade, and to examine the straits
leading into the Sulu seas, in order to facilitate the communication
with China, by avoiding on the one hand the eastern route, and on
the other the dangers of the Palawan Passage, it may be as well to
give the result of the latter inquiry, referring those who may be
more particularly interested to the Hydrographical Atlas and Memoir.

The difficulties in the Palawan Passage arising from heavy seas
and fresh gales do not exist in the Sulu Sea, nor are the shoals so
numerous or so dangerous. In the place of storms and rough water,
smooth seas are found, and for most of the time moderate breezes,
which do not subject a vessel to the wear and tear experienced in
beating up against a monsoon.

The Balabac Straits may be easily reached, either from Singapore,
or by beating up along the western shore of Borneo. When the straits
are reached, a vessel by choosing her time may easily pass through
them by daylight, even by beating when the wind is ahead. Once
through, the way is clear, with the exception of a few coral lumps;
the occasional occurrence of the north wind will enable a vessel to
pass directly to the shores of the island of Panay. A fair wind will
ordinarily prevail along the island, and, as I have already mentioned,
it may be approached closely. The passage through to the eastward of
Mindoro Island may be taken in preference to that on the west side
through the Mindoro Strait, and thus all the reefs and shoals will
be avoided. Thence, the western coast of Luzon will be followed to
the north, as in the old route.

I do not think it necessary to point out any particular route through
the Sulu Sea, as vessels must be guided chiefly as the winds blow,
but I would generally avoid approaching the Sulu Islands, as the
currents are more rapid, and set rather to the southward. Wherever
there is anchorage, it would be advisable to anchor at night, as much
time might thus be saved, and a knowledge of the currents or sets
of the tides obtained. Perhaps it would be as well to caution those
who are venturesome, that it is necessary to keep a good look-out,
and those who are timid, that there does not appear to be much danger
from the piratical prahus, unless a vessel gets on shore; in that
case it will not be long before they will be seen collecting in the
horizon in large numbers.

[Advantages of Sulu treaty.] The treaty that I made with the Sultan, if
strictly enforced on the first infraction, will soon put an end to all
the dangers to be apprehended from them. To conclude, I am satisfied
that under ordinary circumstances, to pass through the Sulu Sea will
shorten by several days the passage to Manila or Canton, and be a
great saving of expense in the wear and tear of a ship and her canvass.

On the 13th, we passed near the location of the Viper Shoal, but saw
nothing of it. It is, therefore, marked doubtful on the chart. As
I had but little time to spare, the look-outs were doubled, and we
pursued our course throughout the night, sounding as we went every
fifteen minutes; but nothing met our view.

On the 14th, although we had the northeast monsoon blowing fresh, we
experienced a current of twenty-two miles setting to the north. This
was an unexpected result, as the currents are usually supposed
to prevail in the direction of the monsoon. On the 15th. we still
experienced it, though not over fifteen miles. On the 16th, we found
it setting west, and as we approached the Malayan Peninsula it was
found to be running southwest.

On the 18th, we made Pulo Aor and Pulo Pedang, and arriving off the
Singapore Straits, I hove-to, to await daylight. In the morning at
dawn, we found ourselves in close company with a Chinese junk. The
19th, until late in the afternoon, we were in the Singapore Straits,
making but slow progress towards this emporium of the East. The number
of native as well as foreign vessels which we passed, proved that we
were approaching some great mart, and at 5:00 p.m. we dropped our
anchor in Singapore Roads. Here we found the Porpoise, Oregon, and
Flying-Fish, all well: the two former had arrived on January 22nd,
nearly a month before, and the latter three days previously. Before
concluding this chapter, I shall revert to their proceedings since
our separation off the Sandwich Islands.

The instructions to the brigs have been heretofore given; but it may
not be amiss to repeat here that the object in detaching them was,
that they might explore the line of reefs and islands known to exist to
the northward and westward of the Hawaiian Group, and thence continue
their course towards the coast of Japan. Had they effected the latter
object, it would have given important results in relation to the force
of the currents, and the temperature of the water. It was desirable,
if possible, to ascertain with certainty the existence on the coast of
Japan of a current similar to the Gulf Stream, to which my attention
had been particularly drawn.

The first land they made was on December 1, 1841, and was Necker
Island. Birds, especially the white tern, had been seen in numbers
prior to its announcement. Necker Island is apparently a mass of
volcanic rocks, about three hundred feet high, and is destitute of
any kind of vegetation, but covered with guano. It is surrounded by
a reef, three miles from which soundings were obtained, in twenty
fathoms water. The furious surf that was beating on all sides of the
island, precluded all possibility of a landing being made. By the
connected observations of the vessels it lies in longitude 164° 37'
W., and latitude 23° 44' N.

The French-Frigate Shoal was seen on the 3rd; the weather proved bad,
and they were unable to execute the work of examining this reef. The
sea was breaking furiously upon it.

On the 7th, the Maro Reef was made in latitude 25° 24' 29'' N.,
longitude 170° 43' 24'' W. Bottom was found at a distance of four
miles from the reef, with forty-five fathoms of line. On the 8th,
they passed over the site of Neva Isle, as laid down by Arrowsmith,
but no indications of land were seen.

[Arrival at Singapore.] On the 11th, Lieutenant-Commandant Ringgold
determined, on account of the condition of the brigs, and the
continuance of bad weather, it was impossible to keep their course to
the northward and westward towards the coast of Japan; he, therefore,
hauled to the southward, which was much to be regretted, and followed
so very nearly in the same track as that pursued by the Vincennes,
towards the China seas, that nothing new was elicited by them.

After a passage of fifty-six days from the Sandwich Islands, they
dropped their anchors in Singapore on January 19, 1842, all well. Here
they found the United States ship Constellation, Commodore Kearney, and
the sloop of war Boston, Captain Long, forming the East India squadron.



PART IV

Manila in 1819 [274]

By An American Naval Officer.

[Coral.] " * * * The fine bay of Manila, thirty leagues in
circumference, is situated near the middle of the west side of the
island, and has good and clear anchorage in all parts of it, excepting
on a coral ledge, called the Shoal of St. Nicholas, which is the only
visible danger in the bay. The dangerous part of it is, however, of
small extent, and with proper attention easily avoided; the least
of water found on it at present is eleven feet, but its summit is
constantly approaching the surface of the sea, as has been ascertained
by surveys made at different periods by orders of government, which
circumstance seems to indicate the presence of Zoophytes, that compound
of animal and vegetable life, whose incessant and rapid labors, and,
as we are told by naturalists, whose polypus-like powers of receiving
perfect form and vitality into numberless dismembered portions of their
bodies, have long excited much curiosity and admiration. These small,
compound animals, commence their operations at the bottom of the sea,
and proceed upwards, towards the surface, spreading themselves in
various ramifications; the older members of the mass become concrete,
petrify, and form dangerous shoals; the superior portion of these
little colonists always being the last produced, in its turn generates
myriads of others, and so on, ad infinitum, till they reach the surface
of the ocean. These coral reefs and shoals are found in most parts of
the world, within the tropics; but the waters of the eastern hemisphere
seem to be peculiarly congenial to their production, and, indeed, there
appear to be certain spaces or regions in these seas, which are their
favorite haunts. Among many others may be mentioned the Mozambique
channel, and that tract of ocean, from the eastern coast of Africa,
quite across to the coast of Malabar, including the Mahé, Chagas,
Maldive and Laccadive archipelagos; the southeastern part of the China
sea; the Red sea; the eastern part of Java; the coasts of all the Sunda
islands; and various places in the Pacific ocean. These shoals, when
they begin to emerge from the sea, are frequented by aquatic fowls,
whose feathers, and other deposits, combined with the fortuitous
landing of drifts of wood, weeds, and various other substances from
the adjacent lands, in the course of time form superaqueous banks,
of considerable elevation; and the broken fragments of coral thrown
up by the waves, slowly, but constantly increase their horizontal
diameter. Coconuts are frequently seen floating upon the sea in these
regions, some of which are no doubt thrown upon the shores of the
new created lands; from which accidental circumstance this fruit is
there propagated. Vagrant birds unconsciously deposit the germs of
various other productions of the vegetable kingdom, which in due
season spring up and clothe their surfaces with verdure; and the
natural accumulation of dead and putrid vegetation serves to assist
in the formation of a rich and productive soil, and to increase the
altitudes of these new creations. As I have been always much amused
and interested by this subject, and had frequent opportunities,
during many years' experience, to observe and examine these shoals in
their various stages of subaqueous progress, and subsequent emersion
I am convinced that not only many considerable islands, but extensive
insular groups, owe their existence to the above origin."

[The people.]  [275]"* * * The natives of these islands are generally
well made, and bear strong marks of activity and muscular vigor;
they are in general somewhat larger than the Javanese, and bear some
affinity in the features of their faces to the Malays; their noses
are however more prominent, and their cheek bones not so high, nor are
their skins so dark. Their hair is of a jet black, made glossy by the
constant application of coconut oil, as is the custom in all India,
and drawn together and knotted on top, in the manner of the Malays. The
women display great taste in the arrangement and decorations of their
hair, which they secure with silver or gold bodkins, the heads of
which are frequently composed of precious stones."

[Mixed blood.]  [276]"* * * A very considerable proportion of the
population of Manila is composed of the mestizos; they are the
offspring of the intermarriages of the Spaniards with the native
women, and these again forming connexions with the whites, or with
the native Indians (the latter, however, less frequent), combine
in stamping upon their descendants a great variety of features and
shades of color; a general resemblance is, however, to be traced, and
waiving color and manners, a mestizo could not easily be mistaken for
a native. This class of the inhabitants is held in nearly the same
estimation as the whites. They are very cleanly in their persons,
and neat in their dress, which, among the males, consists generally
of a pair of cotton trousers of various colors, as fancy dictates,
and shoes in the European manner, a frock, or tunic, of striped grass
manufacture, worn outside the trousers, in the manner of the Asiatic
Armenians (but without the sash, or girdle), the collars of which are
tastefully embroidered, and thrown back on their shoulders; a European
hat completes their costume, which is light, cool and airy, and after
a stranger has been a short time accustomed to see what he at first
would call a perversion of dress, his prejudices subside, and he has
no hesitation in pronouncing it very proper and graceful. They are
remarkably fine limbed, and well built, the females especially, who
are really models of the most complete symmetry; their hair and eyes,
which unlike their skins, seldom vary from the original jet black of
their native parents, bestow upon them the primary characteristics of
the brunette. This people, unlike the generality of mixed colors in
the human race, have been improved by their intermixture, they are more
industrious and cleanly than the Spaniards, possess more intelligence
and polish than the Indians and are less malicious and revengeful than
either. The men are employed mostly as writers, brokers, agents and
overseers; many of them hold lucrative offices under government, and
they not unfrequently arrive at wealth and consideration. The women
are also industrious, and capable of great intellectual improvement;
they have a natural grace and ease in their manner, and make excellent
wives and mothers. This character must not, however, be taken in an
unlimited sense, for we cannot expect this rule to be without its
exceptions, and it is true that some of these females do degenerate,
and copy after the manners of the creoles, or white natives; but
this is only the case when, by their intercourse with the whites,
their Indian blood is merged and lost in the European. That part
of the population in which is blended the blood of the Chinese and
Tagalogs is named the Chinese mestizos.

The natives are not unapt in acquiring knowledge, neither do they
want industry, when efforts are made, and inducements displayed
to call their powers into action. They are excellent mechanics and
artisans, and, as horticulturists, their superiority over many of the
Asiatics is acknowledged. They are polite and affable to strangers,
but irascible, and when excited are very sanguinary; their natural
bias to this revengeful and cruel character, is strengthened and
rendered more intense by the ... doctrines of the Roman catholic
religion as dictated to them by the designing and interested priests
who reside among them. The culprit always finds a sanctuary in the
nearest church, till by the payment of some pecuniary mulct, he
satisfies the demands of the priests, obtains absolution, appeases
the resentment of the relations of the deceased, and eludes the arm
of justice; he grows hardened by impunity, repeats his offences,
and again escapes as before."

[A Filipino foundry.] "* * * All the necessary works for a garrisoned
city are within its walls; extensive magazines were erected in 1686,
besides which are a hall of arms, or armory, a repository for powder,
with bomb-proof vaults, and commodious quarters and barracks for the
garrison. There is also a furnace and foundry here, which, although
their operations were suppressed in 1805, is the most ancient in
the Spanish monarchy; this establishment was founded in 1584, in
the village of St. Anna, near Manila; to the latter of which places
it was transferred in 1590. The first founder was a Pampango Indian,
named Pandapira. When the Spaniards first arrived at Manila, in 1571,
they found there a large foundry, which was accidentally burnt,
in consequence of the combustibility of the building and effects,
which character applies to all the houses of that period."

[Language.]  [277]"* * * Their colloquial language, like that of the
natives of Java, Borneo, Sumatra, and many other islands in these seas,
is a dialect of the peninsular Malay from whence it is thought they
originated; and so striking is its similarity among all these islands,
that the natives of each can, in a greater or less degree, understand
that of all the others. The characters of their written language
differ widely, and great varieties of arrangement exist among them. The
Tagalogs write from top to bottom on palm leaves and strips of bamboo;
and many of the Moros or Mahomedans use the Arabic characters."

[Difference of days.]  [278]From the circumstance of the Spaniards
arriving in these seas by Cape Horn, and the general route being by
the Cape of Good Hope, a consequent difference in time of one day
is produced in the different reckoning; the Spaniards losing, and
those who steer eastward gaining, each in the proportion of half a
day in completing the semi-circumference of the globe. Consequently,
the time at Manila, being regulated by their own reckonings, is one
day later than that of those who arrive there by steering eastward
from America or Europe; as for instance, when by the accounts of the
latter it is Sunday, by theirs it is only Saturday.

[English in Manila.] In the year 1762, the city of Manila was taken
by the English, where, and at Cavite, immense quantities of naval and
military stores, brass and iron ordnance, and several fine ships, fell
into their hands. It was, however, soon delivered up to the Spaniards,
on a promise of the payment to the English of four millions of
dollars as a ransom, which, however, never has been paid. This breach
of faith and promise has been loudly complained of by the latter,
and as pertinaciously excused by the Spaniards, who complain that
the British plundered the city, and committed many other excesses,
contrary to the express conditions of their engagements, by which
they were virtually rendered nugatory.

[Galleon trade.] The inhabitants of Manila have long enjoyed the
privilege of sending two annual ships to Acapulco called Galleons,
Navios, or Register-Ships, with the produce of the Philippines, of
China, and other parts of Asia; in return for which, they receive
various articles of the production of South America; the principal
of which are cochineal, merchandise of different descriptions of
European origin, and silver in Spanish dollars and ingots, which
compose the principal part of the value of their return cargoes,
amounting annually to about three million five hundred thousand
Spanish dollars. A large proportion of this property belongs to the
convents in Manila, whose great revenues not only enable them to
engage in extensive mercantile operations, but to lend considerable
sums to the merchants on bottomry. For the indulgence in this trade,
the proprietors pay a large sum of money to the crown.

These ships were of the burden of from twelve to fifteen hundred
tons, and were numerously manned and well appointed for defense; but
of late years, since the revolt of the Spanish colonies, which has
rendered the navigation of the intermediate seas dangerous to these
enterprises, the trade has been greatly interrupted, and instead
of risking it in large bodies, private ships of smaller burden have
been hired for the purpose of dividing the risk; some of these have
been put under foreign colors, though formerly the galleons wore,
by instruction, the royal flag, their officers were commissioned
and uniformed like the officers of the navy, and the ships were
under the same regulations and discipline. The object, however, of
the trade in smaller ships has not been obtained; for so great are
the fears of the owners and agents of their being captured, and so
many restrictions laid upon the commanders that they lie in port the
principal part of the time; so that in September, 1819, the ships of
the preceding year had not arrived at Manila; neither had any been
dispatched from the latter place for Acapulco during that time. These
interruptions, and in fact, the virtual suspension of this commerce,
will undoubtedly, if a liberal and enlightened policy is pursued,
result greatly to the advantage of these islands and the mother
country. Already since the establishment of the cortes, permitting
foreigners to settle permanently at Manila, great improvements have
been made in the productions of the island, and important additions
to the revenue. The failure of the annual remittance of dollars from
South America to defray the expenses of the colonial government, of
which their revenues from the islands were not adequate to meet one
half, has been severely felt, and has stimulated them to make some
very unusual exertions. Foreign commerce has been more countenanced in
consequence of this state of things, and greater encouragement has been
given to the growers and manufacturers of their staple exports; and if
the affairs of these islands should in future be properly conducted,
the revenue arising from the impost on the single article of coffee,
will in a few years be amply sufficient to support the government,
and leave a net income of the revenue arising from the imposts on all
other articles, besides what would accrue from the taxes and numerous
other resources. A free commerce with other nations would create a
competition, and a consequent reduction in the price of imports, and
their articles of export would increase, in proportion to the demand
for them. In short, nothing is wanting in these beautiful islands,
but ability to direct, and energy to execute the most extensive
plans of agriculture and commerce, which the bounties of the soil,
and its excellent climate and situation, would most certainly render
completely successful; and, instead of being, as at present it is,
a burden to Spain, it would become a source of great wealth to her."

[Spirit of independence.]  [279]"* * * It is to be hoped that
the narrow and illiberal policy which has heretofore retarded the
prosperity of these fine islands, will necessarily be superseded
by more expanded views, and enable them to maintain the rank and
importance to which their intrinsic worth entitles them. The spirit
of independence which has recently diffused its influence through
the Spanish colonies on the American continent, has also darted its
rays across the Pacific, and beamed with enlivening lustre upon those
remote regions and the sacred flames of liberty which have been kindled
have in the bosom of that country, though for a period concealed from
the view of regal parasites and dependents, burned clear and intense;
and the time is perhaps not very remote, when it shall burst forth,
and shed its joyous light upon the remotest and most inconsiderable
islet of this archipelago.

