Bot-S: Sir John Hawkins

Sir John Hawkins

PHILIP GOSSE

LONDON

JOHN LANE THE BODLET HEAD LTD

First published in ipjo

Made and Printed in Great Britain
T. and A, Constable Ltx>., Printers, Edinburgh

PREFACE

N the following pages an attempt has
been made to give a portrait of a great
Englishman. For more than three
hundred years, John Hawkins has been
little more than a name, and for several
reasons he has been denied the high
position to which his talents and his
character entitle him. This injustice is in part due
to the fact that he lived at a time in our history when
more great men flourished than at any other period. In
this short space, in the reign of one Monarch, many
great reputations were made in one branch of activity
alone, that of sea enterprise. The names of Drake,
Raleigh, Humphrey Gilbert, John Davis, Frobisher,
Hudson and Grenville are only a few of the best known
in a crowd of remarkable navigators and explorers who
were the contemporaries of John Hawkins.

Out of this galaxy of talent, one name stands above
all others, that of Francis Drake. The genius of Drake
found its counterpart in Hawkins, although, as will be
shown, no two men could have been more fundamentally
different. Although kinsmen and lifelong friends, they
were mentally far apart. Drake, the younger of the two
by ten years, was a brilliant opportunist. Ruthless, he

vi SIR JOHN HAWKINS

was impulsive, but of unerring judgment, and, it goes
without saying, as brave as man could be, both physically
and morally.

His older kinsman, John Hawkins, was the opposite
in everything except his quality of courage.

Where Drake would rush in, Hawkins would tread
with caution and craft. He was methodical in every-
thing he undertook, whether in reporting a corrupt
councillor or in attacking a hostile Spanish town. He
was sound to the very core ; never ruffled ; stubborn to
the last degree, he contrived to get his own way, which
was generally the right way, by hard work and steady
persuasion. No undertaking was ventured upon until
it had been carefully and meticulously considered,
weighed out and calculated. He was a grave, sober-
minded man, and though not learned as far as the arts
go, he was very well educated. His letters show this,
and are better written and expressed than those of most
of his contemporaries born in a higher sphere of life
than he.

Another reason for this overshadowing of Hawkins
by. his contemporaries was his modesty ; he never
boasted of his own successes, though he had as much
reason to do so as any man of his time. Nor did he ever
say a harsh word about any man, other than a Spaniard,
except on one memorable occasion when Francis Drake
deserted him at San Juan de Ulua. This he mentions
once but never refers to again.

Even in the last and tragic voyage of Drake and

PREFACE

vii

Hawkins, when the two opposite schools of thotight and
action were so lamentably brought out, and bickering
and misunderstanding caused failure and disaster, one
sees these two men retaining their deep respect for
each other.

It is strange how a stigma will stick to a man’s char-
acter. It has been the fashion for the last hundred years
to throw calumny on Hawkins for having been the first
Englishman to engage in the Slave trade. The folly of
this accusation is twofold. For one thing, John Hawkins
was not the first of his race to engage in this traffic in
human merchandise, and for another he did it at a time
when no disgrace was attached to a trade which was
looked upon as ordinary and legitimate. Also, let us
hot forget that for many years the English had practically
a monopoly of the importation of negroes into the
American Settlements and colonies, and no voice of
protest was raised against it.

This book will not have been altogether in vain if it
helps to get rid, once and for all, of the misnomer of
“ Sea Dog,” first applied to John Hawkins some years
ago and which has stuck to him ever since.

If there was one Elizabethan seaman who was not
a “ Sea Dog ” it was John Hawkins. The term
pictures some loud-voiced, rough-bearded, uncouth
figure, untidily clad, coarse in body and mind. The
man before us was the opposite. He was as famous
for his courtly manners as for the gorgeousness of his
apparel. The cabins he occupied aboard his ships were

viii SIR JOHN HAWKINS

sumptuously furnished ■with rare brocade and tapestries
and he dined off gold and silver plate. Even his enemies
admitted his charm of manner and address.

It must not be thought that this book is in any sense
an apology for John Hawkins — he needs none— but it
is the ambition of the writer to attempt to explain him,
and to give him the position he so amply deserves of a
country that owes him a debt that can never be fully
repaid.

I do not pretend to have discovered anything new
about Hawkins, and I frankly admit to having made free
use of the important researches of Mr. J. A. Williamson,
and can plead, if excuse is called for, that no future his-
torian or student of the Elizabethan period can afford
to ignore, or to fail to make good use of his investigations.'

I must also thank Mr. G. E. Manwaring of the
London Library, for bringing to my notice many out-of-
the-way records of Hawkins, and for reading through
the manuscript ; Mrs. Marden, who has given me much
■valuable assistance ; and lastly Dr. A. J. Durden
Smith, for reading and correcting the proofs.

CONTENTS

PAGE

PREFACE V

citAr.

T. EARLY DAYS AT PLYMOUTH .... i

11 . FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES .... 8

ni. THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE .... 46

IV. DISASTER 82

V. THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA 103

VI. THE CAPTIVES 117

VII. THE RIDOLFI PLOT 136

Vni. THE TUDOR NAVY 150

IX. HAWKINS IS JUSTIFIED 173

X. THE LAST STRAW 182

XI. THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA 201

XII. THE ARMADA ARRIVES 209

XIIL AFTERMATH 224

XIV. THE LAST VOYAGE 252

BIBLIOGRAPHY 270

INDEX 271

ILLUSTRATIONS

Sir John Hawkins, aged 58 . • . . Frcniispiece

Map of the Spanish Main .... Facing page 8

The “Jesus of Lubeck” . . . . „ „ 14

The Arms of Sir John Hawkins . . . „ „ 42

Sir John Hawkins . . . . . . „ „ 78

Page of a Document Written and Signed by

Sir John Hawkins . . . Between pages \ and ^

The Capture of the “ Santa Anna ” by Sir John

Hawkins Facing page 218

The Sir John Hawkins Hospital at Chatham , „ „ 234

Chest AT THE Sir John Hawkins Hospital, Chatham,

which contained the Original Charter . „ ,,236

Note. — The author and publishers are indebted to the Oxford
University Press for permission to reproduce the two portraits of
Hawkins and The Jesus of Lubeck,” from J. A. Williamson’s book,
Sir John HasuoMns ; and to Magdalene College, Cambridge, for per-
mission to reproduce “ The Jesus of Lubeck ” from Anthony’s Roll.
The document written and signed by Hawkins is reproduced from a
photograph taken at the Public Record Office, Chancery Lane,
London. The drawings of the Sir John Hawkins Hospital at
Chatham and of the Chest which contained the original Charter were

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

specially drawn for this book by Donald Maxwell. “ The Capture
of the ‘ Santa Anna ’ ” is reproduced from the collection of John
Pine’s eng^ravings of the hangings of the House of Lords in Lord
Htnjoard of Effingham and The Spanish Armada^ printed for The
Roxburghe Club. “ The Arms of Sir John Hawkins ” is taken from
Plymouth Armada Heroes: The Hankins Family, by Mary W. S
Hawkins.

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

CHAPTER I

EARLY DAYS AT PLYMOUTH

OHN IMWKINS was born at Ply-
mouth in the year 1532 and spent his
youth at his father’s fine house which
stood in Kinterbury Street. This
street still exists, though in little but
name. To-day Kinterbury Street is
a dark squalid thoroughfare, bordered
by warehouses and factories, with no
traces nor suggestion of its ancient pride and respect-
abilit)^. Behind the old house stood a large walled garden
in which the little John used to play ; and when he was
older he would walk down to his father’s quay close by,
where the tall ships lay, and the sunburnt sailors lounged
and yarned. In these surroundings, and in such a home,
how could a boy grow up but with a love of the sea and
a thirst for travel } How much more so, when the
boy’s father and grandfather and big brother were all
sailors and, no doubt, told him stories of their adventures
in such distant lands as the Guinea coast, the Canary-
Islands and the wonderful far-off tropical country known
as Brazil. Had he not, as he grew a little older, followed
his father’s finger as it traced on the Atlas of Jean Rotz
the voyages he had made ? Even America was shown
on that map, just a long, irregular coast-line, with nothing
beyond it. Soon he learned where to find the famous
Spanish Main, about which his father and his seafaring
friends used to talk in the evenings.

Then there were the warehouses, sometimes filled with

4 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

strange foreign merchandise brought home in his father’s
ships : clubs curiously carved by savages, and bows and
arrows made by cannibal tribes. The arrows he must
not play with nor touch for fear that they were poisoned.

Thus from year to year the boy grew wise in matters of
the sea. The names of the sails and the spars and ropes
on the ships, at first so complicated, gradually became
familiar to him. In the office and in the warehouse he
was taught the whole business of a merchant — ^what
goods should be bought to trade with the negroes on the
Guinea coast, and what would sell best to the Spaniards
in Spain or the Canary Islands. His grandfather and
father had both traded with these lands, and both, as
John afterwards, had been Mayor of Plymouth and had
sat in the House of Commons as member of parliament
for the West of England town.