[Opportunity for a republic.] Perhaps no part of the world offers a
more eligible site for an independent republic than these islands;
their insular posture and distance from any rival power, combined
with the intrinsic strength of a free representative government,
would guarantee their safety and glory; their intermediate situation,
between Asia and the American continent, their proximity to China,
Japan, Borneo, the Molucca and Sunda Islands, the Malay peninsula,
Cochin China, Tonquin, Siam, and the European possessions in the East,
would insure them an unbounded commerce, consequently great wealth and
power; and their happiness would be secured by religious toleration
and liberal views of civil liberty in the government. It must be
confessed, however, that the national character of the Spaniards is
not suitable to produce and enjoy in perfection this most desirable
state of affairs; it is to be feared that their bigotry would preclude
religious toleration, their indolence continue the present system of
slavery, so degrading in a particular manner to a republic, their
want of energy paralyze the operations of enterprising foreigners
among them. No change, however, can be for the worse, and if all
the advantage, cannot be reaped by them, which the citizens of our
republic would secure, it will be better for them to seize and enjoy
such as their genius and talents will enable them to."

[Health.]  [280]" * * * The health of the city and suburbs is
proverbial, and the profession of a physician is, perhaps, of all
others the least lucrative. A worthy and intelligent Scotch doctor,
who had come to Manila, while I was there, to exercise his profession,
and who lodged in the same house with me, was greatly annnoyed at
the want of practice which he experienced there, although he had his
full share of patronage, and often jocosely declared that the "dom
climate" would starve him; in fact he did not long remain there;
I afterwards met him in the Isle of France, where he was still in
pursuit of practice."

[A barbarous execution.]  [281]" * * * Impelled by a very common and,
perhaps, excusable curiosity, I rode out with some friends one day
to witness the execution of a mestizo soldier for murder. The parade
ground of Bagumbayan was the theater of this tragic comedy, for such
it may be trully called, and never did I experience such a revulsion
of feeling as upon this occasion. The place was crowded with people
of all descriptions, and a strong guard of soldiers, three deep,
surrounded the gallows, forming a circle, the area of which was about
two hundred feet in diameter. The hangman was habited in a red jacket
and trousers, with a cap of the same color upon his head. This fellow
had been formerly condemned to death for parricide, but was pardoned
on condition of turning executioner, and becoming close prisoner for
life, except when the duties of his profession occasionally called him
from his dungeon for an hour. Whether his long confinement, and the
ignominious estimation in which he was held, combined with despair of
pardon for his heinous offense, and a natural ferocity of character,
had rendered him reckless of "weal or woe," or other impulse directed
his movements, I know not, but never did I see such a demoniacal visage
as was presented by this miscreant; and when the trembling culprit
was delivered over to his hand, he pounced eagerly upon his victim,
while his countenance was suffused with a grim and ghastly smile,
which reminded us of Dante's devils. He immediately ascended the
ladder, dragging his prey after him till they had nearly reached the
top; he then placed the rope around the neck of the malefactor with
many antic gestures and grimaces highly gratifying and amusing to the
mob. To signify to the poor fellow under his fangs that he wished to
whisper in his ear, to push him off the ladder, and to jump astride
his neck with his heels drumming with violence upon his stomach, was
but the work of an instant. We could then perceive a rope fast to each
leg of the sufferer, which was pulled with violence by people under
the gallows, and an additional rope, to use a sea term, a preventer,
was round his neck, and secured to the gallows, to act in case of
accident to the one by which the body was suspended. I had witnessed
many executions in different parts of the world, but never had such
a diabolical scene as this passed before my eyes."

 * * * * *


PART V

The Peopling of the Philippines

By Dr. Rudolf Virchow

(Translated by O. T. Mason; in Smithsonian Institution 1899 Report.)

Since the days when the first European navigators entered the South
Sea, the dispute over the source and ethnic affiliations of the
inhabitants of that extended and scattered island world has been
unsettled. The most superficial glance points out a contrariety in
external appearances, which leaves little doubt that here peoples of
entirely different blood live near and among one another.

["Negritos and Indios."] And this is so apparent that the pathfinder
in this region, Magellan, gave expression to the contrariety in his
names for tribes and islands. Since dark complexion was observed
on individuals in certain tribes and in defined areas, and light
complexion on others, here abundantly, there quite exceptional,
writers applied Old World names to the new phenomena without further
thought. The Philippines set the decisive example in this. Fernando
Magellan first discovered the islands of this great archipelago in
1521, March 16. After his death the Spaniards completed the circle
of his discoveries. At this time the name of Negros was fixed, which
even now is called Islas de los Pintados. For years the Spaniards
called the entire archipelago Islas de Poniente; gradually, after the
expedition of Don Fray Garcia Jofre de Loaisa (1526), the new title
of the Philippines prevailed, through Salazar.

The people were divided into two groups, the Little Negros or Negritos
and the Indios. It is quite conceivable that involuntarily the opinion
prevailed that the Negritos had close relationship with the African
blacks, and the Indios with the lighter-complexioned inhabitants of
India, or at least of Indonesia.

However, it must be said here that the theory of a truly African
origin of the Negritos has been advanced but seldom, and then in a very
hesitating manner. The idea that with the present configuration of the
eastern island world, especially with their great distances apart, a
variety of mankind that had never manifested any aptitude for maritime
enterprises should have spread themselves over this vast ocean area,
in order to settle down on this island and on that, is so unreasonable
that it has found scarcely a defender worth naming. More and more the
blacks are coming to be considered the original peoples, the "Indios"
to be the intruders. For this there is a quite reasonable ground,
in that on many islands the blacks dwell in the interior, difficult
of access, especially in the dense and unwholesome mountain forests,
while the lighter complexioned tribes have settled the coasts. To
this are added linguistic proofs, which place the lighter races, of
homogeneous speech, in linguistic relations with the higher races,
especially the Malays. Dogmatically it has been said that originally
these islands had been occupied entirely by the primitive black
population, but afterwards, through intrusions from the sea, these
blacks were gradually pressed away from the coast and shoved back
into the interior.

[Complicated Pacific problem.] The problem, though it appears simple
enough, has become complicated more and more through the progress
of discovery, especially since Cook enlarged our knowledge of the
oriental island world. A new and still more pregnant contrast then
thrust itself to the front in the fact that the blacks and the
lighter-colored peoples are each separated into widely differing
groups. While the former hold especially the immense, almost
continental, regions of Australia (New Holland) and New Guinea, and
also the larger archipelagos, such as New Hebrides, Solomon Islands,
Fiji (Viti) Archipelago--that is, the western areas--the north and
east, Micronesia and Polynesia, were occupied by lighter-colored
peoples. So the first division into Melanesia and Polynesia has
in latest times come to be of value, and the dogma once fixed has
remained. For the Polynesians are by many allied to the Malays,
while the blacks are put together as a special ethnological race.

For practical ethnology this division may suffice. But the scientific
man will seek also for the blacks a genetic explanation. The answer
has been furnished by one of the greatest ethnologists, Theodor Waitz,
who, after he had exposed the insufficiency of the accepted formulas,
came to the conclusion that the differentiation of the blacks from
the lighter peoples might be an error. He denied that there had been
a primitive black race in Micronesia and Polynesia; in his opinion
we have here to do with a single race. The color of the Polynesians
may be out and out from natural causes different, "their entire
physical appearance indicates the greatest variability." Herein the
whole question of the domain of variation is sprung with imperfect
satisfaction on the part of those travelers who give their attention
more to transitions than to types. Among these are not a few who have
returned from the South Sea with the conviction that all criteria
for the diagnosis of men and of races are valueless.

Analytical anthropology has led to other and often unexpected
results. It has proved that just that portion of South Sea
population which can apparently lay the strongest claim to be
considered a homogeneous race must be separated into a collection
of subvarieties. Nothing appears more likely than that the Negritos
of the Philippines are the nearest relatives to the Melanesians, the
Australians, the Papuans; and yet it has been proved that all these
are separated one from another by well-marked characters. Whether
these characters place the peoples under the head of varieties,
or whether, indeed, the black tribes of the South Sea, spite of all
differences, are to be traced back to one single primitive stock,
that is a question of prehistory for whose answer the material
is lacking. Were it possible to furnish the proof that the black
populations of the South Sea were already settled in their present
homes when land bridges existed between their territory and Africa,
or when the much-sought Lemuria still existed, it would not be worth
the trouble to hunt for the missing material. In our present knowledge
we can not fill the gaps, so we must yet hold the blacks of the Orient
to be separate races.

[Hair as a race index.] The hair furnished the strongest character
for diagnosis, in which, not alone that of the head is under
consideration; the hair, therefore, occupies the foreground of
interest. Its color is of the least importance, since all peoples of
the South Sea have black hair. It is more the structure and appearance
which furnish the observer convenient starting points for the primary
classification. Generally a two-fold division satisfies. The blacks,
it is said, have crisped hair, the Polynesians and light-colored
peoples have smooth hair. But this declaration is erroneous in its
generality. It is in no way easy to declare absolutely what hair is
to be called crisp, and it is still more difficult to define in what
respects the so-called crisp varieties differ one from another. For
a long time the Australian hair was denominated crisp, until it was
evident that it could be classed neither with that of the Africans
nor with that of the Philippine blacks. Semper, one of the first
travelers to furnish a somewhat complete description of the physical
characters of the Negritos, describes it as an "extremely thick,
brown-black, lack-luster, and crisp-woolly crown of hair." Among
these peculiarities the lack-luster is unimportant, since it is due
to want of care and uncleanliness. On the contrary, the other data
furnish true characters of the hair and among them the crisp-woolly
peculiarity is most valuable.

On the terms "wool" and "woolly" severe controversies, which have not
yet closed, have taken place among ethnologists during the last ten
years. Also the lack of care, especially the absence of the comb,
has here acted as a disturbing cause in the decision. But there is
yet a set of peoples, which were formerly included, that are now
being gradually disassociated, especially the Australians and the
Veddahs, whose hair, by means of special care, appears quite wavy
if not entirely sleek and smooth. Generally it is frowzy and matted,
so that its natural form is difficult to recognize. To it is wanting
the chief peculiarity, which obtrudes itself in the African blacks so
characteristically that the compact spiral form which it assumes from
its root, the so-called "pepper-corn," is selected as the preferable
mark of the race. The peculiar nappy head has it origin in the spiral
"rollchen." As to the Asiatic blacks this has been for a long time
known among the Andamanese; it has lately been noticed upon the Sakai
of Malacca, and it is to be found also among the Negritos of the
Philippines, as I can show by specimens. Therefore, if we seek ethnic
relationships for the Negritos of the Philippines, or as they are
named, the Aetas (Etas, Itas), such connections obtrude themselves
with the stocks named, and the more strongly since they all have
brachycephalic, relatively small (nannocephalic) heads and through
their small size attach themselves to the peculiar dwarf tribes.

I might here comment on the singular fact that the Andaman Islands
are situated near the Nicobars in the Indian Ocean, but that the
populations on both sides of them are entirely different. In my
own detailed descriptions which treat of the skulls and the hair
specially, it is affirmed that the typical skull shape of the
Nicobarese is dolichocephalic and that "their hair stands between
the straight hair of the Mongoloid and the sleek, though slightly
curved or wavy, hair of the Malayan and Indian peoples;" their skin
color is relatively dark, but only so much so as is peculiar to the
tribes of India. With the little blacks of the Andamans there is not
the slightest agreement. In this we have one of the best evidences
against the theory of Waitz-Gerland that the differences in physical
appearance are to be attributed to variation merely. I will, however,
so as not to be misunderstood, expressly emphasize that I am not
willing to declare that the two peoples have been at all times so
constituted; I am now speaking of actual conditions.

In the same sense I wish also my remarks concerning the Negritos to
be taken. Not one fact is in evidence from which we may conclude that
a single neighboring people known to us has been Negritized. We are
therefore justified when we see in the Negritos a truly primitive
people. As they are now, they were more than three hundred and
fifty years ago when the first European navigators visited these
islands. About older relationships nothing is known. All the graves
from which the bones of Negritos now in possession were taken belong
to recent times, and also the oldest descriptions which have been
received, so far as phylogeny is concerned, must be characterized
as modern.

[Negritos a primitive people.] The little change in the mode of life
made known through these descriptions in connection with the low grade
of culture on which these impoverished tribes live amply testify that
we have before us here a primitive race.

 * * * * *

(The question whether we have to do with older, independent races
in the Malay Archipelago or with mixtures is everywhere an open
one.--Translator.)

Whoever would picture the present ethnic affiliations of the
light-colored peoples of the Philippines will soon land in confusion
on account of the great number of tribes. One of the ablest observers,
Ferd. Blumentritt, mentions, besides the Negritos, the Chinese and
the whites, not less than 51 such tribes. He classifies them in one
group as Malays, according to the plan now customary. The division
rests primarily on a linguistic foundation. But when it is noted that
the identity of language among all the tribes is not established and
among many not at all proved, it is sufficiently shown that speech is
a character of little constancy, and that a language may be imposed
upon a people to the annihilation of their own by those who belong
to a different linguistic stock. The Malay Sea is filled with islands
on which tarry the remnants of peoples not Malay.

For a long time, especially since the Dutch occupation, these old
populations have received the special name of Alfuros. But this
ambiguous term has been used in such an arbitrary and promiscuous
fashion that latterly it has been well-nigh banished from ethnological
literature. It is not long ago that the Negritos were so called. But
if the black peoples are eliminated, there remains on many islands at
least an element to be differentiated from the Malay, chiefly through
the darker skin color, greater orthocephaly, and more wavy, quite
crimped hair. I have, for the different islands, furnished proof,
and will here only refer to the assertion that "a broad belt of
wavy and curly hair has pressed itself in between the Papuan and the
Malay, a belt which in the north seems to terminate with the Veddah,
in the south with the Australian." One can not read the accounts
of travelers without the increasing conviction of the existence of
several different, if not perhaps related, varieties of peoples thrust
on the same island.

[Theory of Negrito and three Malay invasions.] From this results the
natural and entirely unprejudiced conclusion, which has repeatedly
been stated, that either a primitive people by later intrusions
has been pressed back into the interior or that in course of time
several immigrations have followed one another. At the same time
it is not unreasonable to think that both processes went on at the
same time, and indeed this conception is strongly brought forward. So
Blumentritt assumes that there is there a primitive black people and
that three separate Malay invasions have taken place. The oldest,
whose branches have many traits in accord with the Dayaks of Borneo,
especially the practice of head-hunting; a second, which also took
place before the arrival of the Spaniards, to which the Tagals,
Bisayas, Bicols, Ilocanos, and other tribes belong; the third,
Islamitic, which emigrated from Borneo and might have been interrupted
by the arrival of the Spaniards, and with which a contemporaneous
immigration from the Moluccas went on. It must be said, however, that
Blumentritt admits two periods for the first invasion. In the earliest
he places the immigration of the Igorots, Apayos, Zambales--in short,
all the tribes that dwelt in the interior of the country later and
were pressed away from the coast, therefore, actually, the mountain
tribes. To the second half he assigns the Tinguianes, Catalanganes,
and Irayas, who are not head-hunters, but Semper says they appear to
have a mixture of Chinese and Japanese blood.

Against this scheme many things may be said in detail, especially that,
according to the apparently well-grounded assertions of Mueller-Beeck,
the going of the Chinese to the Philippines was developed about the
end of the fourteenth century, and chiefly after the Spaniards had
gotten a foothold and were using the Mexican silver in trade. At any
rate, the apprehension of Semper, which rests on somewhat superficial
physiognomic ground, is not confirmed by searching investigations. So
the head-hunting of the mountain tribes, so far as it hints at
relations with Borneo, gives no sure chronological result, since
it might have been contemporaneous in them and could have come here
through invasion from other islands.

The chief inquiry is this: Whether there took place other and older
invasions. For this we are not only to draw upon the present tribes,
but if possible upon the remains of earlier and perhaps now extinct
tribes. This possibility has been brought nearer for the Philippines
through certain cave deposits. We have to thank, for the first
information, the traveler Jagor, whose exceptional talent as collector
has placed us in the possession of rich material, especially crania. To
his excellent report of his journey I have already dedicated a special
chapter, in which I have presented and partially illustrated not
only the cave crania, but also a series of other skulls. An extended
conference upon them has been held in the Anthropological Society.

The old Spanish chroniclers describe accurately the mortuary customs
which were in vogue in their time. The dead were laid in coffins
made from excavated tree trunks and covered with a well-fitting
lid. They were then deposited on some elevated place, or mountain,
or river bank, or seashore. Caves in the mountains were also utilized
for this purpose. Jagor describes such caves on the island of Samar,
west of Luzon, whose contents have recently been annihilated.

The few crania from there which have been intrusted to me
bear the marks of recent pedigree, as also do the additional
objects. Unfortunately, Dr. Jagor did not himself visit these
interesting caves, but he has brought crania thence which are of the
highest interest, and which I must now mention.

[Study of a giant skull.] The cave in question lies near Lanang, on
the east coast of Samar, on the bank of a river, it is said. It is,
as the traveler reports, celebrated in the locality "on account of its
depressed gigantic crania, without sutures." The singular statement
is made clear by means of a well-preserved example, which I lay
before you. The entire cranium, including the face, is covered with
a thick layer of sinter, which gives it the appearance of belonging
to the class of skulls with Leontiasis ossea. It is, in fact, of
good size, but through the incrustation it is increased to gigantic
proportions. It is true, likewise, that it has a much flattened,
broad and compressed form. The cleaning of another skull has shown
that artificial deformation has taken place, which obviously was
completed before the incrustation was laid on by the mineral water
of the cave. I will here add that on the testimony of travelers no
Negritos were on Samar. The island lies in the neighborhood of the
Bisayas. Although no description of the position of the skull is at
hand and of the skeleton to which it apparently belonged, it must be
assumed that the dead man was not laid away in a coffin, but placed
on the ground; that, in fact, he belonged to an earlier "period." How
long ago that was can not be known, unfortunately, since no data are
at hand; however, the bones are in a nearly fossilized condition,
which allows the conclusion that they were deposited long ago.

The deformation itself furnishes no clue to a chronological
conclusion. In Thévenot is found the statement that, according to
the account of a priest, probably in the 16th century, the custom
prevails in some of the islands to press the heads of new-born babes
between two boards, also to flatten the forehead, "since they believed
that this form was a special mark of beauty." A similar deformation,
with more pronounced flattening and backward pressure of the forehead,
is shown on the crania which Jagor produced from a cave at Caramuan in
Luzon. There are modes of flattening which remind one of Peru. When
they came into our hands it was indeed an immense surprise, since
no knowledge of such deformation in the South Sea was at hand. First
our information led to more thorough investigations; so we are aware
of several examples of it from Indonesia and, indeed, from the South
Sea (Mallicolo). However, this deformation furnishes no clue to the
antiquity of the graves.

(Chinese and Korean pottery are said to have been found with
the deformed crania. Similar deformations exist in the Celebes,
New Britain, etc. Head-shaping has been universal, cf. A. B. Meyer,
Ueber Kunstliche deformirte Schaedel von Borneo und Mindanao and ueber
die Verbreitung der Sitte der Kunstlichen Schaedeldeformirung, 1881,
36 pp., 4.°--Translator.)

I have sawed one of these skulls in two along the sagittal suture. The
illustration gives a good idea of the amount of compression and of the
violence which this skull endured when quite young. The cranial cavity
is inclined backward and lengthened, and curves out above, while the
occiput is pressed downward and the region of the front fontanelle
is correspondingly lacking. Likewise, a considerable thickness of
the bone is to be noted, especially of the vertex. The upper jaw is
slightly prognathous and the roof of the mouth unusually arched.

For the purpose of the present study, it is unnecessary to go
further into particulars. It might be mentioned that all Lanang
skulls are characterized by their size and the firmness of bone,
so that they depart widely from the characteristics of the other
Philippine examples known to me. Similar skulls have been received
only from caves, which exist in one of the little rocky islands east
from Luzon. They suggest most Kanaka crania from Hawaii, and Moriori
crania from Chatham islands, and they raise the question whether
they do not belong to a migration period long before the time of
the Malays. I have, on various occasions, mentioned this probable
pre-Malayan, or at least proto-Malayan, population which stands in
nearest relation to the settling of Polynesia. Here I will merely
mention that the Polynesian sagas bring the progenitor from the west,
and that the passage between Halmahera (Gilolo) and the Philippines
is pointed out as the course of invasion.

At any rate, it is quite probable that the skulls from Lanang,
Cragaray, and other Philippine Islands are the remains of a very old,
if not autochthonous, prehistoric layer of population. The present
mountain tribes have furnished no close analogies. As to the Igorots,
which Blumentritt attributes to the first invasion, I refer to my
description given on the ground of chronological investigations;
according to the account given by Hans Meyer the disposal of the dead
in log coffins and in caves still goes on. Of the skulls themselves,
none were brachycephalous; on the contrary, they exhibit platyrrhine
and in part decidedly pithecoid noses. On the whole, I came to the
conclusion, as did earlier Quatrefages and Hamy, that [Indications of
pre-Malay invasion.] "they stand next in comparison with the Dayaks
of Borneo," but I hold yet the impression that they belong to a very
old, probably pre-Malay, immigration.

When, on the 18th of March, 1897, I made a communication on the
population of the Philippines, a bloody uprising had broken out
everywhere against the existing Spanish rule. In this uprising a
certain portion of the population, and indeed that which had the
most valid claim to aboriginality, the so-called Negritos, were not
involved. Their isolation, their lack of every sort of political,
often indeed of village organization, also their meager numbers,
render it conceivable that the greatest changes might go on among
their neighbors without their taking such a practical view of them
as to lead to their engaging in them. Thus it can be understood how
they would take no interest in the further development of the affair.

Since then the result of the war between Spain and the Americans has
been the destruction of Spanish power, and the treaty of Paris brought
the entire Philippine Archipelago into the possession of the United
States of America. Henceforth the principal interest is centered
upon the deportment of the insurgents, who have not only outlived
the great war between the powers, but are now determined to assert,
or win, their independence from the conquerors. These insurgents, who
for brevity are called Filipinos, belong, as I have remarked, to the
light-colored race of so-called Indios, who are sharply differentiated
from the Negritos. Their ethnological position is difficult to fix,
since numerous mixtures have taken place with immigrant whites,
especially with Spaniards, but also with people of yellow and of
brown races--that is, with Mongols and Chinese. Perhaps here and
there the importance of this mixture on the composite type of the
Indios has been overestimated; at least in most places positive
proof is not forthcoming that foreign blood has imposed itself upon
the bright-colored population. Both history and tradition teach, on
the contrary, as also the study of the physical peculiarities of the
people that among the various tribes differences exist which suggest
family traits. To this effect is the testimony of several travelers
who have followed one another during a long period of time, as has
been developed especially by Blumentritt.

[All immigrations from the West.] In this connection it must not
be overlooked that all these immigrations, howsoever many they be
supposed to have been, must have come this way from the west. Indeed,
a noteworthy migration from the east is entirely barred out, if we
look no farther back than the Chinese and Japanese. On the contrary,
all signs point to the assumption that from of old, long before the
coming of Portuguese and Spaniards, a strong movement had gone on
from this region to the east, and that the great sea way which exists
between Mindanao and the Sulu islands on the north and Halmahera
and the Moluccas in the south was the entrance road along which
those tribes, or at least those navigators whose arrival peopled
the Polynesian Islands, found their way into the Pacific Ocean. But
also the movement of the Polynesians points to the west, and if their
ancestors may have come from Indonesia there is no doubt that in their
long journeys eastward they must have touched at the coasts of other
islands on their way, especially the Philippines. Polynesian invasions
of the Philippines are not supposed to have closed when a migration of
peoples or of men passing out to the Pacific Ocean laid the foundation
of a large fraction of the population of the archipelago. It is known
that now and then single canoes from the Pelew or the Ladrone Islands
were driven upon the east coast of Luzon, but their importance ought
not to be overestimated. The migration this way from the west must
henceforth remain as the point of departure for all explanations of
this eastern ethnology. (These statements are well enough for working
hypotheses, but actual proofs are not at hand. Ratzel, Berl. Verhandl.,
etc., Phil. Hist. Class, 1898, I., p. 33.--Translator.)

Now, how are the local differences of various tribes to be
explained, when on the whole the place of origin was the same? Is
there here a secondary variation of the type, something brought
about through climate, food, circumstances? It is a large theme,
which, unfortunately, is too often dominated by previously-formed
theories. The importance of "environment" and mode of life upon
the corporeal development of man can not be contested, but the
measure of this importance is very much in doubt. Nowhere is this
measure, at least in the present consideration, less known than in the
Philippines. In spite of wide geological and biological differences on
these islands, there exists a close anthropological agreement of the
Indios in the chief characteristics, and the effort to trace back the
tribal differences that have been marked to climatic and alimentary
causes has not succeeded. The influence of inherited peculiarities
is also more mighty here, as in most parts of the earth, than that of
"milieu."

If we assume, first, that the immigrants brought their peculiarities
with them, which were fixed already when they came, we must also accept
as self-evident that the Negritos of the Philippines do not belong
to the same stock as the more powerful, bright-colored Indios. As
long as these islands have been known, more than three centuries,
the skin of the Negritos has been dark brown, almost black, their
hair short and spirally twisted, and just as long has the skin
of the Indios been brownish, in various shades, relatively clear,
and the hair has been long and arranged in wavy locks. At no time,
so far as known, has it been discovered that among a single family
a pronounced variation from these peculiarities had taken place. On
this point there is entire unanimity. In case of the Negritos there is
not the least doubt; of the Indios a doubt may arise, for, in fact,
the shades of skin color appear greatly varied, since the brown is
at times quite blackish, at times yellowish, almost as varied as is
the color of the sunburnt hair. But even then the practiced eye easily
detects the descent, and if the skin alone is not sufficient the first
glance at the hair completes the diagnosis. The correct explanation
of individual or tribal variations is difficult only with the Indios,
while no such necessity exists in the case of the Negritos. But among
the Indios these individual and tribal variations are so frequent
and so outspoken that one is justified in making the inquiry whether
there has not developed here a new type of inherited peculiarities. If
this were the case, it must still be held that already the immigrant
tribes had possessed them.

[Assistance from history.] Now, history records that different
immigrations have actually taken place. Laying aside the latest
before the arrival of the Spaniards, that of the Islamites, in
the fourteenth and the fifteenth centuries, there remains the
older one. If ethnologists and travelers in general come to the
conclusion concerning Borneo--and it is to be taken as certain--that
the differences now existing among the wild tribes of this island are
very old, it ought not be thought so wonderful if, according to the
conditions of the tribes which have immigrated thence, there should
exist on the Philippines near one another dissimilar though related
peoples. This difference is not difficult to recognize in manners and
customs--a side of the discussion which is further on to be treated
more fully. We begin with physical characteristics.

[Hair differences.] Among these the hair occupies the chief
place. To be sure, among all the Indios it is black, but it shows
not the slightest approach to the frizzled condition which is such
a prominent feature in the external appearance of the Negritos and
of all the Papuan tribes of the East. This frizzled condition may be
called woolly, or in somewhat exaggerated refinement in the name may
be attributed to the term "wool," all sorts of meanings akin to wool;
in every case there is wanting to all the Indios the crinkling of the
hair from its exit out of the follicle, whereby would result wide
or narrow spiral tubes and the coarse appearance of the so-called
"peppercorn." The hair of all Indios is smooth and straightened out,
and when it forms curves they are only feeble, and they make the
whole outward appearance wavy or, at most, curled.

But within this wavy or curled condition of the hair there are again
differences. In my former communication I have attended to examinations
which I made upon a large number of islands in the Malay Sea, and in
which it was shown that a certain area exists which begins with the
Moluccas and extends to the Sunda group, in which the hair shows a
strong inclination to form wavy locks, indeed passes gradually into
crinkled, if not into spiral, rolls. Such hair is found specially
in the interior of the islands, where the so-called aboriginal
population is purer and where for a long time the name of Alfuros
has been conferred on them. On most points affinity with Negritos or
Papuans is not to be recognized. Should such at any time have existed,
we are a long way from the period when the direct causes therefor are
to be looked for. In this connection the study of the Philippines is
rich with instruction. In the limits of the almost insular, isolated
Negrito enclave, mixtures between Negritos and Indios very seldom
surprise one, and never the transitions that can have arisen in the
post-generative time of development. (The island of Negros, on the
contrary, is peopled by such crossbreeds.--Translator.)

If there are among the bright-colored islanders of the Indian Ocean
Alfuros and Malays close together there is nothing against coming upon
this contrast in the Philippine population also. Among the more central
peoples the tribal differences are so great that almost every explorer
stumbles on the question of mixture. There not only the Dayaks and the
other Malays obtrude themselves, but also the Chinese and the Mongolian
peoples of Farther India. Indeed, many facts are known, chiefly
in the language, the religion, the domestic arts, the agriculture,
the pastoral life which remind one of known conditions peculiarly
Indian. The results of the ethnologists are so tangled here that one
has to be cautious when one or another of them draws conclusions
concerning immigrations, because of certain local or territorial
specializations. Of course, when a Brahmanic custom occurs anywhere
it is right to conclude that it came here from India. But before
assuming that the tribe in which such a custom prevails itself comes
from Hither or Farther India, the time has to be ascertained to which
the custom is to be traced back. The chronological evidence leads to
the confident belief that the custom and the tribe immigrated together.

[Ancestor worship.] Over the whole Philippine Archipelago
religious customs have changed with the progress of external
relations. Christianity has in many places spread its peculiar customs,
observances, and opinions, and changed entirely the direction of
thought. On closer view are to be detected in the midst of Christian
activities older survivals, as ingredients of belief which, in
spite of that religion, have not vanished. Before Christianity, in
many places, Islam flourished, and it is not surprising to witness,
as on Mindanao, Christian and Mohammedan beliefs side by side. But,
before Islam, ancestor worship, as has long been known, was widely
prevalent. In almost every locality, every hut has its Anito with
its special place, its own dwelling; there are Anito pictures and
images, certain trees and, indeed, certain animals in which some
Anito resides. The ancestor worship is as old as history, for the
discoverers of the Philippines found it in full bloom, and rightly
has Blumentritt characterized Anito worship as the ground form of
Philippine religion. He has also furnished numerous examples of Anito
cult surviving in Christian communities.

Chronology has a good groundwork and it will have to observe every
footprint of vanishing creeds. Only, it must not be overlooked that
the beginning of the chronology of religion has not been reached,
and that the origin of the generally diffused ancestor worship, at
least on the Philippines, is not known. If it is borne in mind that
belief in Anitos is widely diffused in Polynesia and in purely Malay
areas, the drawing of certain conclusions therefrom concerning the
prehistory of the Philippines is to be despaired of.

[Tattooing.] Next to religious customs, among wild tribes fashions
are most enduring. Little of costume is to be seen, indeed, among
them. Therefore, here tattooing asserts its sway. The more it has
been studied in late years the more valuable has been the information
in deciding the kinship relations of tribes. Unfortunately, in the
Philippines the greater part of the early tattoo designs have been
lost and the art itself is also nearly eliminated. But since the
journey of Carl Semper it has been known that not only Malays but
also Negritos tattoo; indeed, this admirable explorer has decided
that the "Negroes of the East Coast" practice a different method of
tattooing from that of the Mariveles in the west, and on that account
they attain different results. In the one case a needle is employed
to make fine holes in the skin in which to introduce the color; in
the other long gashes are made. In the latter case prominent scars
result; in the former a smooth pattern. But these combined patterns
are on the whole the same, instead of rectilinear figures. Schadenburg
has the operations commence with a sharpened bamboo on children 10
years of age. Among the wild tribes of the light-colored population
tattooing is not less diffused, but the patterns are not alike in the
different tribes. Isabelo de los Reyes reports that the Tinguianes,
who inhabit the mountain forests of the northern cordilleras of Luzon,
produce figures of stars, snakes, birds, etc., on children 7 to 9 years
old. Hans Meyer describes the pattern of the Igorots. There appears to
exist a great variety of symbols; for example, on the arms, straight
and crooked lines crossing one another; on the breast, feather-like
patterns. Least frequently he saw the so-called Burik designs, which
extended in parallel bands across the breast, the back, and calves,
and give to the body the appearance of a sailor's striped jacket. It
is very remarkable that the human form never occurs.

What is true concerning tattooing on so many Polynesian islands
holds also completely here. But reliable descriptions are so few,
and especially there is such a meager number of useful drawings,
that it would not repay the trouble to assemble the scattered data. At
least it will suffice to discover whether among them there are genuine
tribal marks or to investigate concerning the distribution of separate
patterns. Those known show conclusively that in the matter of tattooing
the Filipinos are not differentiated from the islanders of the Pacific;
they form, moreover, an important link in the chain of knowledge
which demonstrates the genetic homogeneity of the inhabitants. The
tattooings of the eastern islanders are comparable only to those of
African aborigines, with which last they furnish many family marks,
made out and recognized. It is desirable that a trustworthy collection
of all patterns be collected before the method becomes more altered
or destroyed.

[Teeth alterations.] Next to the skin, among the wild tribes the
teeth are modified in the most numerous artificial alterations. The
preferable custom, common in Africa, of breaking out the front
teeth in greater or less number has not, so far as I remember, been
described among the Filipinos; I only mention that while I was making a
revision of our Philippine crania, two of them turned up in which the
middle upper incisors had evidently been broken out for a long time,
for the alveolar border had shrunk into a small quite smooth ridge,
without a trace of an aveolus. It is otherwise with the pointing of
the incisors, especially the upper ones, which, also is not common. I
must leave it undecided whether the sharpening is done by filing or by
breaking off pieces from the sides. The latter should be in general
far more frequent. In every case the otherwise broad and flat teeth
are brought to such sharp points as to project like those of the
carnivorous animals. I have met with this condition several times
on Negrito skulls and furnished illustrations of them. On a Zambal
skull, excavated by Dr. A. B. Meyer and which I lay before you,
the deformation is easy to be seen. I called attention at the time
to the fact that among the Malays an entirely different method of
modifying the teeth is in vogue, in which a horizontal filing on the
front surface is practiced and the sharp lower edge is straightened
and widened. Already the elder Thévenot has accented this contrast
when he says:

"These cause the teeth to be equal, those file them to points, giving
them the shape of a saw."

This difference appears to have held on till the present; at least
no skull of an Indio is known to me with similar deformation of the
teeth. This custom of the Negritos is so much more remarkable since
the chipping of the corners of the teeth is widely spread among the
African blacks.

[Skill flattening.] The other part of the body used most for
deformation--the skull--is in strong contrast to the last-named
custom. Deformed crania; especially from older times, are quite
numerous in the Philippines; probably they belong exclusively to
the Indios. If they exist among the Negritos, I do not know it; the
only exception comes from the Tinguianes, of whom I. de los Reyes
reports their skulls are flattened behind (por detrás oprimido). Such
flattening is found, however, not seldom among tribes who have the
practice of binding children on hard cradle boards--chiefly among those
families who keep their infants a long time on such contrivances. A
sure mark by which to discriminate accidental pressure of this sort
from one intentionally produced is not at hand; it may be that
in accidental deformation oblique position of the deformed spot
is more frequent; at any rate, the difference in the Philippines
is a very striking one, since there not so much the occiput as the
front and middle portions suffer from the disfigurements, and thereby
deformations are produced that have had their most perfect expression
among the ancient Peruvians and other American tribes.