His school days were soon over and the more im-
portant part of his education begun. The rudiments of
navigation learned, he was at last allowed to go to sea oh
a short voyage to Bordeaux on one of his fatiier’s ships,
which brought back to Plymouth barrels of French wine.
John Hawkins grew up into a strong, self-willed lad.
When he was twenty he got into a serious scrape. It was
not his own fault. John White, a barber and a bully,
attacked him, and young Hawkins struck back in self-
defence and killed him.

Mr. Nicholas Slannyng, the King’s Coroner at Ply-
mouth, held an inquest on the dead John White and,
after hearing what the witnesses had to say, granted a
Royal pardon to young Hawkins.

When John’s education was completed, he knew how
to manage a merchant’s office, how to navigate and sail a
ship, and a good deal about the rudiments of shipbuilding.
While still a young man he seems to have set up in busi-
ness as a merchant on his own account, though in close
association with his elder brother, William. In 1556,

early lays at PLYMOUTH

when he was twenty-four years old, John spent a long
while in France, applying to the courts for the restitution
of a ship called the “ Peter.” This ship had originally
belonged to a Breton owner, and the Hawkins brothers
had taken her with one of their privateering ships.
Later on they had been so rash as to send her with a cargo
into Brest, where she was at once seized by the French
port authorities and restored to her original owner. In
those days it was the usual practice, in time of war, for
armed merchant ships to sail with commissions as
privateers, and the Hawkins brothers owned several such
vessels. These private men-of-war were commanded by
Devon gentlemen. It occasionally happened that the
privateer deteriorated into little better than a pirate.
One flagrant example of this is the case of Captain
Thomas Stukeley, a Devon man of good family, who
first conunanded one of the Hawkins’ privateering ships
in 1557. A few years later “Lusty” Stukeley sailed,
under the patronage of the Queen, with a small squadron
to form a colony in Florida, but once out of the Channel
he went a-pirating and for two years preyed on Spanish,
French and Portuguese shipping, carrying his ill-gotten
gains to Kinsale, where he was hand in glove with the
Tyrone chief, Shan O’Neil. He at last became so
notorious as to cause the English Ambassador to the
Spanish court at Madrid “ to hang his head for shame.”

Of Hawkins’ life between the ages of twenty and
thirty we know very little. Probably most of this time
was spent at sea, sailing hither and thither in his own or
his father’s ships, carrying cargoes to France, Spain or
Portugal. According to Hakluyt he made several
voyages to the Canary Islands. This group was in the
possession of Spain, but Englishmen were permitted to
trade there. Hakluyt writes : “ Master John Hawkins
having made divers voyages to the Isles of the Canaries,
and there by his good and upright dealing being grown

4 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

in love and favour with the people, informed himself
amongst them by diligent inquisition, of the state of the
West India, whereof he had received some knowledge by
the instructions of his father, but increased the same by
the advertisements and reports of the people.” Again
and again this pleasing trait in the character of Hawkins
shows itself, this aptitude for making friends with people
wherever he went. Evidently he had a captivating per-
sonality, which was on one particular occasion mentioned
by a man who had every reason to fear and dislike
Hawkins. This man was the Treasurer of Rio de la
Hacha on the Spanish Main, who after a long struggle,
being forced against his will to grant a licence to trade by
the stubborn Englishman, turned angrily to his Spanish
townsmen and declared : “ There is not one of you that
knoweth John Hawkins. He is such a man that any man
talking with him hath no power to deny him anything he
doth request. This hath made me hitherto to do right
well to keep myself far from him, and not any villainy that
I know in him, but great nobility.”

All his time was not spent at sea, for he still found
opportunities, like the true Hawkins he was, to take part
in the affairs of his native town. At the age of twenty-
three he was admitted a freeman of Plymouth. There
were two “ John Hawkynses ” admitted freemen in the
same year and, to distinguish the future Admiral, he was
entered on the roll as “ marynr,” showing that already he
had entered upon his chosen profession, while in the
same year he was registered as the owner of a ship, the
“ Peter of Plymouth.”

The years immediately following were spent either at
sea or else at the family counting-house in Plymouth. In
1558, the year in which Queen Elizabeth came to the
throne, an event took place which had a considerable
effect on his career in after years. This was his marriage
to Katherine, the daughter of Benjamin Gonson,Treasurcr

EARLY DAYS AT PLYMOUTH

of the Navy. Shortly after his marriage, John Hawkins
joined a group of London merchants who were interested
in the Canary and Guinea trade. Since he had become an
authority on the Canary trade, and was hand in glove with
many or the chief Spanish inhabitants of those islands,
he was likely to be a valuable addition to the syndicate.
Another point in his favour was that his father-in-law
not only held the post of Treasurer to the Navy, but was
also a member of the newly formed London Company.

In 1561 Hawkins took up his residence in the capital,
signing himself “ John Hawkins of London.” Here he
was able to put before his partners the details of the grand
scheme which he had formed. Amongst the members of
the syndicate, besides Benjamin Gonson and himself,
were Sir Lionel Ducket, Sir Thomas Lodge, William
Winter — surveyor of the Navy — and others, ml important
and wealthy citizens of London.

. The plan he proposed was both daring and original.
During his visits to the Canary Islands Hawkins had, as
we know from Hakluyt, made many friends, and always
kept his ears open for any information he could get about
the West Indies. One thing in particular he had heard
which excited his imagination. He had been told that
the chief commodity required by the Spanish colonists in
the West Indies was negroes, who were needed to work in
the silver mines and on the plantations. Hawkins’ pro-
posal was to send ships to the Guinea coast, there to buy,
or procure by other means, cargoes of negroes, and then
to carry them to the West Indies to sell for gold, pearls,
or any other valuable merchandise. This scheme was
approved of by Hawkins’ partners, and money was sub-
scribed to procure and fit out the necessary ships. By
the following year all the preparations were completed,
and John Hawkins set out on his first long voyage.

Although the intended voyage was, for those days, a
long one, John was not the first of his family to venture

6 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

so far afield. His father, William, who was not onljr a
trader, but had been an officer in the Navy of King
Henry VIII, and had commanded atone time the “ Great
Galley ’’—one of the Royal ships — ^will be remembered
as the first Englishman to sail his own ship to Brazil. This
was in 1528, when “ he armed a tall and goodlie ship of
his own of 200 tons called the ‘ Paul of Plymouth.’ ”
Hitherto English Captains had not ventured further afield
than trading voyages to France, Flanders or the Mediter-
ranean. William Hawkins made at least three such long
voyages, calling in each case at the Guinea coast in Africa
to procure a cargo on the way out, and then crossing the
South Atlantic Ocean to trade in the Brazils.

Like his illustrious son John, he had a happy gift of
making friends wherever he went, so much so that, on the
occasion of his second voyage to Brazil in 1530, he per-
suaded a native Chief to return to England with him,
leaving behind him a seaman called Martin Cockeram tQ
act as a hostage for the Captain’s good faith.

The Chief was a great success in England and was
presented at the Court of King Henry VIII at Whitehall,
where he caused much astonishment, which was not to be
wondered at when we learn that “ in his cheeks were holes
made, and therein were small bones planted, standing an
inch out from the said holes, which in his own country
was reported for a great bravery.” We have, alas, no
record to tell what the Chief thought about bluff King
Hal and his courtiers.

After spending a year in England, being fSted and gaped
at, the Chieftain set out with Hawkins to Brazil, but un-
fortunately died before reaching his native land, this sad
calamity being attributed to the “change of air and altera-
tion of diet.” Knowing what we do of the insanitary and
stifling conditions of life aboard a sixteenth-century ship,
this fatal termination to the European trip of an unso-
phisticated Brazilian native is not to be wondered at.

EARLY DAYS AT PLYMOUTH

Naturally fears were entertained as to the fate of the
innocent and trusting hostage, Martin Cockeram, who
well might have to forfeit his life for the unforeseen
decease of the Chief. Happily for everybody, and par-
ticularly for Martin, when William Hawkins arrived on
the Brazilian coast and the unfortunate situation was
explained to the Chiefs subjects, they at once handed
Martin back, safe and sound, and he returned to live in
Plymouth, in possession of this one great adventure with
which to entertain his friends during the remainder of a
long but otherwise totally obscure life.

Before we follow John Hawkins on his voyage it will
not be out of place to say a few words more about his
father. By his bold enterprises to Brazil and Guinea he
gained for himself both fame and riches. In 1532 he
was elected Mayor of Plymouth, an honour which was
repeated five years later, when he was also chosen to re-
present the borough in Parliament ; and he remained a
member of the House of Commons until 1554 when he
died, a man of wealth, position and esteem, leaving to his
two sons, William and John, great possessions, a solid
business and a respected name.