I have discussed cranial deformation of the Americans in
greater detail, where I exhibit the accidental and the artificial
(intentional) deformation in their principal forms. The result is that
in large sections of America scarcely any ancient skulls are found
having their natural forms, but that the practice of deformation
has not been general; moreover, a number of deformation centers
may be differentiated which stand in no direct association with
one another. The Peruvian center is far removed from that of the
northwest coast, and this again from that of the Gulf States. From
this it must not be said that each center may have had its own, as
it were, autochthonous origin. But the method has not so spread that
its course can be followed immediately. Rather is the supposition
confirmed that the method is to be traced to some other time,
therefore that somewhere there must have been a place of origin for
it. On the Eastern Hemisphere, and especially in the region here
under consideration, the relations are apparently otherwise. Here
exist, so far as known, great areas entirely free from deformation;
small ones, on the other hand, full of it. There are here, also,
deformation centers, but only a few. Among these, with our present
knowledge, the Philippines occupy the first place.

The knowledge of this, indeed, is not of long duration. Public
attention was first aroused about thirty years ago concerning
skulls from Samar and Luzon, gathered by F. Jagor from ancient
caves, to furnish the proof of their deformation. Up to that time
next to nothing was known of deformed crania in the oriental island
world. First through my publication the attention of J. G. Riedel,
a most observant Dutch resident, was called to the fact that cranial
deformation is still practiced in the Celebes, and he was so good as to
send us a specimen of the compressing apparatus for delicate infants
(1874). Compressed crania were also found. But the number was small
and the compression of the separate specimens was only slight. In
both respects what was observed in the Sunda islands did not differ
from the state of the case in the Philippines. Through Jagor's
collections different places had become known where deformed crania
were buried. Since then the number of localities has multiplied. I
shall mention only two, on account of their peculiar locality. One is
Cagraray, a small island east of Luzon, in the Pacific Ocean, at the
entrance of the Bay of Albay; the other, the island of Marinduque,
in the west, between Luzon and Mindoro. From the last-named island I
saw, ten years ago, the first picture of one in a photograph album
accidentally placed in my hands. Since then I had opportunity to
examine the Schadenberg collection of crania, lately come into the
possession of the Reichsmuseum, in Leyden, and to my great delight
discovered in it a series of skulls which are compressed in exactly
the same fashion as those of Lanang. It is said that these will soon
be described in a publication.

It is of especial interest that this method has been noted in the
Philippines for more than three hundred years. In my first publication
I cited a passage in Thévenot where he says, on the testimony of a
priest, that the natives on some islands had the custom of compressing
the head of a newborn child between two boards, so that it would be
no longer round, but lengthened out; also they flattened the forehead,
which they looked upon as a special mark of beauty. This is, therefore,
an ancient example. It is confirmed by the circumstance that these
crania are found especially in caves, from the roofs of which mineral
waters have dripped, which have overlaid the bones partly with a thick
layer of calcareous matter. The bones themselves have an uncommonly
thick, almost ivory, fossil-like appearance. Only the outer surface
is in places corroded, and on these places saturated with a greenish
infiltration. It is to be assumed, therefore, that they are very old. I
have the impression that they must have been placed here before the
discovery of the islands and the introduction of Christianity. Their
peculiar appearance, especially their angular form and the thickness
of the bone, reminds one of crania from other parts of the South Sea,
especially those from Chatham and Sandwich Islands. I shall not here
go further into this question, but merely mention that I came to the
conclusion that these people must be looked upon as proto-Malayan.

[Hope of Filipino and American study.] The changes which will take
place in the political condition of the Philippines may be of little
service to scientific explorations at first; but the study of the
population will be surely taken up with renewed energy. Already
in America scholars have begun to occupy themselves therewith. A
brief article by Dr. Brinton is to be mentioned as the first sign of
this. But should the ardent desire of the Filipinos be realized, that
their islands *hould have political autonomy, it is to be hoped that,
out of the patriotic enthusiasm of the population and the scientific
spirit of many of their best men, new sources of information will be
opened for the history and the development of oriental peoples. To
this end it may be here mentioned, by the way, that the connecting
links of ancient Philippine history and the customs of these islands,
as well with the Melanesians as with the Polynesians of the south,
are yet to be discovered.

As representatives of these two groups, I present, in closing, two
especially well-formed crania from the Philippines. One of them,
which shows the marks of antiquity that I have set forth, belongs
to an "Indio." [Comparison of Indio and Negrito skulls.] It has
the high cranial capacity of 1,540 cubic centimeters, a horizontal
circumference of 525 millimeters, and a sagitta-circumference of
386 millimeters; its form is hypsidolicho, quite on the border of
mesocephaly: Index of width, 75.3; index of height, 76.3. Besides,
it has the appearance of a race capable of development; only, the
nose is platyrrhine (index, 52.3), as among so many Malay tribes, and
in the left temple it bears a Processus frontalis squamae temporalis
developed partly from an enlarged fontanelle. The other skull was one
taken from a Negrito grave of Zambales by Dr. A. B. Meyer. It makes,
at first glance, just as favorable an impression, but its capacity
is only 1,182 cubic centimeters; therefore 358 cubic centimeters less
than the other. Its form is orthobrachycephalic; breadth index, 80.2;
height index, 70.6. As in single traits of development, so in the
measurements, the difference and the debased character of this race
obtrude themselves. Only, the nasal index is somewhat smaller; on the
whole, the nose has in its separate parts a decidedly pithecoid form.


PART VI

People and Prospects of the Philippines

Blackwood's magazine for August, 1818, has an account of conditions
in Manila and the Philippines from data given by an English merchant
who left the Islands in 1798 after twenty years' residence in which
he accumulated a fortune.

"Your first question, with respect to the Spanish population, must
refer to native Spaniards only; as their numerous descendants, through
all the variety of half-castes, would include one third at least of
the whole population of Luconia (i.e., Luzon--A. C.)

"Of native Spaniards, accordingly, settled in the Philippine Islands,
the total number may be stated at 2,000 not military. The military,
including all descriptions, men and officers, are about 2,500,
out of which number the native regiments are officered These last,
in 1796-7, were almost entirely composed of South Americans and were
reckoned at 5,000 men, making a military force of about 7,500.

"The castes bearing a mixture of the Spanish blood are in Luconia
alone at least 200,000. The Sangleys, or Chinese descendants, are
upwards of 20,000, and Indians, who call themselves the original
Tagalas, about 340,000, making a total population in that island of
about 600,000 souls. What may be the respective numbers in the other
Philippine Islands I never had any opportunity of learning."

(This opinion, of a day when it was not desired to disparage the
people, gives an idea of the mixed blood of the Filipinos which, in the
opinion of the ethnologists, like Ratzel, is a source of strength. It
classes them with the English and Americans. One danger of the present
appears in over-emphasizing the Malay blood, just as in Spanish times
a real loss seems to have come from the contempt toward the Chinese
which led to minimizing and concealing a most creditable ancestry.

Prejudice in the past called all trouble makers mestizos, but today's
study is showing that trouble maker meant man who would stand up for
his rights; one must not forget that mestizo was used as a reproach,
that the leaders of the people were really typical of the people. By
the old injustice those who were mediocre were called natives and
whoever rose above his fellows was claimed as a Spaniard, but a
fairer way would seem to be to consider Filipinos all born in the
Philippines.--C.).

The Cornhill magazine in the late '70s had a contribution by the then
British Consul, Mr. Palgreave, on "Malay Life in the Philippines,"
that makes more understandable the reputation of the islands, which
before the opening of the Suez were a health resort for Japan,
the China coast and India. It also shows a fairness to the people
uncommon in the Spanish-inspired writings of his day.

"Dull indeed must be his soul, unsympathetic his nature who can see
the forests and mountains of Luzon, Queen of the Eastern Isles, fade
away into dim violet outlines on the fast receding horizon without
some pang of longing regret. Not the Aegean, not the West Indian,
not the Samoan, not any rival in manifold beauties of earth, sea and
sky the Philippine Archipelago. Pity that for the Philippines no word
limner of note exists. The chiefest, the almost exceptional spell of
the Philippines, is situated, not in the lake or volcano, forest or
plain, but in the races that form the bulk of the island population.

"I said 'almost exceptional' because rarely is an intra-tropical
people a satisfactory one to eye or mind. But this cannot be
said of the Philippine Malays who in bodily formation and mental
characteristics alike, may fairly claim a place, not among middling
ones merely, but among almost the higher names inscribed on the world's
national scale. A concentrated, never-absent self-respect, an habitual
self-restraint in word and deed, very rarely broken except when extreme
provocation induces the transitory but fatal frenzy known as 'amok,'
and an inbred courtesy, equally diffused through all classes, high or
low, unfailing decorum, prudence, caution, quiet cheerfulness, ready
hospitality and a correct, though not inventive taste. His family is
a pleasing sight, much subordination and little constraint, unison in
gradation, liberty--not license. Orderly children, respected parents,
women subject but not oppressed, men ruling but not despotic, reverence
with kindness, obedience in affection, these form lovable pictures,
not by any means rare in the villages of the eastern isles." (Here
again comes the necessity of combatting the popular impression that the
Philippines is a tropical land peopled by Malays. The modification of
climate from being an ocean archipelago suggests that these islands are
really subtropical, while mixture of blood joined with three centuries
of European civilization makes the term Malay misleading.--C.)

 * * * * *


PART VII

Filipino Merchants of the Early 1890s

F. Karuth, F. R. G. S., (President of an English corporation interested
in Philippine mining) about 1894, wrote:

"Few outside the comparatively narrow circle who are directly
interested in the commerce and resources of the Philippine Islands
know anything about them. The Philippine merchants are a rather
close community which only in the last decade or so has expanded its
diameter a little. There are a number of very old established firms
amongst them, several of them being British.... Amongst them also
are firms--perhaps as far as wealth and local influence go, the most
important firms--whose chiefs are partly at least of native blood.






NOTES

[1] New York noon is Manilla 1:04 next morning.--C.

[2] Navarrete, IV, 97 Obs. 2a.

[3] According to Albo's ship journal, he perceived the difference at
the Cape de Verde Islands on July 9, 1522; "Y este día fué miercoles,
y este día tienen ellos pot jueves." (And this day was Wednesday and
this day they had as Thursday.)

[4] In a note on the 18th page of the masterly English (Hakluyt
Society) translation of Morga, I find the curious statement that
a similar rectification was made at the same time at Macao, where
the Portuguese, who reached it on an easterly course, had made the
mistake of a day the other way.

[5] Towards the close of the sixteenth century the duty upon the
exports to China amounted to $40,000 and their imports to at least
$1,330,000. In 1810, after more than two centuries of undisturbed
Spanish rule, the latter had sunk to $1,150,000. Since then they have
gradually increased; and in 1861 they reached $2,130,000.

[6] The Panama canal prevents this.--C.

[7] Navarrete, IV, 54 Obs. 1a.

[8] According to Gehler's Phys. Lex. VI, 450, the log was first
mentioned by Purchas in an account of a voyage to the East Indies in
1608. Pigafetta does not cite it in his treatise on navigation; but
in the forty-fifth page of his work it is said: "Secondo la misura
che facevamo del viaggio colla cadena a poppa, noi percorrevamo 60 a
70 leghe al giorno." This was as rapid a rate as that of our (1870)
fastest steamboats--ten knots an hour.

[9] The European mail reaches Manila through Singapore and
Hongkong. Singapore is about equidistant from the other two
places. Letters therefore could be received in the Philippines as soon
as in China, if they were sent direct from Singapore. In that case,
however, a steamer communication with that port must be established,
and the traffic is not yet sufficiently developed to bear the double
expense. According to the report of the English Consul (May, 1870),
there is, besides the Government steamer, a private packet running
between Hongkong and Manila. The number of passengers it conveyed
to China amounted, in 1868, to 441 Europeans and 3,048 Chinese;
total, 3,489. The numbers carried the other way were 330 Europeans
and 4,664 Chinese; in all, 4,994. The fare is $80 for Europeans and
$20 for Chinamen.

[10] Zuñiga, Mavers, I, 225.

[11] Dr. Pedro Pelaez, in temporary charge of the diocese and dying
in the cathedral, was the foremost Filipino victim. Funds raised in
Spain for relief never reached the sufferers, but not till the end
of Spanish rule was it safe to comment on this in the Philippines.--C.

[12] Zuñiga, XVIII, M. Velarde, p. 139.

[13] Captain Salmon, Goch., S. 33.

[14] The opening of this port proved so advantageous that I intended
to have given a few interesting details of its trade in a separate
chapter, chiefly gathered from the verbal and written remarks of the
English Vice-Consul, the late Mr. N. Loney, and from other consular
reports.

[15] In 1868, 112 foreign vessels, to the aggregate of 74,054 tons,
and Spanish ships to the aggregate of 26,762 tons, entered the
port of Manila. Nearly all the first came in ballast, but left with
cargoes. The latter both came and left in freight. (English Consul's
Report, 1869.)

[16] In 1868 the total exports amounted to $14,013,108; of this England
alone accounted for $4,857,000, and the whole of the rest of Europe for
only $102,477. The first amount does not include the tobacco duty paid
to Spain by the colony, $3,169,144. (English Consul's Report, 1869.)

[17] La Pérouse said that Manila was perhaps the most fortunately
situated city in the world.

[18] Sapan or Sibucao, Caesalpinia Sapan. Pernambuco or Brazil
wood, to which the empire of Brazil owes its name, comes from the
Caesalpinia echinat and the Caesalpinia Braziliensis. (The oldest
maps of America remark of Brazil: "Its only useful product is Brazil
(wood).") The sapan of the Philippines is richer in dye stuff than
all other eastern asiatic woods, but it ranks below the Brazilian
sapan. It has, nowadays, lost its reputation, owing to its being
often stupidly cut down too early. It is sent especially to China,
where it is used for dyeing or printing in red. The stuff is first
macerated with alum, and then for a finish dipped in a weak alcoholic
solution of alkali. The reddish brown tint so frequently met with in
the clothes of the poorer Chinese is produced from sapan.

[19] Large quantities of small mussel shells (Cypraea moneta) were
sent at this period to Siam, where they are still used as money.

[20] Berghaus' Geo. hydrogr. Memoir.

[21] Manila was first founded in 1571, but as early as 1565, Urdaneta,
Legaspi's pilot, had found the way back through the Pacific Ocean
while he was seeking in the higher northern latitudes for a favorable
north-west wind. Strictly speaking, however, Urdaneta was not the first
to make use of the return passage, for one of Legaspi's five vessels,
under the command of Don Alonso de Arellano, which had on board as
pilot Lope Martin, a mulatto, separated itself from the fleet after
they had reached the Islands, and returned to New Spain on a northern
course, in order to claim the promised reward for the discovery. Don
Alonso was disappointed, however, by the speedy return of Urdaneta.

[22] Kottenkamp I., 1594.

[23] At first the maximum value of the imports only was limited,
and the Manila merchants were not over scrupulous in making false
statements as to their worth; to put an end to these malpractices a
limit was placed to the amount of silver exported. According to Mas,
however, the silver illegally exported amounted to six or eight times
the prescribed limit.

[24] La Pérouse mentions a French firm (Sebis), that, in 1787, had
been for many years established in Manila.

[25] R. Cocks to Thomas Wilson (Calendar of State Papers, India,
No. 823) .... "The English will obtain a trade in China, so they
bring not in any padres (as they term them), which the Chinese cannot
abide to hear of, because heretofore they came in such swarms, and
are always begging without shame."

[26] As late as 1857 some old decrees, passed against the establishment
of foreigners, were renewed. A royal ordinance of 1844 prohibits
the admission of strangers into the interior of the colony under any
pretext whatsoever.

[27] Vide Pinkerton.

[28] Each packet was 5 × 2 1/2 × 1 1/2 = 18.75 Spanish cubic
feet. St. Croix.

[29] Vide Comyn's comercio exterior.

[30] The obras pias were pious legacies which usually stipulated
that two-thirds of their value should be advanced at interest for the
furtherance of maritime commercial undertakings until the premiums,
which for a voyage to Acapulco amounted to 50, to China 25, and to
India 35 per cent., had increased the original capital to a certain
amount. The interest of the whole was then to be devoted to masses
for the founders, or to other pious and benevolent purposes. A third
was generally kept as a reserve fund to cover possible losses. The
government long since appropriated these reserve funds as compulsory
loans, "but they are still considered as existing."

When the trade with Acapulco came to an end, the principals could no
longer be laid out according to the intentions of the founders, and
they were lent out at interest in other ways. By a royal ordinance of
November 3, 1854, a junta was appointed to administer the property of
the . The total capital of the five endowments (in reality only four,
for one of them no longer possessed anything) amounted to nearly
a million of dollars. The profits from the loans were distributed
according to the amounts of the original capital, which, however,
no longer existed in cash, as the government had disposed of them.

[31] Vide Thevenot.

[32] According to Morga, between the fourteenth and fifteenth.

[33] Vide De Guignes, Pinkerton XI, and Anson X.

[34] Vide Anson.

[35] Randolph's History of California.

[36] In Morga's time, the galleons took seventy days to the Ladrone
Islands, from ten to twelve from thence to Cape Espiritu Santo,
and eight more to Manila.

[37] A very good description of these voyages may be found in the
10th chapter of Anson's work, which also contains a copy of a sea map,
captured in the Cavadonga, displaying the proper track of the galleons
to and from Acapulco.

[38] De Guignes.

[39] The officer in command of the expedition, to whom the title of
general was given, had always a captain under his orders, and his
share in the gain of each trip amounted to $40,000. The pilot was
content with $20,000. The first lieutenant (master) was entitled to 9
per cent on the sale of the cargo, and pocketed from this and from the
profits of his own private ventures upwards of $350,000. (Vide Arenas.)

[40] The value of the cargoes Anson captured amounted to $1,313,000,
besides 35,682 ounces of fine silver and cochineal. While England
and Spain were at peace, Drake plundered the latter to the extent of
at least one and a half million of dollars. Thomas Candish burnt the
rich cargo of the Santa Anna, as he had no room for it on board his
own vessel.

[41] For instance, in 1786 the San Andres, which had a cargo on board
valued at a couple of millions, found no market for it in Acapulco;
the same thing happened in 1787 to the San Jose, and a second time
in 1789 to the San Andres.

[42] In 1855 its population consisted of 586 European Spaniards,
1,378 Creoles, 6,323 Malay Filipinos and mestizos, 332 Chinamen,
2 Hamburgers, 1 Portuguese, and 1 Negro.

[43] The earthquake of 1863 destroyed the old bridge. It is intended,
however, to restore it; the supporting pillars are ready, and
the superincumbent iron structure is shortly expected from Europe
(April, 1872).--The central span, damaged in the high water of 1914,
was temporarily replaced with a wooden structure and plans have been
prepared for a new bridge, permitting ships to pass and to be used
also by the railway, nearer the river mouth.--C.

[44] Roescher's Colonies.

[45] A brief description of a nipa house, accompanying an illustration,
is here omitted.--C.

[46] The following figures will give an idea of the contents of
the newspapers. I do not allude to the Bulletin Official, which is
reserved for official announcements, and contains little else of
any importance. The number lying before me of the Comercio (Nov. 29,
1858), a paper that appears six times a week, consists of four pages,
the printed portion in each of which is 11 inches by 17; the whole,
therefore, contains 748 square inches of printed matter. They are
distributed as follows:--

Title, 27 1/2 sq. in.; an essay on the population of Spain, taken
from a book, 102 1/2 sq. in.; under the heading "News from Europe,"
an article, quoted from the Annals of La Caridad, upon the increase
of charity and Catholic instruction in France, 40 1/2 sq. in.;
Part I, of a treatise on Art and its Origin (a series of truisms),
70 sq. in.; extracts from the official sheet, 20 1/2 sq. in.; a few
ancient anecdotes, 59 sq. in. Religious portion (this is divided into
two parts--official and unofficial). The first contains the saints
for the different days of the year, etc., and the announcements of
religious festivals; the second advertises a forthcoming splendid
procession, and contains the first half of a sermon preached three
years before, on the anniversary of the same festival, 99 sq. in.,
besides an instalment of an old novel, 154, and advertisements, 175
sq. in.; total, 748 sq. in. In the last years, however, the newspapers
sometimes have contained serious essays, but of late these appear
extremely seldom.

[47] Vide Pigafetta.

[48] Cock-fighting is not alluded to in the "Ordinances of good
government," collected by Hurtado Corcuera in the middle of the
seventeenth century. In 1779 cock-fights were taxed for the first
time. In 1781 the government farmed the right of entrance to
the galleras (derived from gallo, rooster) for the yearly sum of
$14,798. In 1863 the receipts from the galleras figured in the budget
for $106,000.

A special decree of 100 clauses was issued in Madrid on the 21st of
March, 1861, for the regulation of cock-fights. The 1st clause declares
that since cock-fights are a source of revenue to the State, they
shall only take place in arenas licensed by the Government. The 6th
restricts them to Sundays and holidays; the 7th, from the conclusion
of high mass to sunset. The 12th forbids more than $50 to be staked
on one contest. The 38th decrees that each cock shall carry but one
weapon, and that on its left spur. By the 52nd the fight is to be
considered over when one or both cocks are dead, or when one shows
the white feather. In the London Daily News of the 30th June, 1869,
I find it reported that five men were sentenced at Leeds to two
months' hard labor for setting six cocks to fight one another with
iron spurs. From this it appears that this once favorite spectacle
is no longer permitted in England.

[49] The raw materials of these adventures were supplied by a French
planter, M. de la Gironiere, but their literary parent is avowedly
Alexander Dumas.

[50] Botanical gardens do not seem to prosper under Spanish
auspices. Chamisso complains that, in his day, there were no traces
left of the botanical gardens founded at Cavite by the learned
Cuellar. The gardens at Madrid, even, are in a sorry plight; its
hothouses are almost empty. The grounds which were laid out at great
expense by a wealthy and patriotic Spaniard at Orotava (Teneriffe),
a spot whose climate has been of the greatest service to invalids, are
rapidly going to decay. Every year a considerable sum is appropriated
to it in the national budget, but scarcely a fraction of it ever
reaches Orotava. When I was there in 1867, the gardener had received
no salary for twenty-two months, all the workmen were dismissed,
and even the indispensable water supply had been cut off.

[51] For a proof of this vide the Berlin Ethnographical Museum,
Nos. 294-295.

[52] Bertillon (Acclimatement et Acclimatation, Dict. Encycl. des
Science, Médicales) ascribes the capacity of the Spaniards for
acclimatization in tropical countries to the large admixture of
Syrian and African blood which flows in their veins. The ancient
Iberians appear to have reached Spain from Chaldea across Africa;
the Phoenicians and Carthaginians had flourishing colonies in the
peninsula, and, in later times, the Moors possessed a large portion
of the country for a century, and ruled with great splendor, a state
of things leading to a mixture of race. Thus Spanish blood has three
distinct times been abundantly crossed with that of Africa. The warm
climate of the peninsula must also largely contribute to render its
inhabitants fit for life in the tropics. The pure Indo-European race
has never succeeded in establishing itself on the southern shores of
the Mediterranean, much less in the arid soil of the tropics.

In Martinique, where from eight to nine thousand whites live on the
proceeds of the toil of 125,000 of the colored race, the population
is diminishing instead of increasing. The French creoles seem to
have lost the power of maintaining themselves, in proportion to the
existing means of subsistence, and of multiplying. Families which
do not from time to time fortify themselves with a strain of fresh
European blood, die out in from three to four generations. The same
thing happens in the English, but not in the Spanish Antilles, although
the climate and the natural surroundings are the same. According to
Ramón de la Sagra, the death-rate is smaller among the creoles, and
greater among the natives, than it is in Spain; the mortality among
the garrison, however, is considerable. The same writer states that
the real acclimatization of the Spanish race takes place by selection;
the unfit die, and the others thrive.

[53] An unnecessary line is here omitted.--C.

[54] Depons, speaking of the means employed in America to obtain the
same end, says, "I am convinced that it is impossible to engraft the
Christian religion on the Indian mind without mixing up their own
inclinations and customs with those of Christianity; this has been
even carried so far, that at one time theologians raised the question,
whether it was lawful to eat human flesh? But the most singular part
of the proceeding is, that the question was decided in favor of the
anthropophagi."

[55] As a matter of fact, productive land is always appropriated,
and in many parts of the Islands is difficult and expensive to
purchase. Near Manila, and in Bulacan, land has for many years past
cost over $225 (silver) an acre.

[56] Ind. Arch. IV; 307.

[57] In Buitenzorger's garden, Java, the author observed, however,
some specimens growing in fresh water.

[58] Boyle, in his Adventures among the Dyaks, mentions that he
actually found pneumatic tinder-boxes, made of bamboo, in use among
the Dyaks; Bastian met with them in Burmah. Boyle saw a Dyak place
some tinder on a broken piece of earthenware, holding it steady with
his thumb while he struck it a sharp blow with a piece of bamboo. The
tinder took fire. Wallace observed the same method of striking a
light in Ternate.

[59] Centigrade is changed to Fahrenheit by multiplying by nine-fifths
and adding thirty-two.--C.

[60] Tylor (Anahuac 227) says that this word is derived from the
Mexican petlatl, a mat. The inhabitants of the Philippines call this
petate, and from the Mexican petla-calli, a mat "house," derive petaca,
a cigar case.

[61] Four lines, re an omitted sketch, left out.--C.

[62] Voyage en Chine, vol. II., page 33.

[63] According to the report of an engineer, the sand banks are caused
by the river San Mateo, which runs into the Pasig at right angles
shortly after the latter leaves the Lagoon; in the rainy season it
brings down a quantity of mud, which is heaped up and embanked by the
south-west winds that prevail at the time. It would, therefore, be of
little use to remove the sandbanks without giving the San Mateo, the
cause of their existence, a direct and separate outlet into the lake.

[64] They take baths for their maladies, and have hot springs for
this purpose, particularly along the shore of the king's lake (Estang
du Roy, instead of Estang de Bay by a printer's mistake apparently),
which is in the Island of Manila.--Thevenot.

[65] "One can scarcely walk thirty paces between Mount Makiling and
a place called Bacon, which lies to the east of Los Baños, without
meeting several kinds of natural springs, some very hot, some lukewarm,
some of the temperature of the atmosphere, and some very cold. In a
description of this place given in our archives for the year 1739, it
is recorded that a hill called Natognos lies a mile to the south-east
of the village, on the plateau of which there is a small plain 400
feet square, which is kept in constant motion by the volume of vapor
issuing from it. The soil from which this vapor issues is an extremely
white earth; it is sometimes thrown up to the height of a yard or a
yard and a half, and meeting the lower temperature of the atmosphere
falls to the ground in small pieces."--Estado geograph., 1865.

[66] Pigafetta says that the natives, in order to obtain palm-wine,
cut the top of the tree through to the pith, and then catch the sap
as it oozes out of the incision. According to Regnaud, Natural History
of the Coco-tree, the negroes of Saint Thomas pursue a similar method
in the present day, a method that considerably injures the trees and
produces a much smaller quantity of liquor. Hernandez describes an
indigenous process of obtaining wine, honey, and sago from the sacsao
palm, a tree which from its stunted growth would seem to correspond
with the acenga saccharifera. The trees are tapped near the top, the
soft part of the trunks is hollowed out, and the sap collects in this
empty space. When all the juice is extracted, the tree is allowed to
dry up, and is then cut into thin pieces which, after desiccation in
the sun, are ground into meal.

[67] Pigafetta mentions that the natives were in the habit of making
oil, vinegar, wine, and milk, from the coco-palm, and that they drank
a great deal of the wine. Their kings, he says, frequently intoxicated
themselves at their banquets.

[68] A number of the Illustrated London News, of December, 1857,
or January, 1858, contains a clever drawing, by an accomplished
artist, of the mode of travelling over this road, under the title,
"A macadamized road in Manila."

[69] Erd and Picketing, of the United States exploring expedition,
determined the height to be 6,500 English feet (7,143 Spanish),
not an unsatisfactory result, considering the imperfect means they
possessed for making a proper measurement. In the Manila Estado
geographico for 1865, the height is given, without any statement as
to the source whence the estimate is derived, as 7,030 feet. The same
authority says, "the large volcano is extinct since 1730, in which
year its last eruption took place. The mountain burst into flames on
the southern side, threw up streams of water, burning lava, and stones
of an enormous size; traces of the last can be observed as far as the
village of Sariaya. The crater is perhaps a league in circumference,
it is highest on the northern side, and its interior is shaped like
an egg-shell: the depth of the crater apparently extends half-way
down the height of the mountain."

[70] From ponte, deck; a two-masted vessel, with mat sails, of about
100 tons burden.

[71] Estado Geogr., p. 314.

[72] Officially called Cagsaua. The old town of Cagsaua, which was
built higher up the hill and was destroyed by the eruption of 1814,
was rebuilt on the spot where formerly stood a small hamlet of the
name of Daraga.

[73] I learnt from Mr. Paton that the undertaking had also been
represented as impracticable in Albay. "Not a single Spaniard, not
a single native had ever succeeded in reaching the summit; in spite
of all their precautions they would certainly be swallowed up in the
sand." However, one morning, about five o'clock, they set off, and soon
reached the foot of the cone of the crater. Accompanied by a couple of
natives, who soon left them, they began to make the ascent. Resting
half way up, they noticed frequent masses of shining lava, thrown
from the mouth of the crater, gliding down the mountain. With the
greatest exertions they succeeded, between two and three o'clock,
in reaching the summit, where, however, they were prevented by the
noxious gas from remaining more than two or three minutes. During
their descent, they restored their strength with some refreshments
Sr. Muñoz had sent to meet them; and they reached Albay towards
evening, where during their short stay they were treated as heroes,
and presented with an official certificate of their achievement,
for which they had the pleasure of paying several dollars.

[74] From 36,000,000 to 40,000,000 lbs. of cacao are consumed in Europe
annually; of which quantity nearly a third goes to France, whose
consumption of it between 1853 and 1866 has more than doubled. In
the former year it amounted to 6,215,000 lbs., in the latter to
12,973,534 lbs. Venezuela sends the finest cacaos to the European
market, those of Porto Cabello and Caracas. That of Caracas is the
dearest and the best, and is of four kinds: Chuao, Ghoroni, O'Cumar,
and Rio Chico. England consumes the cacao grown in its own colonies,
although the duty (1d per lb.) is the same for all descriptions. Spain,
the principal consumer, imports its supplies from Cuba, Porto Rico,
Ecuador, Mexico, and Trinidad. Several large and important plantations
have recently been established by Frenchmen in Nicaragua. The cacao
beans of Soconusco (Central America) and Esmeralda (Ecuador) are more
highly esteemed than the finest of the Venezuela sorts; but they are
scarcely ever used in the Philippines, and cannot be said to form
part of their commerce. Germany contents itself with the inferior
kinds. Guayaquil cacao, which is only half the price of Caracas, is
more popular amongst the Germans than all the other varieties together.

[75] C. Scherzer, in his work on Central America, gives the cacao-tree
an existence of twenty years, and says that each tree annually produces
from 15 to 20 ounces of cacao. 1,000 plants will produce 1,250 lbs. of
cacao, worth $250; so that the annual produce of a single tree is worth
a quarter of a dollar. Mitscherlich says that from 4 to 6 lbs. of raw
beans is an average produce. A liter of dried cacao beans weighs 630
grains; of picked and roasted, 610 grains.

[76] In 1727 a hurricane destroyed at a single blast the important
cacao plantation of Martinique, which had been created by long years of
extraordinary care. The same thing happened at Trinidad.--Mitscherlich.

[77] F. Engel mentions a disease (mancha) which attacks the tree
in America, beginning by destroying its roots. The tree soon dies,
and the disease spreads so rapidly that whole groves of cacao-trees
utterly perish and are turned into pastures for cattle. Even in the
most favored localities, after a long season of prosperity, thousands
of trees are destroyed in a single night by this disease, just as the
harvest is about to take place. An almost equally dangerous foe to
cultivation is a moth whose larva entirely destroys the ripe cacao
beans; and which only cold and wind will kill. Humboldt mentions
that cacao beans which have been transported over the chilly passes
of the Cordilleras are never attacked by this pest.

[78] G. Bornoulli quotes altogether eighteen kinds; of which he
mentions only one as generally in use in the Philippines.

[79] Pili is very common in South Luzon, Samar, and Leyte; it is to be
found in almost every village. Its fruit, which is almost of the size
of an ordinary plum but not so round, contains a hard stone, the raw
kernel of which is steeped in syrup and candied in the same manner as
the kernel of the sweet pine, which it resembles in flavor. The large
trees with fruit on them, "about the size of almonds and looking like
sweet-pine kernels," which Pigafetta saw at Jomonjol were doubtless
pili-trees. An oil is expressed from the kernels much resembling
sweet almond oil. If incisions are made in the stems of the trees,
an abundant pleasant-smelling white resin flows from them, which
is largely used in the Philippines to calk ships with. It also has
a great reputation as an anti-rheumatic plaster. It is twenty years
since it was first exported to Europe; and the first consignees made
large profits, as the resin, which was worth scarcely anything in
the Philippines, became very popular and was much sought in Europe.

[80] The general name for the beverage was Cacahoa-atl (cacao
water). Chocolatl was the term given to a particular kind. F. Hernandez
found four kinds of cacao in use among the Axtecs, and he describes
four varieties of drinks that were prepared from them. The third
was called chocolatl, and apparently was prepared as follows:--Equal
quantities of the kernels of the pochotl (Bombaz ceiba) and cacahoatl
(cacao) trees were finely ground, and heated in an earthen vessel, and
all the grease removed as it rose to the surface. Maize, crushed and
soaked, was added to it, and a beverage prepared from the mixture; to
which the oily parts that had been skimmed off the top were restored,
and the whole was drunk hot.

[81] Berthold Seemann speaks of a tree with finger-shaped leaves
and small round berries, which the Indians sometimes offered for
sale. They made chocolate from them, which in flavor much surpassed
that usually made from cacao.

[82] Report of the French consul.

[83] Mysore and Mocha coffees fetch the highest prices. From $20 to
$22.50 per cwt. is paid for Mysore; and as much as $30, when it has
attained an age of five or six years, for Mocha.

[84] In 1865-66-67 California imported three and one-half, eight
and ten million lbs. of coffee, of which two, four and five millions
respectively came from Manila. In 1868 England was the best customer
of the Philippines.

[85] Report of the Belgian consul.

[86] Coffee is such an exquisite beverage, and is so seldom
properly prepared, that the following hints from a master in the
art (Report of the Jury, Internat. Exhib., Paris, 1868) will not be
unwelcome:--1st. Select good coffees. 2nd. Mix them in the proper
proportions. 3rd. Thoroughly dry the beans; otherwise in roasting them
a portion of the aroma escapes with the steam. 4th. Roast them in a dry
atmosphere, and roast each quality separately. 5th. Allow them to cool
rapidly. If it is impossible to roast the beans at home, then purchase
only sufficient for each day's consumption. With the exception of the
fourth, however, it is easy to follow all these directions at home;
and small roasting machines are purchasable, in which, with the aid
of a spirit lamp, small quantities can be prepared at a time. It is
best, when possible, to buy coffee in large quantities, and keep it
stored for two or three years in a dry place.

[87] A creeping, or rather a running fern, nearly the only one of
the kind in the whole species.

[88] The official accounts stated that they had kidnapped twenty-one
persons in a couple of weeks.

[89] Le Gentil, in his Travels in the Indian Seas, (1761) says:
"The monks are the real rulers of the provinces.... Their power is so
unlimited that no Spaniard cares to settle in the neighborhood.... The
monks would give him a great deal of trouble."

[90] St. Croix.

[91] St. Croix.

[92] There are three classes of alcaldeships, namely, entrada,
ascenso, and termino (vide Royal Ordinances of March, 1837); in
each of which an alcalde must serve for three years. No official is
allowed, under any pretence, to serve more than ten years in any of
the Asiatic magistracies.

[93] The law limiting the duration of appointments to this short
period dates from the earliest days of Spanish colonization in
America. There was also a variety of minor regulations, based on
suspicion, prohibiting the higher officials from mixing in friendly
intercourse with the colonists.