Finally let us quote what John Prince in his Worthies
of Devon has to say of this remarkable family. “ The
Hawkines were,” he says, “ Gentlemen of worshipful
extraction for several descents but made more worshipful
by their deeds. For three generations they were the
master spirits of Plymouth in its most illustrious days ;
its leading merchants, its bravest sailors, serving oft and
well in the civic chair and in the House of Commons.
For three generations too they were in the van of English
seamanship, founders of England’s commerce in south,
west and east ; stout in fight, of quenchless spirit in
adventure — a family of merchants, statesmen, and heroes,
to whom our country affords no parallel.”

CHAPTER II

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

BOUT the first voyage we know only
a portion, but the success and failure
of it were destined to play an im-
portant part not only in the future
life of Hawkins, but in the future
relations between Spain and Eng-
land.

John must many times have heard
his‘ father speak of the voyages to Guinea which he made
in 152,8 and again in 1530, when he bought goods which
he carried to Brazil to sell and barter. During John’s
visits to Santa Cruz in the Canaries he had, as we know,
heard stories of how, in the Spanish settlements in the
West Indies, the Caribbee natives having become almost
exterminated, negroes were in great demand to work in
the mines and plantations.

Here then was an opening for trade very much to the
taste of an adventurer. That the King of Spain had
passed an emphatic edict forbidding his subjects in
America to trade with foreigners under any circumstances
whatever was not going to stand between Hawkins and
his cherished scheme.

The friendly Spanish merchants had told Hawkins that
once he arrived at a West Indian port he would have no
difficulty in selling as many slaves as he could contrive to
deliver alive. Also, in those days, America was a very
long way from Madrid ; news took weeks to reach the
West Indies from Spain, and much had to be left to the

vaia

West from 80 Greenwich

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES 9

discretion of the Governor of each settlement and to his
manner of reading his instructions. .

Eyes have been turned up in horror at the memory that
one of England’s greatest Naval heroes should have
stained his hands in so unclean a thing as the slave trade ;
but different times, different opinions.

In the sixteenth century slavery was still considered a
normal branch of trade, and was not thought to be differ-
ent from any other form of business. Nor was slave
dealing by Europeans a new form of commercial enter-
prise. In 1441 Antam Gonsalves first brought home
negroes from West Africa. In 1517 Charles V began
to issue licences for the importation of African slaves
in the West Indies. In fact, so respectable was the trade
considered that the Church gave it her blessing. ^

Las Casas, who was the best friend the indigenous
races of the West Indies ever had, encouraged the
introduction of negro slaves in the belief that this was
the only method by which the persecuted and rapidly
dyin|^ American Indians could be preserved from ex-
termination.

In 1551 the Spanish Government sold as many as
17,000 licences for slave importation from Africa to the
West Indies. Indeed, so flourishing was the business
that in 1 553 Fernando Ochoa obtained a monopoly of the
slave trade for seven years, under which he provided to
import 23,000 negroes. Thus it was that, when
Hawkins returned from Santa Cruz with his head full of
the new enterprise, he had gone to London to lay his
project before certain adventurers and financiers.

It was not easy to find men of substance who would
back him in so risky a venture, Spain was still the great
power, especially by sea, and to incur her wrath might
bring about retribution with a heavy hand on the h^ds
of the rash or unwary. Nevertheless he found the men
he required, and a company was formed to finance an

10 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

expedition to trade in slaves, ivory and other merchandise
between the Guinea coast and the West Indies.

Three ships were fitted out ; the largest, commanded
by Hawkins, was the “ Solomon,” a vessel of 120 tons ;
next came the “ Swallow,” of 100 tons; and lastly a small
sloop of 40 tons, the “ Jonas.” The entire crews of the
three vessels numbered about 100 souls.

This modest fleet sailed from Plymouth in October,
1562, and called at the Canaries, where Hawkins was
warmly received and entertained by his old friends.

Sailing to Sierra Leone they gathered together some
300 negroes, who were somehow stowed away in the three
vessels. Some of these slaves were secured by more or
less honest barter ; others were captured by less honest
stealth, or even by force, here and there along the Guinea
coast.

Setting sail with this human freight, a successful voyage
was made to San Domingo, or Hispaniola as it was then
called. Sending word to Ae Spanish Governor of Port
Isabella, Hawkins gave out that he was undertaking a
voyage of discovery, and had been driven out of his course
by bad weather, and was in need of food and water. This
was afterwards his stock explanation to the Governors
of the various American settlements he called at. It
deceived no one, but was likely to look well in case any
awkward questions were asked afterwards. He also
happened to mention that he had on board his ship some
English goods to sell as well as a very sound line in
negro slaves.

The Spanish Governor must have found himself in
somewhat of a dilemma. He was confronted with a
proposition for which there was no precedent to guide
him. Hitherto the badly-needed black labourers had
been imported by licensed Spanish or Portuguese traders,
who charged wickedly high prices for their goods. Here
was a foreign heretic armed with charming and ingratiat-

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

ing manners, as well as guns, who offered negroes at a
price much lower than usual.

After all, he could say to himself, the English, even if
they were heretics, were, as far as he knew, a nation at
peace with his own, and was not the Virgin Queen, about
whom such scurrilous stories were told, sister-in-law to
his own august sovereign King Philip ?

Any qualms the Governor may have had about granting
this polite English Captain the permission he desired were
finally overcome by pressure from the planters, who were
eager to buy the black cargo. After much argument
leave was at last given, but the Governor did not know
what duty should be charged a foreigner for each slave
landed. In the end he allowed Hawkins to sell 200, but
insisted that the other 100 should be left as deposit until
he received instructions on the point from Madrid.

Hearing that there was a brisk demand in Spain for raw
hides, which were procured in the wilder parts of His-
paniola by the forerunners of the future buccaneers,
Hawkins invested part of his very handsome profits in
buying a cargo of these and shipping them in two Spanish
vessels that were on the point of sailing for Cadiz and
Seville. To watch over his interests and to transact the
business of selling the hides in Spain, he sent with the same
shii)s Captain Thomas Hampton, who took with him a
testimonial from the Governor for the good conduct of
Hawkins and his crews during their sojourn at Port
Isabella. All this shows that Hawkins had dealt in
perfect good faith, and did not appreciate how angry the
King of Spain would be at this flagrant piece of interloping
trade. Hawkins, having seen his cargoes off on their
journey to Sjjain, sailed home with his little fleet to
Plymouth, arriving there safely in September, 1563. A
few days later he received a rude shock.

He met in Plymouth the very man whom he had sent
to Spain with his hides. Then for the first time he heard

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

what had happened. It appeared that the Spanish
authorities had looked upon his transactions in the West
Indies in a very unfriendly light, that the Inquisition had
seized his cargo and sent an express message to the com-
placent Gk)vernor of San Domingo ordering him to forfeit
the loo slaves which had been left there on deposit.
Also the officers of the Inquisition had attempted to seize
Hampton, who, however, had warning and escaped just
in time. Hawkins was astounded at this news, and wrote
to the King of Spain imploring him to return his property.
This letter having no result, he swore vengeance if his
property was not returned to him ; but again with no
better result.

This bold venture of the English merchant into the
hitherto close preserve of Spain in the West Indies had
stirred the Spanish Government to a profound degree, and
orders were sent out to the various Governors to shut all
ports absolutely in the future to all foreigners. King
Philip himself warned Sir Thomas Challoner, the English
Ambassador at the Spanish Court, that trouble would
follow if any Englishman attempted another such outrage
as had Hawkins. Pressure, too, was brought to bear on
Elizabeth by the Ambassador as well as by the Secretary
of State Sir William Cecil to forbid such doings by her
subjects.

Such pressure seems to have had but little effect on the
Queen, who had always a soft place in her heart for men
of action and deeds of daring ; still more so when they
brought much-needed wealth to the country and to her
own pocket. Not least of all was the fact that, by his
voyage, Hawkins had shown only too clearly where the
weak joint was to be found in the armour of the Spanish
colossus. From America came her vast wealth, and in
America she was practically defenceless.

Although Hawkins’ first long voyage was not a
financial failure, it was disappointing ; but, as Froude

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES tj

truly remarks, he “ had opened the road to the West
Indies.”

The English merchant wrangled with the Spanish King
for the return of his hides, and even talked of going to
Madrid to see what he could do about it on die spot.
From doing this he was strongly discouraged by Chal-
loner, whose sympathies were all with Spain ; indeed, he
was half a Spaniard himself. In July,- 1564, the Am-
bassador wrote to Hawkins to suggest that his only chance
of redress would be to give some four or five thousand
ducats to some favourite of King Philip’s who could use
his influence at Court. To this suggestion he refused to
listen. Hawkins was now determined on taking action ;
but he was never known to undertake any enterprise
without careful preparation and foresight.