[94] A secular priest in the Philippines once related to me, quite of
his own accord, what had led him to the choice of his profession. One
day, when he was a non-commissioned officer in the army, he was playing
cards with some comrades in a shady balcony. "See," cried one of his
friends, observing a peasant occupied in tilling the fields in the
full heat of the sun, "how the donkey yonder is toiling and perspiring
while we are lolling in the shade." The happy conceit of letting the
donkeys work while the idle enjoyed life made such a deep impression on
him that he determined to turn priest; and it is the same felicitous
thought that has impelled so many impecunious gentlemen to become
colonial officials. The little opening for civil labor in Spain and
Portugal, and the prospect of comfortable perquisites in the colonies,
have sent many a starving caballero across the ocean.

[95] The exploitation of the State by party, and the exploitation of
party by individuals, are the real secrets of all revolutions in the
Peninsula. They are caused by a constant and universal struggle for
office. No one will work, and everybody wants to live luxuriously; and
this can only be done at the expense of the State, which all attempt
to turn and twist to their own ends. Shortly after the expulsion of
Isabella, an alcalde's appointment has been known to have been given
away three times in one day. (Prussian Year-Book, January, 1869.)

[96] According to Grunow, Cladophona arrisgona Kuetzing--Conferva
arrisgona Montague.

[97] A visita is a small hamlet or village with no priest of its
own, and dependent upon its largest neighbor for its religious
ministrations.

[98]  Pigafetta mentions that the female musicians of the King of
Cebu were quite naked, or only covered with an apron of bark. The
ladies of the Court were content with a hat, a short cloak, and a
cloth around the waist.

[99]  Perhaps the same reason induced the Chinese to purchase
crucifixes at the time of their first intercourse with the Portuguese;
for Pigafetta says: "The Chinese are white, wear clothes, and eat
from tables. They also possess crucifixes but it is difficult to say
why or where they got them."

[100] One line here omitted.--C.

[101] Apud Camarines quoque terrain eodem die quator decies
contremuisse, fide dignis testimoniis renuntiatum est: multa interim
aedificia diruta. Ingentem montem medium crepuisse immani hiatu, ex
immensa vi excussisse arbores per oras pelagi, ita ut leucam occuparent
aequoris, nec humor per illud intervallum appareret. Accidit hoc
anno 1628.--S. Eusebius Nieremberqius, Historia Naturae, lib. xvi.,
383. Antwerpiae, 1635.

[102] At Fort William, Calcutta, experiments have proved the
extraordinary endurance of the pine-apple fibre. A cable eight
centimeters in circumference was not torn asunder until a force
of 2,850 kilogrammes had been applied to it.--Report of the Jury,
London International Exhibition.

[103] Sapa means shallow.

[104] To the extraordinary abundance of these annulates in Sikkin,
Hooker (Himalayan Journal, i, 167) ascribes the death of many animals,
as also the murrain known as rinderpest, if it occurred after a very
wet season, when the leech appears in incredible numbers. It is a
known fact that these worms have existed for days together in the
nostrils, throat, and stomach of man, causing inexpressible pain and,
finally, death.

[105] Gemelli Careri has already mentioned them.

[106]  I discovered similar formations, of extraordinary beauty and
extent, in the great silicious beds of Steamboat Springs in Nevada.

[107] Arenas thinks that the ancient annals of the Chinese probably
contain information relative to the settlement of the present
inhabitants of Manila, as that people had early intercourse with
the Archipelago.

[108] Probably the Anodonta Purpurea, according to V. Martens.

[109]  1 ganta = 3 liters. 1 quiñon = 100 loànes = 2.79495 hectares =
6.89 acres. 1 caban = 25 gantas.

[110]  Scherzer, Miscellaneous Information.

[111] More than one hundred years later, Father Taillandier
writes:--"The Spaniards have brought cows, horses, and sheep from
America; but these animals cannot live there on account of the dampness
and inundations."--(Letters from Father Taillandier to Father Willard.)

[112] At the present time the Chinese horses are plump, large-headed,
hairy, and with bushy tails and manes; and the Japanese, elegant and
enduring, similar to the Arabian. Good Manila horses are of the latter
type, and are much prized by the Europeans in Chinese seaport towns.

[113] Compare Hernandez, Opera Omnia; Torquemada, Monarchia Indica.

[114] Buyo is the name given in the Philippines to the preparation of
betel suitable for chewing. A leaf of betel pepper (Chavica betel),
of the form and size of a bean-leaf, is smeared over with a small
piece of burnt lime of the size of a pea, and rolled together from
both ends to the middle; when, one end of the roll being inserted
into the other, a ring is formed, into which a smooth piece of areca
nut of corresponding size is introduced.

[115] Twelve lines are omitted here.--C.

[116] 4 lines are omitted.--C.

[117] In the country it is believed that swine's flesh often causes
this malady. A friend, a physiologist, conjectures the cause to be
the free use of very fat pork; but the natives commonly eat but little
flesh, and the pigs are very seldom fat.

[118] Compare A. Erman, Journey Round the Earth Through Northern Asia,
vol. iii, sec i, p. 191.

[119] According to Semper, p. 69, in Zamboanga and Basilan.

[120] The fear of waking sleeping persons really refers to the
widely-spread superstition that during sleep the soul leaves the body;
numerous instances of which occur in Bastian's work. Amongst the
Tinguianes (North Luzon) the worst of all curses is to this effect:
"May'st thou die sleeping!"--Informe, i. 14.

[121] Lewin ("Chittagong Hill Tracks," 1869, p. 46) relates of
the mountain people at that place: "Their manner of kissing is
peculiar. Instead of pressing lip to lip, they place the mouth and
nose upon the cheek, and inhale the breath strongly. Their form of
speech is not 'Give me a kiss,' but 'Smell me.' "

[122] Probably pot-stone, which is employed in China in the manufacture
of cheap ornaments. Gypseous refers probably only to the degree
of hardness.

[123] In the Christy collection, in London, I saw a stone of this
kind from the Schiffer Islands, employed in a contrivance for the
purpose of protection against rats and mice. A string being drawn
through the stone, one end of it is suspended from the ceiling of the
room, and the objects to be preserved hang from the other. A knot
in the middle of the string prevents its sliding below that point,
and, every touch drawing it from its equilibrium, it is impossible
for rats to climb upon it. A similar contrivance used in the Viti
Islands, but of wood, is figured in the Atlas to Dumont D'Urville's
"Voyage to the South Pole," (i. 95).

[124] "Carletti's Voyages," ii. 11.

[125] "Life in the Forests of the Far East," i. 300.

[126] According to Father Camel ("Philisoph. Trans. London," vol. xxvi,
p. 246), hantu means black ants the size of a wasp; amtig, smaller
black; and hantic, red ants.

[127] According to Dr. Gerstaecker, probably Phrynus Grayi Walck
Gerv., bringing forth alive. "S. Sitzungsb. Ges. Naturf. Freunde,
Berl." March 18, 1862, and portrayed and described in G. H. Bronn,
"Ord. Class.," vol. v. 184.

[128]  Calapnit, Tagal and Bicol, the bat; calapnitan, consequently,
lord of the bats.

[129] In only one out of several experiments made in the Berlin Mining
College did gold-sand contain 0.014 gold; and, in one experiment on
the heavy sand remaining on a mud-board, no gold was found.

[130] The Gogo is a climbing Mimosa (Entada purseta) with large pods,
very abundant in the Philippines; the pounded stem of which is employed
in washing, like the soap-bark of Chili (Quillaja saponaria); and
for many purposes, such as baths and washing the hair of the head,
is preferred to soap.

[131] A small gold nugget obtained in this manner, tested at the
Berlin Mining College, consisted of--


    Gold            77.4
    Silver          19.0
    Iron             0.5
    Flint earth      3.
    Loss             0.1
                   100.


[132] The nest and bird are figured in Gray's "Genera of Birds";
but the nest does not correspond with those found here. These
are hemispherical in form, and consist for the most part of coir
(coco fibers); and, as if prepared by the hand of man, the whole
interior is covered with an irregular net-work of fine threads of
the glutinous edible substance, as well as the upper edge, which
swells gently outwards from the center towards the sides, and expands
into two wing-shaped prolongations, resting on one another, by which
the nest is fixed to the wall. Dr. v. Martens conjectures that the
designation salangane comes from langayah, bird, and the Malay prefix
sa, and signifies especially the nest as something coming from the
bird.--("Journal of Ornith.," Jan., 1866.)

[133] Spanish Catalogue of the Paris Exhibition, 1867.

[134] "Informe sobre las Minas de Cobre," Manila, 1862.

[135] According to the Catalogue, the following ores are
found:--Variegated copper ore (cobre gris abigarrado), arsenious copper
(c. gris arsenical), vitreous copper (c. vitreo), copper pyrites
(pirita de cobre), solid copper (mata cobriza), and black copper
(c. negro). The ores of most frequent occurrence have the following
composition--A, according to an analyzed specimen in the School of
Mines at Madrid; B, according to the analysis of Santos, the mean of
several specimens taken from different places:--


                         A          B
    Silicious Acid  25.800      47.06
    Sulphur         31.715      44.44
    Copper          24.640      16.64
    Antimony         8.206       5.12
    Arsenic          7.539       4.65
    Iron             1.837       1.84
    Lime            in traces    --
    Loss             0.263       0.25
                   -------     ------
                   100.000     100.00


[136] According to the prices current with us, the value would be
calculated at about $12; the value of the analyzed specimen, to which
we have before referred, $14.50.

[137] In Daet at that season six nuts cost one cuarto; and in Nags,
only fifteen leagues away by water, they expected to sell two nuts for
nine cuartos (twenty-sevenfold). The fact was that in Naga, at that
time, one nut fetched two cuartos--twelve times as much as in Daet.

[138] N. Loney asserts, in one of his excellent reports, that there
never is a deficiency of suitable laborers. As an example, at the
unloading of a ship in Iloilo, many were brought together at one
time, induced by the small rise of wages from one to one and one-half
reales; even more hands than could be employed. The Belgian consul,
too, reports that in the provinces where the abacá grows the whole
of the male population is engaged in its cultivation, in consequence
of a small rise of wages.

[139] An unfinished canal, to run from the Bicol to the Pasacao River,
was once dug, as is thought, by the Chinese, who carried on commerce
in great numbers.--Arenas, p. 140.

[140] La Situation Economique de l'Espagne.

[141] Lesage, "Coup d'Oeil," in Journal des Economistes, September,
1868.

[142] From barometrical observations--

                                                   m.
    Goa, on the northern slope of the Isaróg       32
    Uacloy, a settlement of Igorots               161
    Ravine of Baira                             1,134
    Summit of the Isarog                        1,966


[143] The skull of a slain Igorot, as shown by Professor Virchow's
investigation, has a certain similarity to Malay skulls of the
adjoining Islands of Sunda, especially to the skulls of the Dyaks.

[144] Pigafetta found Amboyna inhabited by Moors (Mohammedans) and
heathens; "but the first possessed the seashore, the latter the
interior." In the harbor of Brune (Borneo) he saw two towns; one
inhabited by Moors, and the other, larger than that, and standing
entirely in the salt-water, by heathen. The editor remarks that
Sonnerat ("Voyage aux Irides") subsequently found that the heathen
had been driven from the sea, and had retired into the mountains.

[145] On Coello's map these proportions are wrongly stated.

[146] "Java, seine Gestalt (its formation)" II. 125.

[147] An intelligent mestizo frequently visited me during my
sickness. According to his statements, besides the copper already
mentioned, coal is found in three places, and even gold and iron were
to be had. To the same man I am indebted for Professor Virchow's
skull of Caramuan, referred to before, which was said to have come
from a cavern in Umang, one league from Caramuan. Similar skulls are
also said to be found at the Visita Paniniman, and on a small island
close to the Visita Guialo.

[148] They are made of bamboo.

[149] The fruit of the wild pili is unfit for food.

[150] 17.375 Cent. or 63 Far.--C.

[151] 15.6 Cent. or 60 Far.--C.

[152] Sor Inspector por S. M.

Nosotros dos Capnes actuales de Rancherias de Lalud y Uacloy
comprension del pueblo de Goa prov. a de Camarines Sur. Ante los pies
de vmd postramos y decimos. Que por tan deplorable estado en que nos
hallabamos de la infedelidad recienpoblados esta visitas de Rancherias
ya nos Contentamos bastantemente en su felis llegada y suvida de este
eminente monte de Isarog loque havia con quiztado industriamente
de V. bajo mis consuelos, y alibios para poder con seguir a doce
ponos (i.e. arboles) de cocales de mananguiteria para Nuestro uso y
alogacion a los demas Igorotes, o montesinos q. no quieren vendirnos;
eta utilidad publica y reconocer a Dios y a la soberana Reyna y Sofa
Doña Isabel 2a (que Dios Gue) Y por intento.

A. V. pedimos, y suplicamos con humildad secirva proveer y mandar,
si es gracia segun lo q. imploramos, etc. Domingo Tales†. Jose
Laurenciano†.

[153] Dendrobium ceraula, Reichenbach.

[154] Rafflesia Cumingii R. Brown, according to Dr. Kuhn.

[155] According to E. Bernaldez ("Guerra al Sur") the number of
Spaniards and Filipinos kidnapped and killed within thirty years
amounted to twenty thousand.

[156] The richly laden Nao (Mexican galleon) acted in this way.

[157] Extract from a letter of the alcalde to the captain-general,
June 20, '60:--"For ten days past ten pirate vessels have been lying
undisturbed at the island of San Miguel, two leagues from Tabaco, and
interrupt the communication with the island of Catanduanes and the
eastern part of Albay. * * * They have committed several robberies,
and carried off six men. Nothing can be done to resist them as there
are no fire-arms in the villages, and the only two faluas have been
detained in the roads of San Bernardino by stress of weather."

Letter of June 25:--"Besides the above private ships four large pancos
and four small vintas have made their appearance in the straits of
San Bernardino. * * * Their force amounts from four hundred and fifty
to five hundred men. * * * Already they have killed sixteen men,
kidnapped ten, and captured one ship."

[158] In Chamisso's time it was even worse. "The expeditions
in armed vessels, which were sent from Manila to cruise against
the enemy (the pirates) * * * serve only to promote smuggling,
and Christians and Moros avoid one another with equal diligence
on such occasions." ("Observations and Views," p. 73.) * * * Mas
(i. iv. 43) reports to the same effect, according to notices from the
secretary-general's office at Manila, and adds that the cruisers sold
even the royal arms and ammunition, which had been entrusted to them,
whence much passed into the hands of the Moros. The alcaldes were
said to influence the commanders of the cruisers, and the latter
to overreach the alcaldes; but both usually made common cause. La
Pérouse also relates (ii., p. 357), that the alcaldes bought a very
large number of persons who had been made slaves by the pirates
(in the Philippines); so that the latter were not usually brought to
Batavia where they were of much less value.

[159] According to the Diario de Manila, March 14, 1866, piracy on
the seas had diminished, but had not ceased. Paragua, Calamianes,
Mindoro, Mindanao, and the Bisayas still suffer from it. Robberies and
kidnapping are frequently carried on as opportunity favors; and such
casual pirates are to be extirpated only by extreme severity. According
to my latest accounts, piracy is again on the increase.

[160] The Spaniards attempted the conquest of the Sulu Islands in
1628, 1629, 1637, 1731, and 1746; and frequent expeditions have since
taken place by way of reprisals. A great expedition was likewise sent
out in October, 1871, against Sulu, in order to restrain the piracy
which recently was getting the upper hand; indeed, a year or two
ago, the pirates had ventured as far as the neighborhood of Manila;
but in April of this year (1872) the fleet returned to Manila without
having effected its object. The Spaniards employed in this expedition
almost the whole marine force of the colony, fourteen ships, mostly
steam gunboats; and they bombarded the chief town without inflicting
any particular damage, while the Moros withdrew into the interior,
and awaited the Spaniards (who, indeed, did not venture to land) in
a well-equipped body of five thousand men. After months of inactivity
the Spaniards burnt down an unarmed place on the coast, committing many
barbarities on the occasion, but drew back when the warriors advanced
to the combat. The ports of the Sulu archipelago are closed to trade
by a decree, although it is questionable whether all navigators
will pay any regard to it. Not long since the sovereignty of his
district was offered by the Sultan of Sulu to the King of Prussia;
but the offer was declined.

[161] The Diario de Manila of June 4, 1866, states:--"Yesterday the
military commission, established by ordinance of the 3rd August,
1865, discontinued its functions. The ordinary tribunals are again
in force. The numerous bands of thirty, forty, and more individuals,
armed to the teeth, which have left behind them their traces of
blood and fire at the doors of Manila and in so many other places,
are annihilated. * * * More than fifty robbers have expiated their
crimes on the gallows, and one hundred and forty have been condemned
to presidio (forced labor) or to other punishments."

[162] According to Arenas ("Memorias," 21) Albay was formerly called
Ibalon; Tayabas, Calilaya; Batangas, Comintan; Negros, Buglas; Cebu,
Sogbu; Mindoro, Mait; Samar, Ibabao; and Basilan, Taguima. Mindanao
is called Cesarea by B. de la Torre, and Samar, by R. Dudleo
"Arcano del Mare" (Florence, 1761), Camlaia. In Hondiv's map of the
Indian islands (Purchas, 605) Luzon is Luconia; Samar, Achan; Leyte,
Sabura; Camarines, Nebui. In Albo's "Journal," Cebu is called Suba;
and Leyte, Seilani. Pigafetta describes a city called Cingapola in
Zubu, and Leyte, on his map, is in the north called Baybay, and in
the south Ceylon.

[163] No mention is made of it in the Estado geografico of the
Franciscans, published at Manila in 1855.