He recognized that his next voyage would need
stronger support than any city company could oflFer, so he
determined to enlist the patronage of the Queen. To do
this he hired the Royal ship, the famous “ Jesus of
Lubeck.” This transaction was all to the Queen’s
liking, for it cost her nothing ; she risked nothing, but
stood a good chance to reap a very handsome profit.

A new company was formed, and to show how little
she heeded the warnings of her Ambassador, the Queen
herself became a shareholder in the syndicate. It was
not her habit to advance actual money in such enterprises,
but she lent the “ Jesus of Lubeck ” a vessel of 700 tons,
and for this was allotted a handsome percentage of any
profits that might accrue from the voyage. Following
their sovereign’s example, several of the highest in the
land took shares : such as Lord Pembroke, Lord Robert
Dudley, and other members of the Council.

Great parade was made in the formal instructions given
to Hawkins on his setting out, that no wrong was to be
done to the King of Spain or to any subject of his. This
sounded well and meant just whatever Hawkins liked, or

14 SIR JOHN HAWKINS .

just nothing at all. Everything being complete, and
loo soldiers on board for this peaceful trading venture,
Hawkins sailed from Plymouth on 1 8th October, 1564,
two years after his last cruise.

Having gained experience by his first Atlantic voyage,
John Hawkins made careful and thorough preparations
for the second voyage, which was to be on a more
ambitious scale than the previous one.

His fleet consisted of foinr ships. For his flagship he
chose the old “ Jesus of Lubeck,” which carried a crew
of about 80 men, and several years before had been
condemned as not being worth repair. A foreign-built
ship, she had originally been purchased by Henry VIII,
in 1545, from the Hanseatic League.

The other three ships belonged to the Hawkins firm.
They were the ‘ ‘ Solomon, ” of i so tons, with a crew of 3 5,
the flagship of the previous voyage ; the “ Tiger,” 50
tons, an armed ship which had been a privateer and was
manned by 20 men ; and a small vessel of 30 tons,
the “ Swallow,” which carried a crew of only 15 men.

The total personnel was increased by the addition of
several gentlemen-adventurers and their servants.

Hawkins was ever careful and thorough about the
victualling of his ships : an important detail which most
navigators of his time were apt to consider a secondary
matter. Even so experienced a navigator as Francis
Drake would start on a long ocean voyage quite in-
adequately provided with victuals for his crews. The
staple food was biscuit, of which twenty-five thousand-
weight was carried ; in addition to this quantities of meal,
beans and dried peas were provided . Forty hogsheads of
beef and 80 flitches of bacon supplied the meat. For fish
they had 6 lasts of stock fish, and large quantities of ling.

Since no English sailor or soldier would do his duty
without beer, 40 tuns of this national beverage were taken,
and, as so large a proportion of the crews were Devon

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES 15

3H.en, 35 tuns of cider were added. The 40 butts of
malmsey, at £,6 a butt, were no doubt for the cabin.

The only food provided for the negroes they hoped to
get was beans and peas. This vegetarian diet, washed
down with water, was to be their simple fare.

Oddly enough, for these same negroes there were
supplied not only shirts but shoes.

Of the officers of the fleet John Hawkins was Com-
mander-in-Chief or “ General,” and sailed in the “ Jesus.”
Captain Field commanded the “ Solomon,” while Thomas
Hampton, who served in the first voyage, sailed again.

Amongst the gentlemen - adventurers were John
Chester, a son of Sir William Chester, one of the share-
holders, George Fitzwilliam, Thomas Woorley, Edward
Lacie, Anthony Parkhurst and John Sparke.

The last, who served as an officer on board the “ Jesus,”
wrote the story of the voyage, which is to be found in
H^uyt’s English Voyages. He belonged to Plymouth
and afterwards became Mayor of the town.

The fleet sailed from Plymouth on October i8th, but
an, unfortunate accident took place as they were leav-
ing the harbour, when a pulley broke and killed one of
the officers, “ being a sorrowful beginning to them all,”
as John Sparke truly observed in his journal.

With a fair wind the fleet sailed towards the Canary
Islands until the 2 ist, when they ran into a north-easterly
gale which separated and broke up the party.

After battling for two days against head winds, the
fleet put into the harbour of Ferrol in Spain, where they
remained for five days. During their stay the “ Minion ”
and the “ John Baptist,” two London ships, came in, on
their way to trade for gold on the Guinea coast. They
agreed to join Hawkins’ fleet and sail under his command.

Before leaving Ferrol Hawkins issued his sailing orders
to his officers, giving the various signals to be used be-
tween the ships by night and day, and ending up with the

i6 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

famous “ Serve God daily ! love one another ! preserve
your victuals ! beware of fire ! and keep good com-
pany ! ” the last instruction meaning, of course, that the
ships should keep in touch with one another.

On the 30th, profiting by a favourable wind, Hawkins
gave the signal for his fleet to weigh, and on November 4th
they sighted the island of Madeira, and two days later
Tenerife, which they mistook for Grand Canary. In
fact, for the next two days they were lost, sailing hither
and thither, from one island to another, searching for
Tenerife. At last they found it, and Hawkins, not wait-
ing until the anchor was dropped, rowed ashore in the
pinnace with a letter for his friend the Governor, Pedro
de Ponte. But as he approached the landing-place he
met with an unlooked-for reception, for “ suddenly there
appeared upon two points of the road, men levelling their
bases and harquebusses to them, with divers others with
halberds, pikes, swords and targets, to the number of four
score, which happened so contrary to his expectation, that
it did greatly amaze him.”

However, on shouting out that he was Juan Achines,
and an old friend of Pedro de Ponte, Nicholas, one of
the Grovernor’s sons, stepped forward and recognized
Hawkins and all was well.

The Governor was sent for, from Santa Cruz, a town
sixty miles away, and in the meanwhile the ships’ crews
were busy refreshing themselves and making repairs to
the ships. When the Governor arrived he was pleased to
see his English friend and “ gave him as gentle entertain-
ment, as if he had been his own brother.”

Evidently the crews enjoyed their stay at this hospit-
able island, for John Sparke breaks ofiF his narrative to
enlarge, with great smacking of lips, on the good wine
they drank, and the fat raisins, and the delicious suckets
or sweetmeats they ate. Sparke, who noted many things
in his journal, always found space for descriptions of any

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

objects of natural history that caught his eye. Here for
the first time he met with the camel, about which he finds
much to set down. He reports this useful quadruped to
be “ of understanding very good, but of shape very
deformed ; with a little belly ; long misshapen legs ;
and feet very broad of flesh, without a hoof, all whole
saving the great toe ; a back bearing up like a molehill, a
large and thin neck, with a little head, with a brmch of
hard flesh, which Nature hath given him in his breast to
lean upon. This beast liveth hardly, and is contented
with straw and stubble ; but of strong force being well
able to carry five hundred weight.” Let us not smile in
our superior knowledge at this Elizabethan naturalist ;
for his sketch gives a curiously good likeness of the
uncouth beast.

Sparkehas a good deal to say concerning certain strange
trees which he heard about, which continually dropped
water from their leaves in such quantities as to supply
bo*th man and beast. He is mystified by accounts of
certain “ flitting islands ” which, when men approached
them, vanished, and “ it should seem he is not yet born,
to whom God hath appointed the finding of them.”

All very mysterious and rather frightening, when
recounted and discussed at night in the fo’c’sle.

On November 15th they departed from these delect-
able islands and sailed for the Guinea coast. When five
days out from Tenerife, an incident happened which
shows how capable a navigator Hawkins must have been.
A brisk breeze was blowing when a pinnace which was
sailing alongside the “ Jesus ” capsized. By the time
the ship could be put about, the pinnace was a long way
out of sight. Nevertheless Hawkins had a longboat
launched and manned by 24 of the strongest rowers in
the ship, and himself directed the course they should
take, having marked by the sun the exact spot where the
accident occurred. To the surprise and joy of all on

i8 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

board, the upturned pinnace was found with the two
occupants perched on the keel, and both men and
pinnace were saved.

A few days later they touched at Cape Blanco and Cape
Verde on the African coast, but found to their annoyance
that the “ Minion ” and “ John Baptist ” had fore-
stalled them, having surprised and taken some natives for
slaves ; the rest were very shy indeed and were not to be
caught again, and all Hawkins brought away was a ship-
wrecked Frenchman who had lived for a long while alone
with the blacks. Leaving this unprofitable neighbour-
hood, they called next at the uninhabited island of
Alcantraz ; at least, \ininhabited except for innumerable
sea-birds. A neighbouring island. La Forinso, was found
to be inhabited, and 8o well-armed men were landed, who
pursued several parties of negroes. The natives showed
fight, and were apparently quite innocent on the subject
of fire-arms ; for they showed no fear whatever of Ae
invaders’ arquebuses, until one of the negroes was shot
by a ball in the thigh, when they all ran away.

So far things were not going at all well : an odd negro
had been picked up here and there, but that was all.
Arriving next at the island of Sambula, things began to
look better. Here they found well-arranged villages
surrormded by carefully tended fields, tilled by a native
race called the Sapies, who were the slaves of a tribe of
cannibals which Sparke calls the “ Sanboses,” from which
it has been suggested comes the name “ Samboes ” of
later days. These Sapies, he records, showed no fear,
though why indeed should they, for to be permanently in
the unremunerated employment of a cannibal cannot
stimulate to much display of heroism, and although
“they fled incontinently’’ before the English sailors,
Hawkins b^ged quite a satisfactory number ; so the
Sapies found themselves the property of new masters.
A large quantity of rice, fruit and mill was taken on board

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

as food for the slaves, and on December aist they left
with the loss of but one man of the crews, who was killed
while going alone in search of a feed of “ pompions,”
getting his throat cut for his greediness by some natives.

A day’s sail brought them on December 22nd to the
mouth of the Callowsa river. Here an expedition was
made, the two larger vessels being left at anchor in the
estuary to serve as a base for the boats, while Hawkins
himself continued some way up the river. The result of
this expedition was satisfactory, ending in the acquisition
of “ two caravels laden with negroes.” So far all had
gone well, but a reverse of fortune was in store.

Hawkins had been assured by the Portuguese factors
on the coast that the neighbouring town of Bymba was
well worth his attention, being rich in stores or gold and
in potential slaves which merely waited to be gathered up.

For once in his life Hawkins was careless and under-
estimated his opponents, for he took only a small force of
forty men, in armour, guided by a Portuguese, to attack
the town. Unfortunately the stories of the gold hidden
in Bymba had demoralized Hawkins’ soldiers, for when
the town was entered the men wandered off in small
parties of twos and threes and began searching the native
huts for plunder. Hawkins himself, with a dozen men,
had marched right through the town to look for slaves,
and on returning found that his insubordinate men were
in full flight before some 200 armed natives, and it was
only Hawkins’ coolness that saved them from utter
disaster. As it was, he was fortunate to get away at all,
with a casualty list of seven killed and twenty-seven
wounded. Amongst the killed was Captain Field of the
“ Solomon.” This was a heavy price to pay for the ten
slaves they managed to bring away ; although it is
difficult to imagine how, in their flight before a mob of
howling savages, they succeeded, with only thirteen sound
men, in getting away with so many of their own wounded

20 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

as ■well as ten native prisoners- Sparke gives in a sen-
tence a sketch of Hawkins which is worth while quoting,
as it provides a clear picture of our hero in a tight place.

The English sailors were in full flight, trying to reach
their boats, and the situation was as desperate as it could
be, but “ the Captain in a singular wise manner carried
himself, "mth countenance very cheerful outwardly, as
though he did little weigh the death of his men, nor yet
the hurt of the rest, although his heart inwardly was
broken in pieces for it.”

Trade so far had not been very brisk, so the fleet sailed
to try their fortune at Taggarin, where the two smaller
ships, the “ Tiger ” and the “ Swallow,” accompanied by
their boats, said good-bye to the “Jesus ” and “ Solomon”
and went negro-hunting up the river Casseroes. This
expedition was successful ; a large enough bag of negroes
was caught or “ trafficked ” to make the long voyage
across the South Atlantic worth while. Hawkins wanted
to stop on the Sierra Leone coast a while longer to catch a
few more natives, but his crews were becoming seriously
reduced by sickness, so he decided to get away while he
still had enough sailors left to work the ships.

This was all the more exasperating for Hawkins as
news had been brought that a battle was about to be fought
between the tribes of Sierra Leone and Taggarin and, had
he been able to await the result of this contest, the ■victor
would have sold him the vanquished at, no doubt, bargain
prices. So on the night of January 29th, 1565’, they set
sail from Sierra Leone for the Indies, thus missing by a
few hours what might very well have proved a calamity ;
for it was learned later on that the King of Sierra Leone
had planned an ambush the following night, with the
object of seeing “ what kind of jpeople we were,” and
would probably have caught the English crews busily
engaged in filling the water-casks.

But, as Sparke, the virtuous chronicler, points out.

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

“ God, who worketh all things for the best, would not
have it so, and by Him we escaped without danger, his
name be praysed for it,” which shows that if in the six-
teenth century you were bent on catching Africans to
sell for slaves, if your conscience was clear you might rest
assured that Providence would watch over you.

During the first month crossing the Atlantic they met
with dead calms ; and their small, ill-ventilated ships,
crowded with sweating negroes, soldiers and sailors, must
have resembled floating Newgate prisons as they lay for
eighteen sweltering days on the glassy South Atlantic
ocean, with their drinking-water growing less and less,
while each day more men went sick or died. But again
“ Almightie God, who never sufFereth His elect to
perish,” looked after them during the great calm and
“ sent us the ordinary Brise, which is the Northwest
winde, which never left us till wee came to an Island of
the Canybals, called Dominica.”

It was on Saturday, March 9th, that they arrived, but
they only stopped there long enough to obtain water for
the slaves, who were already dying of thirst. Water
proved to be scarce at Hispaniola and took long to collect,
but this was compensated for by the total absence of
“ Canybals,” much to the relief of the adventurers, who
had become alarmed by the stories they had heard of the
dire catastrophes that had happened to other crews visit-
ing Dominica, particularly how one entire crew had been
killed and eaten up, and of the horrid things that had
happened to the crew of the “ Green Dragon ” of
Newhaven.

Hurrying from these inhospitable shores, they sailed
south-east, calling five days later at the Testigos Islands,
a small group off the coast of Venezuela, and next day
arrived at Margarita Island. Here “ wee were enter-
tained by the Alcalde, and had both Beeves and sheepe
given us, for the refreshing of our men ” : but with the

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Governor of the island it was quite another story. This
important official refused to meet Hawkins and was
equally emphatic in refusing to grant him a licence to
trade. Evidently the Governor had read and carefully
digested his orders from Madrid, for he declined to
permit the Spanish pilot, whom Hawkins had just hired,
to leave Margarita, and he sent a special messenger by a
fast boat to San Domingo to warn the Viceroy of the
arrival of the Arch-Pirate “ Achines ” on the Spanish
Main. This conscientious Governor next ordered all the
inhabitants, both Spanish and Indians, to evacuate the
town and hide in the woods, with all their valuables.
After wasting four days Hawkins decided that as nothing
was to be gained here by force he had better try elsewhere ;
so he weighed and sailed to another small settlement on
the Spanish Main, Cumana by name, to try his fortune
there. On arrival, the “ General ” went ashore in his
pinnace, and conversed with some Spaniards on the
beach, hoping to do a little business in “ black ivory."
The Commander of the small garrison told Hawkins that
they had only recently arrived from Spain and assured
him that they had not, amongst them all, the wherewithal
to invest in one solitary negro : but they were very glad to
recommend to the English Admiral a particularly good
watering-place, at a spot just a few miles further along the
coast, cdled Santa F6.

The Indians at Santa proved friendly, bringing
down various things good to eat, particularly maize cakes
and potatoes ; both of which were new to the travellers.
In exchange various trifles were given, such as beads,
knives and pewter whistles. We wonder if any of those
pewter whistles still exist in some out-of-the-way corner
of the Spanish Main. “ These potatoes," our chronicler
writes, " be the most delicate roots that may be eaten, and
do far exceed our parsnips and carrots."

Leaving Santa F^ on March 28 th, they sailed between

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

the mainland and low-lying Tortuga, or Turtle Island,
and proceeded to coast along until April ist, when
Hawkins left the “ Jesus ” to sail close inshore in his
pinnace, stopping here and there to converse with the
Caribs, many of whom came off to him in their canoes.
These natives appeared to be very friendly and anxious
for Hawkins to come on shore, which he would have done
had he not exhausted his supply of trinkets. As he
learned later on, this was just as well, for these Caribs
were not as friendly as the Indians at Santa F^, but were
notorious for being cannibals and users of poisoned
arrows. Indeed, so skilful were they with their bows and
arrows that the Spaniards, when travelling with horses in
their territories, used to envelop their mounts in armour
made of quilted cotton two inches thick, with only the eye
of the horse unprotected ; yet such good shots were the
Indians that it was no uncommon thing for them to shoot
a.poisoned arrow through the small opening in the armour
into the animal’s eye.

After coasting along for some days they arrived on the
3rd of April at tibe town of Borburata, which was near the
modern Puerto Cabello on the Venezuelan coast.