[164] Small ships which have no cannon should be provided with pitchers
filled with water and the fruit of the sacchariferous arenga, for the
purpose of be sprinkling the pirates, in the event of an attack, with
the corrosive mixture, which causes a burning heat. Dumont d'Urville
mentions that the inhabitants of Solo had, during his visit, poisoned
the wells with the same fruit. The kernels preserved in sugar are an
agreeable confection.

[165] There were also elected a teniente mayor (deputy of the
gobernadorcillo, a juez mayor (superior judge) for the fields, who is
always an ex-captain; a second judge for the police; a third judge
for disputes relating to cattle; a second and third teniente; and
first and second policemen; and finally, in addition, a teniente,
a judge, and a policeman for each visita. All three of the judges
can be ex-capitanes, but no ex-capitan can be teniente. The first
teniente must be taken from the higher class, the others may belong
either to that or to the common people. The policemen (alguacils)
are always of the latter class.

[166] G. Squier ("States of Central America," 192) mentions a block
of mahogany, seventeen feet in length, which, at its lowest section,
measured five feet six, inches square, and contained altogether five
hundred fifty cubic feet.

[167] According to Dr. V. Martens, Modiola striatula, Hanley, who found
the same bivalve at Singapore, in brackish water, but considerably
larger. Reeve also delineates the species collected by Cumming in the
Philippines, without precise mention of the locality, as being larger
(38 mm.), that from Catarman being 17 mm.

[168] In Sumatra Wallace saw, in the twilight, a lemur run up the trunk
of a tree, and then glide obliquely through the air to another trunk,
by which he nearly reached the ground. The distance between the two
trees amounted to 210 feet, and the difference of height was not above
35 or 40 feet; consequently, less than l:5.--("Malay Archipelago,"
i. 211).

[169] According to W. Peters, Tropidolaenus Philippinensis, Gray.

[170] V. Martens identified amongst the tertiary mussels of the
banks of clay the following species, which still live in the Indian
Ocean:--Venus (Hemitapes) hiantina, Lam.; V. squamosa, L.; Arca
cecillei, Phil.; A. inaequivalvis, Brug.; A. chalcanthum, Rv., and
the genera Yoldia, Pleurotoma, Cuvieria, Dentalium, without being
able to assert their identity with living species.

[171] Tarsius spectrum, Tem.; in the language of the country--mago.

[172] Father Camel mentions that the little animal is said to live
only on coal, but that it was an error, for he ate the ficus Indica
(by which we here understand him to mean the banana) and other
fruits. (Camel de quadruped. Phil. Trans., 1706-7. London.) Camel
also gives (p. 194) an interesting account of the kaguang, which is
accurate at the present day.--Ibid., ii. S. 2197.

[173] The following communication appeared for the first time in
the reports of a session of the Anthropological Society of Berlin;
but my visitors were there denominated Palaos islanders. But,
as Prof. Semper, who spent a long time on the true Palaos (Pelew)
islands, correctly shows in the "Corresp.-Bl. f. Anthropol.," 1871,
No. 2, that Uliai belongs to the group of the Carolinas, I have here
retained the more common expression, Micronesian, although those men,
respecting whose arrival from Uliai no doubt existed, did not call
themselves Caroline islanders, but Palaos. As communicated to me by
Dr. Graeffe, who lived many years in Micronesia, Palaos is a loose
expression like Kanaka and many others, and does not, at all events,
apply exclusively to the inhabitants of the Pelew group.

[174] Dumont d'Urville, Voyage to the South Pole, v. 206, remarks
that the natives call their island Gouap or Ouap, but never Yap;
and that the husbandry in that place was superior to anything he had
seen in the South Sea.

[175] The voyages of the Polynesians were also caused by the tyranny
of the victorious parties, which compelled the vanquished to emigrate.

[176] Pigafetta, p. 51.

[177] Morga, f. 127.

[178] "The Bisayans cover their teeth with a shining varnish, which
is either black, or of the color of fire, and thus their teeth become
either black, or red like cinnabar; and they make a small hole in
the upper row, which they fill with gold, the latter shining all the
more on the black or red ground."--(Thévenot, Religieux, 54.) Of a
king of Mindanao, visited by Magellan at Massana, it is written:--"In
every tooth he had three machie (spots?) of gold, so that they had
the appearance of being tied together with gold;" which Ramusio
interprets--"On each finger he had three rings of gold."--Pigafetta,
p. 66; and compare also Carletti, Voyages, i. 153.

[179] 42 and 30 Cent. or 108 and 86 Fahr.--C.

[180] In one of these cliffs, sixty feet above the sea, beds of mussels
were found: ostrea, pinna, chama; according to Dr. V. M.--O. denticula,
Bron.; O. cornucopiae, Chemn.; O. rosacea, Desh.; Chama sulfurea,
Reeve; Pinna Nigrina, Lam. (?).

[181] In the Athenaeum of January 7, 1871, Captain Ullmann describes
a funeral ceremony (tiwa) of the Dyaks, which corresponds in many
points with that of the ancient Bisayans. The coffin is cut out of
the branch of a tree by the nearest male kinsman, and it is so narrow
that the body has to be pressed down into it, lest another member
of the family should die immediately after to fill up the gap. As
many as possible of his effects must be heaped on the dead person,
in order to prove his wealth and to raise him in the estimation of
the spirit world; and under the coffin are placed two vessels, one
containing rice and the other water.

One of the principal ceremonies of the tiwa consisted formerly
(and does still in some places) in human sacrifices. Where the Dutch
Government extended these were not permitted; but sometimes carabaos
or pigs were killed in a cruel manner, with the blood of which the
high priest smeared the forehead, breast, and arms of the head of the
family. Similar sacrifices of slaves or pigs were practised amongst
the ancient Filipinos, with peculiar ceremonies by female priests
(Catalonas).

[182] In the chapter De monstris et quasi monstris * * * of Father
Camel, London Philos. Trans., p. 2259, it is stated that in the
mountains between Guiuan and Borongan, footsteps, three times as
large as those of ordinary men, have been found. Probably the skulls
of Lauang, which are pressed out in breadth, and covered with a thick
crust of calcareous sinter, the gigantic skulls (skulls of giants)
have given rise to the fable of the giants' footsteps.

[183] Hemiramphus viviparus, W. Peters (Berlin Monatsb., March 16,
1865).

[184] Lehrbuch der Pharmakognosie des Pflanzenreichs (Compendium of
the "Pharmacopoeia of the Vegetable Kingdom,") p. 698.

[185] Philos. Trans. 1699, No. 249, pages 44, 87.

[186] At Borongan the tinaja of 12 gantas cost six reals (one quart
about two pesetas), the pot two reals, the freight to Manila three
reals, or, if the product is carried as cargo (matrose), two and
one-half reals. The price at Manila refers to the tinaja of sixteen
gantas.

[187] Newly prepared coconut oil serves for cooking, but quickly
becomes rancid. It is very generally used for lighting. In Europe,
where it seldom appears in a fluid state, as it does not dissolve until
16° R., (20 C. or 68 Fahr.) it is used in the manufacture of tapers,
but especially for soap, for which it is peculiarly adapted. Coconut
soap is very hard, and brilliantly white, and is dissolved in salt
water more easily than any other soap. The oily nut has lately been
imported from Brazil into England under the name of "copperah,"
(copra) and pressed after heating.

[188] On Pigafetta's map Leyte is divided into two parts, the north
being called Baibay, and the south Ceylon. When Magellan in Massana
(Limasana) inquired after the most considerable places of business,
Ceylon (i.e. Leyte), Calagan (Caraga), and Zubu (Cebu) were named to
him. Pigaf., 70.

[189] According to Dr. Gerstaecker: Oedipoda subfasciata, Haan,
Acridium Manilense, Meyen. The designation of Meyen which the
systemists must have overlooked, has the priority of Haan's; but it
requires to be altered to Oedipoda Manilensis, as the species does not
belong to the genus acridium in the modern sense. It occurs also in
Luzon and in Timor, and is closely allied to our European migratory
locusts Oedipoda migratoria.

[190] After the king had withdrawn * * * "sweetmeats and cakes in
abundance were brought, and also roasted locusts, which were pressed
upon the guests as great delicacies."--"Col. Fytche's Mission to
Mandalay Parliament," Papers, June, 1869.

[191] The names of these two localities, on Coello's map, are
confounded. Burauen lies south of Dagami.

[192] 62.5 Cent. or 144.5 Fahr.--C.

[193] A small river enters the sea 950 brazas south of the tower
of Abuyog.

[194] Gobius giuris Buch. Ham.

[195] The lake at that time had but one outlet, but in the wet season
it may be in connection with the Mayo, which, at its north-east side,
is quite flat.

[196] Or some thirty-eight yards if the old Dutch ell is meant.--C.

[197] Pintados, or Bisayas, according to a native word denoting
the same, must be the inhabitants of the islands between Luzon and
Mindanao, and must have been so named by the Spaniards from their
practice of tattooing themselves. Crawfurd ("Dict." 339) thinks these
facts not firmly established, and they are certainly not mentioned
by Pigafetta; who, however, writes, p. 80:--"He (the king of Zubut)
was ... painted in various ways with fire." Purchas ("Pilgrimage,"
fo. i. 603)--"The king of Zubut has his skinne painted with a hot
iron pensill;" and Morga, fo. 4--"Traen todo il cuerpo labrado con
fuego." From this they appear to have tattooed themselves in the manner
of the Papuas, by burning in spots and stripes into the skin. But
Morga states in another place (f. 138)--"They are distinguished
from the inhabitants of Luzon by their hair which the men cut into
a pigtail after the old Spanish manner, and paint their bodies in
many patterns, without touching the face." The custom of tattooing,
which appears to have ceased with the introduction of Christianity,
for the clergymen so often quoted (Thevenot, p. 4) describes it as
unknown, cannot be regarded as a characteristic of the Bisayans;
and the tribes of the northern part of Luzon tattoo at the present day.

[198] Mezzeria (Italian); métayer (French).

[199] In China an oil is procured from the seeds of vernicia montana,
which, by the addition of alum, litharge, and steatite, with a gentle
heat, easily forms a valuable varnish which, when mixed with resin, is
employed in rendering the bottoms of vessels watertight. P. Champion,
Indust. Anc. et Mod. de l'Emp. Chinois." 114.

[200] Petzholdt ("Caucasus," i. 203) mentions that in Bosslewi the
price of a clay vessel is determined by its capacity of maize.

[201] As usual these abuses spring from the non-enforcement of a
statute passed in 1848 (Leg. ult., i. 144), which prohibits usurious
conracts with servants or assistants, and threatens with heavy
penalties all those whom, under the pretext of having advanced money,
or of having paid debts or the poll-tax or exemption from service,
keep either individual natives or whole families in a continual
state of dependence upon them, and always secure the increase of
their obligations to them by not allowing them wages sufficient to
enable them to satisfy the claims against them.

[202] Formerly it appears to have been different with them. "These
Bisayans are a people little disposed to agriculture, but practised
in navigation, and eager for war and expeditions by sea, on account
of the pillage and prizes, which they call 'mangubas,' which is the
same as taking to the field in order to steal."--Morga, f. 138.

[203] Ill-usage prevails to a great extent, although prohibited
by a stringent law; the non-enforcement of which by the alcaldes
is charged with a penalty of 100 dollars for every single case of
neglect. In many provinces the bridegroom pays to the bride's mother,
besides the dower, an indemnity for the rearing ("mother's milk")
which the bride has enjoyed (bigay susu). According to Colin ("Labor
Evangelico," p. 129) the penhimuyal, the present which the mother
received for night-watching and care during the bringing up of the
bride, amounted to one-fifth of the dowry.

[204] The Asuang is the ghoul of the Arabian Nights' tales.--C.

[205] Veritable cannibals are not mentioned by the older authors on
the Philippines. Pigafetta (p. 127) heard that a people lived on a
river at Cape Benuian (north of Mindanao) who ate only the hearts
of their captured enemies, along with lemon-juice; and Dr. Semper
("Philippines,") in '62 found the same custom, with the exception of
the lemon-juice, on the east coast of Mindanao.

[206] The Anito occurs amongst the tribes of the Malayan Archipelago
as Antu, but the Anito of the Philippines is essentially a protecting
spirit, while the Malayan Antu is rather of a demoniacal kind.

[207] These idol images have never come under my observation. Those
figured in Bastian and Hartmann's Journal of Ethnology
(b. i. pl. viii. Idols from the Philippines,) whose originals are in
the Ethnographical Museum of Berlin, were certainly acquired in the
Philippines, but, according to A. W. Franks, undoubtedly belong to
the Solomon Islands. Sections ii. to viii., p. 46, in the catalogue
of the Museum at Prague are entitled:--"Four heads of idols, made of
wood, from the Philippines, contributed by the Bohemian naturalist
Thaddaeus Haenke, who was commissioned by the King of Spain, in the
year 1817, to travel in the islands of the South Sea." The photographs,
which were obligingly sent here at my request by the direction of the
museum, do not entirely correspond to the above description, pointing
rather to the west coast of America, the principal field of Haenke's
researches. The Reliquiae Botanicae, from his posthumous papers,
likewise afford no information respecting the origin of these idols.

[208] On the Island of Panay.

[209] As an example, in anticipation of an attack on Cogseng, all
the available forces, including those of Zamboanga, were collected
round Manila, and the Moros attacked the island with sixty ships,
whereas formerly their armaments used not to exceed six or eight
ships. Torrubia, p. 363.

[210] Hakluyt Morga, Append. 360.

[211] According to the Mineral Review, Madrid, 1866, xvii. 244,
the coal from the mountain of Alpacó, in the district of Naga, in
Cebu, is dry, pure, almost free of sulphur pyrites, burns easily,
and with a strong flame. In the experiments made at the laboratory
of the School of Mines in Madrid it yielded four per cent. of ashes,
and a heating power of 4,825 caloria; i.e., by the burning of one
part by weight 4,825 parts by weight of water were heated to 1°
C. Good pit-coal gives 6,000 cal. The first coal pits in Cebu were
excavated in the Massanga valley; but the works were discontinued in
1859, after considerable outlay had been made on them. Four strata of
considerable thickness were subsequently discovered in the valley of
Alpacó and in the mountain of Oling, in Naga. * * "The coal of Cebu
is acknowledged to be better than that of Australia and Labuan, but
has not sufficient heating power to be used, unmixed with other coal,
on long sea voyages."

According to the Catalogue of the Products of the Philippines (Manila,
1866), the coal strata of Cebu have, at many places in the mountain
range which runs from north to south across the whole of the island,
an average thickness of two miles. The coal is of middling quality,
and is burnt in the Government steam works after being mixed with
Cardiff coal. The price in Cebu is on the average six dollars per ton.

[212] English Consular Report, 217.

[213] The man credited with the development of the sugar industry
through machinery. A monument has been erected to his memory.--T.

[214] In Jaro the leases have increased threefold in six years:
and cattle which were worth $10 in 1860, fetched $25 in 1866. Plots
of land on the "Ria," in Iloilo, have risen from $100 to $500, and
even as high as $800. (Diario, February 1867). These results are
to be ascribed to the sugar trade, which, through free exportation,
has become extremely lucrative.

[215] In 1855 Iloilo took altogether from Negros 3,000 piculs out of
11,700; in 1860 as much as 90,000 piculs; in 1863, 176,000 piculs
(in twenty-seven foreign ships); in 1866, 250,000 piculs; in 1871,
312,379 picula from both islands.

[216] The sugar intended for the English market cost in Manila,
in the years 1868 and 1869, from £15 to £16 per ton, and fetched in
London about £20 per ton. The best refined sugar prepared in Manila
for Australia was, on account of the higher duty, worth only £3 per
ton more in London; but, being £5 dearer than the inferior quality,
it commanded a premium of £2. Manila exports the sugar chiefly from
Pangasinan, Pampanga, and Laguna.--(From private information.)

[217] The Islands of the East Indian Archipelago, 1868, p. 340.

[218] Exhibition Catalogue; section, French Colonies, 1867, p. 80.

[219] Report of the Commissioners, Exhibition 1867, iv. 102. The South
American Indians have for a long time past employed the banana fiber
in the manufacture of clothing material;--(The Technologist, September,
1865, p. 89, from unauthenticated sources,) and in Loo Choo the banana
fiber is the only kind in use (Faits Commerciaux, No. 1514. p. 36).

[220] Abacá not readily taking tar is, consequently, only used for
running, and not standing, rigging.

[221] A plant in full growth produces annually 30 cwt. bandala to the
acre, whereas from an acre of flax not more than from 2 to 4 cwt. of
pure flax, and from 2 to 8 cwt. seed can be obtained.

[222] As Dr. Wittmack communicated to me, only fiber or seed can
be obtained from hemp, as when the hemp is ripe, i.e. run to seed,
the fiber becomes then both brittle and coarse. When cultivating flax
very often both seeds and fiber are used, but then they both are of
inferior quality.

[223] Flora de Filipinas.

[224] In 1868, £100 per ton was paid for lupis, although only imported
in small quantities--about five tons per annum--and principally used
at one time in France in the manufacture of a particular kind of
underclothing. The fashion soon, however, died out. Quitol, a less
valuable sort of lupis, could be sold at £75 per ton.

[225] Inflexibility is peculiar to all fibers of the Monocotyledons,
because they consist of coarsely rounded cells. On the other hand,
the true bast fibers--the Dicotyledons (flax, for instance)--are
the reverse.

[226] Through the agricultural system, also, the mestizos and natives
secure the work of their countrymen by making these advances, and
renewing them before the old ones are paid off. These thoughtless
people consequently fall deeper and deeper into debt, and become
virtually the peons of their creditors, it being impossible for them
to escape in any way from their position. The "part-share contract" is
much the same in its operative effects, the landlord having to supply
the farmer with agricultural implements and draught-cattle, and often
in addition supplying the whole family with clothing and provisions;
and, on division of the earnings, the farmer is unable to cover his
debt. It is true the Filipinos are responsible legally to the extent
of five dollars only, a special enactment prohibiting these usurious
bargains. As a matter of fact, however, they are generally practised.

[227] This feeling of jealousy had very nearly the effect of closing
the new harbors immediately after they were opened.