As soon as the ships were anchored outside the harbour,
Captain Hawkins rowed ashore, where he introduced
himself to the assembled Spaniards as “an Englishman,
come thither to trade with them by the way of merchand-
ize,” and demanding a licence to do so. This abrupt
request opened up a long discussion. On the one side
the Spaniards said they dared not disobey their sovereign’s
definite injunction forbidding his subjects in the West
Indies to traffic with foreigners, for to do so would make
them liable to forfeit all their belongings, and might
possibly involve them in worse dilemmas, and “ they de-
sired him not to molest them any further, but to depart as
he came.” This answer Hawkins was quite prepared for,
and he proceeded to bring forward his second line of argu-

24 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

ment. He replied that necessity compelled him to trade.
Was he not in command of one of the Queenfs Armadas of
England, and had he not many souls on board, soldiers
and sailors, who required food and drink, yes and money
also, without which it was out of the question to think of
his departure } At the same time they must not think
he was threatening them, the subjects of a friendly power,
with violence. Far from it ; he would do nothing which
might bring dishonour on his own Sovereign lady, nor
on his own good name and reputation, “ unless,” as he
hinted darkly, “ he were too rigorously dealt withall.”
This would be doubly a pity, he added, since honest and
friendly trade between them would be to the mutual
benefit of both sides and do no harm to anybody. Lastly,
he pointed out, if Englishmen had free right to trade in
the Spanish ports in Spain and Flanders, what harm coidd
there be in his carrying on trade in any other of King
Philip’s domains ? The Spaniards were now in a pretty-
fix. They were longing to buy Hawkins’ slaves, for the
native Caribs would not work for them, and they badly
needed labour. Here was a chance, at their very doors,
to get cheaply what they most sorely needed. Yet there
were those wretched orders come express from the King;
reinforced by the Viceroy ; forbidding any kind of traffic
with foreigners ; and of all foreigners, with this very
Captain Hawkins. There was one slight hope. They
themselves dare not, indeed could not, grant a licence to
trade, but the Governor, who was just then at a place
sixty leagues away, should be appealed to and the onus
put on his shoulders. A speedy messenger would be
despatched at once and ought to return with the Gover-
nor’s answer in the space of ten days.

The Governors of these Spanish settlements must have
found it extremely difficult to obey the King’s strict in-
junctions against trading with foreign armed merchants.

In a long report addressed to His Majesty, on April

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

2 1 St, 1568, by the accountant of Venezuela, full of
complaints about the visits to Borburata by the English
and French, he says :

“ These corsairs come fully supplied with all lines of
merchandise, oils and wines and everything else which is
lacking in the country. The colonists’ needs are great,
and neither penalties nor punishments suffice to prevent
them from buying secretly what they want. As a matter
of fact, they make their purchases, but nothing can be
learned of them, and no measures suffice to prevent it."

The root of the whole trouble was that the Spanish
Grovernment almost entirely neglected the smaller or more
distant settlements, scarcely ever sending out a ship
except to the larger ports, such as Nombre de Dios or
Havana.

In the meantime they saw no harm in allowing the
English ships to come and anchor safely and snugly in the
harbour : where they could sell and deliver any victuals
that might be needed and paid for ! One day proved
sufficient time in which to get on board all the provisions
and stores required ; and, as idleness was always ab-
horrent to Hawkins, he soon began to chafe at the thought
that his men would for many days be eating their heads
off, and consuming wages, waiting for the Governor’s
answer, which, when it did arrive, would most likely
forbid trade.

So the haggling went on, the Spaniards trying to get
the much-needed slaves at a low price, while Hawkins
threatened to take his goods elsewhere if they did not soon
offer a reasonable one. Matters seemed to have reached
a deadlock, when Hawkins had the brilliant idea of offer-
ing a special line of “ lean and sick negroes ’’ at greatly
reduced prices. This, as he pointed out to his customers,
was a chance not to be missed, and one which was unlikely
ever to occur again. These slaves, now in poor condition,
had only to spend a few days on shore to regain their

26 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

strength and health, and would soon double or treble
their value, while if he kept them much longer between
his crowded decks, in heat and in want of proper pror
visions, they would die. Why not sell these for the
benefit of all concerned ? This offer was put in writing
and the matter discussed by a Committee of the Officers
and Townsmen of Borburata, who decided to allow thirty
of the leanest negroes to be landed, and sold to the poorer
Spaniards. Even then a new difficulty arose. Although
plenty of would-be purchasers were ready to buy the
slaves, they had no money to pay for them. The reason
for this was that, on the first arrival of the English fleet,
every Spaniard, mistaking them for French pirates, had
packed up his portable valuables and money, and sent
them to be hidden in the mountains until all danger
had passed.

Nevertheless the next day certain merchants and
planters came down to the beach and began to bargain
with Hawkins, declaring that the price he was demanding
for his slaves was much too high.

But Hawkins was too old a bird at the game to be
blriifed. He saw well enough that the Spaniards were
itching to buy his slaves, so he employed the device of
pretending to make preparations for departing. He told
them that he not only wanted a licence to sell but he
required a profit also, and that they denied him both.
After much bickering and haggling on both sides, some
of the poorer planters bought Hawkins’ “ lean ” negroes
for small sums, this bartering going on until April 4th,
when the Governor himself appeared upon the scene.
This was the Licentiate Alonso Bernaldez, Governor of
Venezuela and Commissioner of the Audiencia at San
Domingo, a most important official.

He and Hawkins met, and the Admiral told his tale of
imaginary woes, which he afterwards used so often with
success. This was to explain his presence by a story of

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

storms and stress of weather, which had thrown him out
of his intended course ; with the result he was compelled
to beg leave to stop a while to repair his ships and rigg ing
and to buy victuals. This story was not for a moment
expected to deceive the Spanish Governor, nor did it, but
it made an excellent excuse for the Governor to give to
the Authorities at home in Spain if at any time trouble
should threaten from his friendly reception of the foreign
fleet. To further the effect or the story, Hawkins re-
minded the Governor of the amicable relations that
happily existed between the King of Spain and the Queen
of England.

The original petition, written on April i6th, 1565, by
Hawkins and addressed to the Licentiate Alonso Ber-
naldez, at Borburata, still exists in the archives of the
Indies at Seville, and opens with these words :

“ Very magnificent sir :

I, John Hawkins, captain general of my fleet, in the
person of Cristobal de Llerena, my procurator, appear
before your honour in the manner most advantageous to
my interests and state that ” — ^and then followed the
usual story of adverse winds, shortage of victuals and
need for supplies.

The Governor, after due deliberation with his Council,
agreed to grant Hawkins the much-desired licence to
trade. But even now fresh difficulties arose. The law
fixed the maximum price of a slave at the sum of 100
ducats, but the Governor demanded a duty of 30 ducats
on every slave that changed hands, and this duty had to
be paid by the vendor. Since the legal duty was but
7^ per cent., the sorely tried Hawkins, now that he had
the precious licence safely locked up in his chest, could
afford to be the man of action and no longer the huckster.
Without more ado he landed at the head of one hundred
men “ well armed with bowes, arrowes, harquebuzes and
pikes,” and led them towards the town.

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Messengers came hurrying down from the Governor
requesting the Captain to hold his hand a little longer,
but the Captain, having no need any longer to keep up
the polite diplomatic style, bluntly demanded that the
duty on his slaves should be the 7^ per cent, and not a
penny more, or else “ he would displease them.”

What form the Captain’s displeasure would take the
Grovernor did not wait to inquire, but immediately granted
permission for trade to commence, and soon the largest
part of the slaves was landed and disposed of to every-
body’s satisfaction.

It will be interesting to compare Hawkins’ description
with the official account of the licence to trade sent by
the Governor to Spain. It presents us with a picture of
the scene from the Spanish point of view. The letter is
itself too long to print here in full, but a few extracts will
suffice to shdw how harried the unfortunate Governor
was by his self-willed and self-invited guest ;

“ M*^ereas after the said licence had been issued and
the English captain notified the whole town felt some-
what safer than it had theretofore, because of the satis-
faction the English captain evinced in possessing the
licence, giving us to understand that in exchange for it
he promised us all peace since his desire had been met in
that the door was opened for business.” To collect the
customs duties which were claimed by the King, the
Governor sent down to the beach his accountant and
Treasurer’s lieutenant. “ When they had arrived there
the captain came off in a small boat, and when he had
come near to land, spoke with the said officials who say
that during, this conversation the captain became angry
and tore up the licence to sell, which had been given him,
and withdrew and ordered a heavy piece of ordnance
fired with which he announced war, and the said officials
returned at once to report the commencement of
hostilities.”