[228] Rapport Consulaire Belge, XIV., 68.

[229] In the Agricultural Report of 1869, p. 232, another fiber was
highly mentioned, belonging to a plant very closely related to sisal
(Bromelia Sylvestris), perhaps even a variety of the same. The Mexican
name, jxtle, is possibly derived from the fact of their curiously
flattened, spike-edged leaves, resembling the dentated knives formed
from volcanic stone (obsidian) possessed by the Aztecs and termed by
them iztli.

[230] The banana trees are well known to be among the most valuable
of plants to mankind. In their unripe state they afford starch-flour;
and when mature, they supply an agreeable and nutritious fruit, which,
although partaken of freely, will produce neither unpleasantness nor
any injurious after-effects. One of the best of the edible species
bears fruit as early as five or six months after being planted,
suckers in the meantime constantly sprouting from the roots, so that
continual fruit-bearing is going on, the labor of the growers merely
being confined to the occasional cutting down of the old plants and
to gathering in the fruit. The broad leaves afford to other young
plants the shade which is so requisite in tropical countries, and are
employed in many useful ways about the house. Many a hut, too, has to
thank the banana trees surrounding it from the conflagration, which,
generally speaking, lays the village in ashes. I should here like to
make an observation upon a mistake which has spread rather widely. In
Bishop Pallegoix's excellent work, Description du Royaume Thai ou Siam,
I*. 144, he says: "L'arbre a vernis qui est une espece de bananier,
et que les Siamois appellent 'rak,' fournit ce beau vernis qu'on admire
dans les petits meubles qu'on apporte de Chine." When I was in Bangkok,
I called the attention of the amiable white-haired, and at that time
nearly nonogenarian, bishop to this curious statement. Shaking his
head, he said he could not have written it. I showed him the very
passage. "Ma foi, j'ai dit une betise; j'en ai dit bien d'autres,"
whispered he in my ear, holding up his hand as if afraid somebody
might overhear him.

[231] In 1862, English took from Spain 156 tons; 1863, 18,074 tons;
1866, 66,913 tons; 1868, 95,000 tons; and the import of rags fell
from 24,000 tons in 1866 to 17,000 tons in 1668. In Algiers a large
quantity of sparto (Alfa) grows but the cost of transport is too
expensive to admit of sending it to France.

[232] The British Consul estimates the receipts from this monopoly for
the year 1866-7 at $8,418,939, after an expenditure of $4,519,866;
thus leaving a clear profit of $3,899,073. In the colonial budget
for 1867 the profit on tobacco was estimated at $2,627,976, while
the total expenditure of the colony, after deduction of the expenses
occasioned by the tobacco management, was set down at $7,033,576.

According to the official tables of the chief of the Administration
in Manila, 1871, the total annual revenue derived from the tobacco
management between the years 1865 and 1869 amounted, on an average,
to $5,367,262. By reason of proper accounts being wanting an accurate
estimate of the expenditure cannot be delivered; but it would be at
least $4,000,000, so that a profit of only $1,367,262 remains.

[233] Instruccion general para la Direccion, Administracion, y
Intervencion de las Rentas Estancadas, 1849.

[234] Memoria sobre el Desestanco del Tabaco en las Islas
Filipinas. Don J. S. Agius, Binondo (Manila), 1871.

[235] The tobacco in China appears to have come from the
Philippines. "The memoranda discovered in Wang-tao leave no possible
doubt that it was first introduced into South China from the Philippine
Islands in the sixteenth and seventeenth century, most probably by
way of Japan."--(Notes and Queries, China and Japan, May 31st, 1857.)

From Schlegel, in Batavia, it was brought by the Portuguese into
Japan somewhere between the years 1573 and 1591, and spread itself
so rapidly in China that we find even as early as 1538, that the sale
of it was forbidden under penalty of beheading.

According to Notes and Queries, China and Japan, July 31, 1857,
the use of tobacco was quite common in the "Manchu" army. In a
Chinese work, Natural History Miscellany, it is written: "Yen t'sao
(literally smoke plant) was introduced into Fukien about the end of the
Wan-li Government, between 1573 and 1620, and was known as Tan-pa-ku
(from Tombaku)."

[236] West Cuba produces the best tobacco, the famous Vuelta abajo,
400,000 cwt. at from $14.28 to $99,96 the cwt.; picked sorts being
valued at from $571.20 to $714.00 per cwt. Cuba produces 640,000
cwt. The cigars exhibited in the Paris Exhibition of 1867 were worth
from $24.99 to $405.98 per thousand. The number of cigars annually
exported is estimated at about 5,000,000. (Jury Report, v., 375.) In
Jenidje-Karasu (Salonica) 17,500 cwt. are obtained annually, of
which 2,500 cwt. are of the first quality; the cost is $1.75 the oka
(about .75 per lb.). Picked sorts are worth 15s. per lb., and even
more.--Saladin Bey, La Turquie a l'Exposition, p. 91.

[237] In Cuba the tobacco industry is entirely free. The extraordinary
increase of the trade and the improved quality of the tobacco are,
in great measure, to be ascribed to the honest competition existing
between the factories, who receive no other protection from the
Government than a recognition of their operations. --(Jury Report,
1867, v., 375.)

[238] Basco also introduced the cultivation of silk, and had 4,500,000
mulberry trees planted in the Camarines. This industry, immediately
upon his retirement, was allowed to fall into decay.

[239] According to La Pérouse, this measure occasioned a revolt
in all parts of the island, which had to be suppressed by force of
arms. In the same manner the monopoly introduced into America at the
same time brought about a dangerous insurrection, and was the means
of reducing Venezuela to a state of extreme poverty, and, in fact,
was the cause of the subsequent downfall of the colony.

[240] A fardo (pack) contains 40 manos (bundles); 1 mano=10 manojitos,
1 manojito =10 leaves. Regulations, § 7.

[241] Regulations for the tobacco collection agencies in
Luzon.--1st. Four classes of Tobacco will be purchased. 2nd. These
classes are thus specified: the first to consist or leaves at
least 18 inches long (0m 418;) the second of leaves between 14 and
18 inches (0m 325); the third of leaves between 10 and 14 inches
(0m 232); and the fourth of leaves at least 7 inches in length (0m
163). Smaller leaves will not be accepted. This last limitation,
however, has recently been abandoned so that the quality of the
tobacco is continually deprecinting in the hands of the Government,
who have added two other classes.

A fardo, 1st class, weighs 60 lbs., and in 1867 the Government rate
of pay was as follows:--

    1 Fardo, 1st class, 60 lbs $9.50
    1 Fardo, 2nd class, 46 lbs 6.00
    1 Fardo, 3rd class, 33 lbs 2.75
    1 Fardo, 4th class, 18 lbs 1.00

--English Consular Report.

The following table gives the different brands of cigars manufactured
by the Government, and the prices at which they could be bought in
1867 in Estanco (i.e. a place privileged for the sale):--


Menas (Classes.)    Corresponding   Price       Price       Price       Number
of
                    Havana Brands.  Per arroba  Per 1000.   Per cigar.  cigars
in
                                    [33 lbs.].                          an
arroba.
                                    Dols.       Dols.       Cents.

Imperiales.         The same.       37.50       30.00       4           ..
Prima Veguéro.      Do.             37.50       30.00       4           ..
Segunda Veguéro.    Regalia.        ..          26.00       ..          ..
Prima superiór
Filipino.           Do.             ..          26.00       ..          ..
2.a Superiór
Filipino.           None.           38.00       19.00       3           ..
3.a Superiór
Filipino.           Londres         ..          15.10       ..          ..
Prima Filipino.     Superior
                    Habano.         21.00       15.00       2           1400
Segunda Superior.   Segunda
                    superior
                    Habano.         24.00       8.57 1/8    1           2800
Prima Cortado.      The Same.       21.00       15.00       2           1400
Segunda Cortado.    Do.             24.00       8.57 1/8    1           2800
Mista               Segunda Batído. 20.50       ..          ..          ..
Prima Batido,
larga.              None.           18.75       ..          1           1800
Segunda Batido,
largo.              None.           18.75       ..          1/2         3750


[242] On an average 407,500,000 cigars and 1,041,000 lbs. raw tobacco
are exported annually, the weight of which together is about 56,000
cwt. after deducting what is given away in the form of gratuities.

[243] The poor peasant being brought into this situation finds it
very hard to maintain his family. He is compelled to borrow money at
an exorbitant rate of interest, and, consequently, sinks deeper and
deeper into debt and misery. The dread of fines or bodily punishment,
rather than the prospect of high prices, is the chief method by which
the supplies can be kept up.--(Report of the English Consul.)

[244] From December 1853 to November 1854 the colony possessed four
captains-general (two effective and two provisional). In 1850 a new
nominee, Oidor (member of the Supreme Court of Judicature) who with
his family voyaged to Manila by the Cape, found, upon his arrival,
his successor already in office, the latter having travelled by way
of Suez. Such circumstances need not occasion surprise when it is
remembered how such operations are repeated in Spain itself.

According to an essay in the Revue Nationale, April, 1867, Spain
has had, from 1834 to 1862, i.e. since the accession of Isabella,
4 Constitutions, 28 Parliaments, 47 Chief Ministers, 529 Cabinet
Ministers, and 68 Ministers of the Interior; of which last class of
officials each, on an average, was in power only six months. For ten
years past the Minister of Finance has not remained in office longer
than two months; and since that time, particularly since 1868, the
changes have followed one another with still greater rapidity.

[245] The reason of this premiun on silver was, that the Chinese bought
up all the Spanish and Mexican dollars, in order to send them to China,
where they are worth more than other dollars, being known from the
voyage of the galleon thither in olden times, and being current in
the inland provinces. (The highest price there can be obtained for
a Carlos III.)

A mint erected in Manila since that time, which at least supports
itself, if the goverment has derived no other advantage from it, has
removed this difficulty. The Chinese are accustomed to bring gold
and silver as currency, mixed also with foreign coinage, to Manila
for the purpose of buying the produce of the country; and all this the
native merchants had recoined. At first only silver ounces were usually
obtainable in Manila, gold ounces very rarely. This occasioned such a
steady importation that the conditions were completely reversed. In
the Insular Treasury the gold and silver dollar are always reckoned
at the same value.

[246] The Chinese were generally known in the Philippines as
"Sangleys"; according to Professor Schott, "sang-lui (in the south
szang-loi, also senng-loi) mercatorum ordo." "Sang" is more specially
applied to the travelling traders, in opposition to "ku," tabernarii.

[247] ...... "They are a wicked and vicious people, and, owing to
their numbers, and to their being such large eaters, they consume
the provisions and render them dear ......It is true the town cannot
exist without the Chinese, as they are the workers in all the trades
and business, and very industrious, and work for small wages; but
for that very reason a lesser number of them would be sufficient."--
Morga, p. 349.

[248] "Recopilacion," Lib. iv., Tit. xviii., ley. 1.

[249] "Informe," I., iii., 73.

[250] The Chinese were not permitted to live in the town, but in a
district specially set apart for them.

[251] Velarde, 274.

[252] See following chapter.

[253] Zuñiga, xvi.

[254] No single people in Europe can in any way compare with the
inhabitants of California, which, in the early years of its existence,
was composed only of men in the prime of their strength and activity,
without aged people, without women, and without children. Their
activity, in a country where everything had to be provided (no
civilised neighbors living within some hundred miles or so), and
where all provisions were to be obtained only at a fabulous cost,
was stimulated to the highest pitch. Without here going into the
particulars of their history, it need only be remembered that they
founded, in twenty-five years, a powerful State, the fame of which has
spread all over the world, and around whose borders young territories
have sprung into existence and flourished vigorously; two of them
indeed having attained to the condition of independent States. After
the Californian gold-diggers had changed the configuration of the
ground of entire provinces by having, with Titanic might, deposited
masses of earth into the sea until they expanded into hilly districts,
so as to obtain therefrom, with the aid of ingenious machinery, the
smallest particle of gold which was contained therein, they have
astonished the world in their capacity of agriculturalists, whose
produce is sent even to the most distant markets, and everywhere takes
the first rank without dispute. Such mighty results have been achieved
by a people whose total number scarcely, indeed, exceeds 500,000; and
therefore, perhaps, they may not find it an easy matter to withstand
the competition of the Chinese.

[255] The rails, if laid in one continuous line, would measure about
103,000 feet, the weight of them being 20,000 cwt. Eight Chinamen were
engaged in the work, relieving one another by fours. These men were
chosen to perform this feat on account of their particular activity,
out of 10,000.

(The translator of the 1875 London edition notes: "This statement is
incorrect, so far as the fact of the feat being accomplished by Chinese
is concerned. Eight Europeans were engaged in this extraordinary
piece of work. During the rejoicings which took place in Sacramento
upon the opening of the line, these men were paraded in a van, with
the account of their splendid achievement painted in large letters
on the outside. Certainly not one of them was a Chinaman."--C.

[256] Magellan fell on April 27, struck by a poisoned arrow, on
the small island of Mactan, lying opposite the harbor of Cebu. His
lieutenant, Sebastian de Elcano, doubled the Cape of Good Hope,
and on September 6, 1522, brought back one of the five ships with
which Magellan set sail from St. Lucar in 1519, and eighteen men,
with Pigafetta, to the same harbor, and thus accomplished the first
voyage round the world in three years and fourteen days.

[257] 1565 is the date for what is now the Philippines.--C.

[258] Villalobos gave this name to one of the Southern islands and
Legaspi extended it to the entire archipelago.--C.

[259] "According to recent authors they were also named after
Villalobos in 1543.--Morga, p. 5.

[260] According to Morga (p. 140) there was neither king nor governor,
but in each island and province were numerous persons of rank, whose
dependants and subjects were divided into quarters (barrios) and
families. These petty rulers had to render homage by means of tributes
from the crops (buiz), also by socage or personal service: but their
relations were exempted from such services as were rendered by the
plebeians (timauas). The dignities of the chieftains were hereditary,
their honors descended also to their wives. If a chief particularly
distinguished himself, then the rest followed him; but the Government
retained to themselves the administration of the Barangays through
their own particular officials. Concerning the system of slavery
under the native rule, Morga says (p. 41, abbreviated),--"The natives
of these islands are divided into three classes--nobles, timauas or
plebeians, and the slaves of the former. There are different sorts
of slaves: some in complete slavery (Saguiguilires), who work in
the house, as also their children. Others live with their families
in their own houses and render service to their lords at sowing and
harvest-time, also as boatmen, or in the construction of houses,
etc. They must attend as often as they are required, and give their
services without pay or recompense of any kind. They are called
Namarnahayes; and their duties and obligations descend to their
children and successors. Of these Saguiguilires and Namamahayes a
few are full slaves, some half slaves, and others quarter slaves.

When, for instance, the mother or father was free, the only son
would be half free, half slave. Supposing there were several sons,
the first one inherits the father's position, the second that of the
mother. When the number is unequal the last one is half free and half
slave; and the descendants born of such half slayes and those who are
free are quarter slaves. The half slaves, whether or narnamahayes,
serve their lords equally every month in turns. Half and quarter slaves
can, by reason of their being partially free, compel their lord to
give them their freedom at a previously determined and unfluctuating
price: but full slaves do not possess this right. A namamahaye is
worth half as much as a saguiguilire. All slaves are natives."

Again, at p. 143, he writes:--"A slave who has children by her lord
is thereby freed together with her children. The latter, however,
are not considered well born, and cannot inherit property; nor do the
rights of nobility, supposing in such a case the father to possess any,
descend to them."

[261] He made the Filipinos of his encomienda of Vigan his heirs,
and has ever been held in grateful memory.--C.

[262] Grav. 30.

[263] Chamisso ("Observations and Views," p. 72), thanks to the
translator of Zuñiga, knew that he was in duty bound to dwell at
some length over this excellent history; though Zuñiga's narrative
is always, comparatively speaking, short and to the point. The
judiciously abbreviated English translation, however, contains many
miscomprehensions.

[264] Principally by hiring the assassination of the gifted native
leader, Silang.--C.

[265] Danger to Europeans, "Massacre of all white people," was a
frequent Spanish allegation in political disturbances, but the only
proof ever given (the 9th degree Masonic apron stupidly attributed
to the Katipunan in 1896) was absurd and irrelevant.--C.

[266] Professor Jagor here follows the report sent out by the
authorities. There seems better ground for believing the affair to
have been merely a military mutiny over restricting rights which
was made a pretext for getting rid of those whose liberal views were
objectionable to the government.--C.

[267] I take the liberty, here, of citing an instance of this. In 1861,
when I found myself on the West Coast of Mexico, a dozen backwoods
families determined upon settling in Sonora (forming an oasis in
the desert); a plan which was frustrated by the invasion at that
time of the European powers. Many native farmers awaited the arrival
of these immigrants in order to settle under their protection. The
value of land in consequence of the announcement of the project rose
very considerably.

[268] It is called so in consequence of the island being nearly
divided in the parallel of 14° N., by two bays.

[269] Since my return home, at the desire of that distinguished
agriculturist, Colonel Austin, of South Carolina, I have sent for
some samples of the different kinds, and under his care it will no
doubt be well treated.

[270] On my arrival at Singapore, this circumstance was investigated by
a court of inquiry. The result showed that Mr. Knox had no knowledge
of the Vincennes having been seen; for the officer of the watch had
not reported to him the fact.

[271] Chewing the betelnut and pepper-leaf also produces this effect,
and is carried to a great extent among these islanders.

[272] The Sultan, on the visit of one of our merchant-vessels,
had informed the supercargo that he wished to encourage our trade,
and to see the vessels of the United States coming to his port.

[273] This name is derived from the large bay that makes in on
the south side of the island of Mindanao, and on which a set of
freebooters reside.

[274] From the History of a Voyage of the China Sea, by John White.

[275] P. 115.

[276] Pp. 116-119.

[277] P. 121.

[278] Pp. 125-128.

[279] Pp. 137-138.

[280] Pp. 143-144.

[281] Pp. 144-146.