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES 29

The poor harassed Governor foresaw that, if he did not
handle this impossible foreigner with great care, he would
have him and his wild crews pillaging his town, so he
quickly “ sent to entreat the captain to recover himself
and not to be angered nor land men, for his honour was
continuing his eferts to meet his desires.” While this
conciliatory message was on its way to Hawkins, the
lookout, stationed on a neighbouring hill, signalled that
the English were landing in force and marching on the
town. At the same moment the messenger returned in
great haste to report that “ the captain said he was being
played with and the object was to get possession of his
goods for nothing for the said officials had demanded of
him 30 ducats for slave licence and 7^ per cent, customs
duties on each negro sold, whereas he owed only the yj-
per cent, and would pay no more,” adding that a licence
for these his own terms should be sent down to him
immediately on the road, as otherwise it would be too late
as his men would refuse to be held back from pillaging
the town.

The Governor, by now thoroughly alarmed, sent back
the messenger to tell Hawkins that everything should be
done as he wished, ” and that his honour would advise
him of it presently,” after he had consulted with his staff.
To this the English Captain, whose patience was ex-
hausted, returned a peremptory reply “ that he wanted
fewer messengers and for not a man to return thither
except with the licence of his terms, for he would kill
any other.”

The frantic Governor immediately agreed to grant
everything Hawkins demanded, and once again Agustin
de Ancona, the messenger, who must have been exhausted
running post-haste between the two parties in the hot
tropic sun, was sent back to Hawkins to tell him so. And
only just in time, “ for the main body of troops was very
near, the flag in sight, and the weapons and the drum

30 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

beating, and the men also were seen marching all in good
order, who seemed in number to be as many as three
hundred soldiers.” Quickly a licence was drawn up and
sent by an official on horseback to Hawkins as he marched
at the head of his troops.

A halt was called, while Hawkins took and read the
licence aloud to his men, who gave a cheer, and fired a
salvo with their muskets “ as a signal of peace.”

On April 29 th, just as Hawkins was preparing to
leave Borburata, a French ship, the “ Green Dragon ” of
Havre, commanded by the famous French corsair Captain
Bontemps, arrived with the sad news that their old con-
sort the “ Minion ” had been attacked by several Portu-
guese ships on the West African coast, and the Captain,
Carlet, and a dozen of his men taken prisoners. The
night Ijefore the English left Borburata, a surprise attack
was made by the native Carib Indians, who approached
die town in toeir canoes under cover of darkness with the
intention of plundering the town. U sually the Spaniards
were very negligent in guarding their settlements unless
danger was threatened, but on this occasion, owing to the
presence of so many foreign ships, all were on the alert,
even the horses being ready saddled night and day,
showing how little the Spaniards really trusted the
English. Thus the Indians themselves were surprised
and fled at the first charge of the Spanish horsemen, the
leader of the Indians being captured alive and put to
death in tiie most revolting way.

Sailing on May 4th, the fleet arrived two days later at
the island of Cura9ao, where a cargo of hides was pro-
cured. A few head of cattle had been let loose some
years previously, and by now the whole island was little
else than one large cattle-ranch. Only the hides were
used, the carcass being left to rot, with the exception of
the tongue, which was all the inhabitants considered
worth eating.

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

3 *

The crew had a wonderful time here, in the way of food,
which must have been a pleasant change after the usual
sea fare. In fact, according to Sparke, “ in this place we
had trafique for hides and found great refreshing both of
beef, mutton and lambs, whereof there was such plenty
... we had the flesh given us for nothing, the plenty
whereof was so abundant, that the worst in the ship
thought scorne not only of mutton, but also of sodden
lamb, which they disdained to eat unrosted.”

Having invested most of the money made by the sale
of his slaves at Borburata in hides, Hawkins left Curasao
on May 1 5th, making for the Main, where he took to his
pinnace, as he was accustomed to, coasting along dose in-
shore while the ship sailed further out. Passing close by
Cabo de la Vela they arrived on the morning of the 19th
oflF Rio de la Hacha. Hawkins at once went ashore to
“ have talke with the kings treasurer of the Indies
re,sident there.”

This took the usual form of a story of adverse winds
which had driven him out of his course ; with a good deal
of plausible embroidery about the amicable relations
existing between the rulers of England and Spain. But
on this occasion the story fell flat, for, as Hawkins learned
later, a fast caravel had been sent from Margarita to warn
the Viceroy at San Domingo that the notorious “ Achines ”
was again on the coast. On this account special express
orders had been despatched to all the neighbouring
settlements, forbidding the King’s subjects to have any
dealings whatever with the English interloper, and
threatening that “ if they did, they should lose all that
they did trafique for, besides their bodies at the magis-
trates commandment.”

In spite of this the Gfovernor of La Hacha gave out a
broad hint that, if Hawkins cared to reduce the price of
his slaves by one half, it was more than likely that business
would result, adding that if this suggestion did not suit

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Hawkins, he was quite at liberty to go elsewhere with his
goods, “ for they were determined not to deal otherwise
with him.” Finding that argument was of no further
use, Hawkins went aboard the “ Jesus ” and wrote a stiff
letter to the Governor, complaining that he was being
treated unreasonably, and ending up with a thinly veiled
threat that “ they dealt too rigorously with him, to go
about to cut his throat in the price of his commodities
. . . but seeing they had sent him this to his supper, he
would in the morning bring them as good a breakfast.”

Hawkins’ breakfast party to the Treasurer and citizens
of Rio de la Hacha was announced early next morning,
not by sound of gong but by the firing of a battery of well-
loaded cannon.

Having thus awakened and summoned the guests to
the feast, the Admiral landed one hundred soldiers, all in
full armour and armed to the teeth. The “ great boat ”
in which rowed Hawkins was armed with “ two falcons
of brass,” while the other boats carried “ double bases in
their noses which being perceived by the townsmen, they
incontinent in battall aray with their drumme and ensigne
displayed, marched from the Town to the sands, of foot-
men to the number of an hundred and fifty, making great
bragges with their cries.” The Captain met this counter-
demonstration by the discharge of a couple of guns, and
at each shot the enemy fell flat on their stomachs, only to
pick themselves up and scuttle away, leaving in their
haste their “ ensigne.” The Spanish infantry having
failed so despicably, the cavalry then appeared on the
battlefield, thirty horsemen in all, who “ made as brave a
shew as might be, coursing up and downe with their
horses, their brave white leather Targets in one hand, and
their jevelings in the other, as though they would have
received us at our landing.” But, alas for the martial
spirit of the army of Rio de la Hacha, the moment the
English landed on the beach, the horsemen retreated and

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

began to consult with each other as to what they had
better do next with these embarrassing invaders, who
would not be bluffed by their brave showing.

In the meantime Hawkins marshalled his men on the
beach and proceeded to lead them to the attack. The
horsemen retreated, while one advanced with a message
to say that “ the Treasurer marveiled what he meant
to do to come ashore in that order.” Hawkins, know-
ing by now who he had to deal with, marched
steadily forward, when another messenger arrived in
hot haste, begging Hawkins to stay his soldiers, and
the Treasurer would come and speak with him. This
was agreed to, and Hawkins walked ahead alone in
armour, but with no weapon. The Treasurer on the
contrary came mounted and armed with his javelin.
Matters were soon settled between the two leaders,
and licence was given for Hawkins to sell his slaves
at his own price.

While the traffic was going on, the crews were kept
busily employed in getting water from the mouth of the
river, and Sparke, the narrator, after discoursing on the
natural history of the crocodiles which infested the river,
makes the following interesting observation : “ His

nature is ever when he would have his prey, to cry and
sobbe like a Christian body, to provoke them to come to
him, and then hee snatcheth at them, and thereupon came
this proverbe that is applied to women when they weep,
Lachrymae Crocodili, the meaning whereof is, that as the
Crocodile when he crieth goeth then about most to
deceive, so doth a woman most commonly when she
weepeth.”

Soon the last slave was sold and paid for and the last of
the water-butts filled, and all ready for their departure,
when there came a whisper of treachery. Hawkins was
making a final effort to induce the Treasurer to pay a debt
incurred by the Governor of Borburata for some of the

3+ SIR JOHN HAWKINS

slaves bought there, when news was brought to him that
a Captam and a file of soldiers had been seen entering the
town from some neighbouring settlement.

Immediately Hawkins broke off all further negotia-
tions and went aboard his ships. Next morning he
landed for the last time with his crews fully armed to say
a farewell to the Treasurer.

After receiving the following testimonial of his good
behaviour while at Rio de la Hacha, Hawkins saluted
the Treasurer with a salvo and departed :

“ I, Hernando de Heredia, notary public and clerk of
the council in this city of Rio de la Hacha on the mainland
coast in the Indies in the Ocean Sea, do hereby certify to
all whom it may concern, that from Saturday in the
morning, which was the nineteenth day of the present
month of May, when the very magnificent John Hawkins,
captain general of the English fleet, entered with the s?,id
fleet into the harbour of this city, up to today, Wednesday,
at about four o’clock in the afternoon, when he got under
weigh with said fleet, the said captain and the men of his
fleet have traded and transacted business with all the
people of this town in the slaves and merchandise which
their vessels brought, maintaining the peace and without
disturbing it, and working no harm to any person what-
soever of any quality or condition.

“ In testimony whereof, at the request of the said John
Hawkins, captain general of the said fleet, I issue this
present certificate in Rio de la Hacha, Wednesday at
about four o’clock in the afternoon on the thirtieth day
of the present month of May in the year One thousand
five hundred and sixty-five.

“ And in conclusion I affixed here my usual sign in
evidence of the truth.

“ Hernando de Heredia
“ Notary public and clerk of the Council.”

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

Hawkins had now sold all his slaves, at a handsome
profit ; his holds were well stocked with raw hides and
other merchandise, and he said farewell to the Spanish
Main on May 31st, 1565, intending to lay out some of
his treasure in more hides and sugar at Hispaniola.

His intention was to call at tihie western end of this
island to make inquiries about some merchandise he had
left there on the previous voyage.

Owing to their ignorance of the strong current that
runs from east to west, the first land they sighted proved
to be the middle of the island of Jamaica.

On board the “ Jesus ” was a Spanish merchant who
was to act as pilot. This man, whose home was in
Jamaica, had been captured by the natives in West Africa,
and had been ransomed by Hawkins. He had agreed to
guide his rescuers to a safe port in Jamaica, and was to be
left there, to rejoin his wife and friends after an absence of
thi;ee years. This unfortunate man was always thinking
he recognized the various bays, mountains and other
landfalls, but on going inshore to prospect it was always
found that he was mistaken. The trade wind and current
kept beating them to the east, and all along the coast they
went, landing here and there to inquire of the inhabitants
their exact whereabouts, and the way to the nearest
harbour. But never once did they meet with an in-
habitant, so deserted were these coasts, although it was
seventy years since the Spaniards had begun to colonize
Jamaica and Cuba.

On one occasion the Spanish merchant was so certain
he recognized a place where he had friends living that,
before entering the pinnace to go ashore, “ he put on his
new clothes, and for joy flung away his old ” ; yet when
the pinnace reached the shore it turned out not to be the
place the merchant had expected, being quite without
inhabitants, and the miserable merchant had to return to
the ship and continue the voyage, wearing his best suit.

36 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Still worse, although he had been in sight of Jamaica, had
indeed once again trodden on its shores, he was compelled
to return with his rescuers all the way to England.
Whether he ever did get back to Jamaica is not known,
but one sincerely hopes that he did, for surely no man
ever experienced a more bitter disappointment than did
that Spanish merchant when he returned to the “ Jesus,"
all bedecked in his best clothes.

One gathers from Sparke's account that the Spaniard
was the most unpopular person on board just at this time,
and even the kindly Hawkins must have found little, to
like in a man who was the cause of his losing a two
thousand pound profit in hides, which awaited him at one
of the ports they missed.

All this muddling between Hispaniola, Jamaica and
Cuba was in large part due to the policy of the Spaniards.
They allowed as little information as possible to leak out
about the geography, winds and currents of their. El
Dorado in the Caribbean Sea and the Gulf of Mexico ;
so that even so experienced and skilful a navigator as
Hawkins was apt to lose his bearings unless he had a pilot
on board who knew the islands intimately.

Coasting along the southern shore of Cuba they
managed to overshoot the port of Santa Cruz, where
Hawkins hoped to make good his loss at Jamaica. They
watered at the Isle of Pines, doubled Cape San Antonio,
the extreme western jjoint of Cuba, and spent some days
tacking to and fro, trying to make Havana. Here again
they failed, and decided to give up the attempt. Instead
they turned towards Florida and sailed slowly along the
coast, keeping a sharp lookout in every one of the almost
innumerable creeks for the French colony which was
known to be somewhere thereabouts. It was not until
August 3rd that they caught sight of a ship of about 80
tons and a couple of smaller vessels lying at anchor in the
mouth of the river May. The officers on board these

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

vessels told Hawkins that their Chief, M. Laudonni^re,
was at a fort some six miles further up the stream.
Hawkins went aboard one of his pinnaces and sailed up
the river, and received an enthusiastic welcome from the
French Governor and his handful of soldiers. There is
little wonder at this : for, as Hawkins soon learnt, the
French colony was on its last legs. Laudonni^re had
landed at the same spot some fourteen months before,
in May 1 564, at the head of a party of some two hundred
men, mostly soldiers. The attempt at forming a colony
had proved deplorable. They quarrelled with the native
Floridans, and the men would do no kind of manual toil.
After consuming the provisions they had brought with
them from France, they subsisted on maize — bought,
borrowed or begged from the Indians. They made no
attempt to till the soil and sow any corn ; nor had they
the intelligence or energy to catch the fish which swarmed
in ■the river at their very feet. One catastrophe had
followed another. Some months before Hawkins arrived,
a serious mutiny had taken place, when some eighty of
the soldiers rose against their Captain, disarmed him and
threw him into prison. They then seized two vessels,
with most of the food which remained to the colony, and
sailed south to go a-pirating in the Caribbean Sea. For
a time they did well, pillaging and plundering Spanish
ships and settlements. Eventually they attacked and
took two richly laden Spanish caravels, and such was their
insolence by this time that they anchored in a harbour In
Jamaica, going on shore each day as though they were
honest mariners. “ But,” as the pious historian Sparke
points out, “ God which would not suffer such evil doers
unpunished, did indurate their hearts in such sort, that
they lingered the time so long, that a ship and galleas
being made out of Santo Domingo, came thither into the
harbour, and took twenty of them, whereof the most part
were hanged.”

38 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Some five and twenty of these pirates managed to
escape, and eventually made their way back to the river
May, where their friends promptly imprisoned the lot
and hanged four of the ringleaders.

By this time the natives were heartily tired of their
unbidden white “ guests,” who everlastingly begged food
but who had nothing left to offer in exchange. As
begging began to fail, the French took by force what they
needed, so that by the time Hawkins and his party
arrived a state of siege was in progress and they were in
the last stages of starvation and desperation, having only
enough rations left to last them another ten days. As
Sparke, the sailor, sagely remarks : “ they were soldiers
who expected to live by the sweat of other men’s brows.”
In fact, the only two things even distantly approaching
usefulness which these colonists had done during their
stay were to make twenty hogshead of wine from the wild
grapes that grew in profusion about the settlement, and
to cultivate a taste for tobacco, the use of which they
learnt from the Indians. It is probably from this visit
that the first tobacco was introduced into Europe, or
at any rate into England.

Sparke, who had an eye and a pen for anything new,
states : “ The Floridians when they travell, have a kinde
of herbe dried, who with a cane and an earthen cup in the
end, with fire, and the dried herbs put together, doe sucke
through the cane the smoke thereof, which smoke satis-
fied their hunger, and therewith they live foure or five
dayes without meat or drinke, and this the Frenchmen
used for this purpose : yet do they hold opinion withall,
that it caused water and phlegm to void from their
stomachs.”

Sparke has a great deal more to say about Florida and
de Floridans ; and many observations on the natural
history of the coast. Thus dere were many lions, which
lived at enmity wid de unicorns, “ for dere is no beast,”

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

adds this sixteen th-centuiy Waterton, “ but hath his
enemy, as the cony the polcat, a sheepe the woolf, the
elephant the rinoceros.” Speaking of “ verminous
beasts,” such as the crocodile and adders, he “ heard of a
miracle of one of these adders, upon which a faulcon
seizing, the sayd adder did claspe her tail about her ;
which the French Captaine seeing, came to the rescue of
the faulcon, and took her, slaying the adder ; and this
faulcon being wilde, he did reclaim her, and kept her for
the space of two months, at which time for very want of
meat, he was fain to cast her off.”

Many a starving pioneer would have eaten his falcon
rather than cast her off, and it is little acts of kindness
like this that make the memory of M. Ren6 Laudonnifere
dear to us.

We get long and enchanting descriptions of the fishes
and birds ; for example there is “ the Flemengo, having
all red feathers, and long legs like a herne ” with a “ bill
whereon the upper neb hangeth an inch over the nether.”
But we must resist the natural temptation to quote Sparke
further, except to add that amongst the sea-fowl he
“ noted the pellicane which is fained to be the lovingst
bird that is ; which rather than her young should want,
will spare her heart bloud out of her belly : but for all
this lovingness she is very deformed to behold ! ”

In the meantime Hawkins and Laudonnifere were
settling what was to be done to get the Frenchmen out of
their difficulties, for they could not be left to die in
Florida.

We have a good account of Hawkins’ visit to the river
May from Laudonni^re himself, who published his
Notable Histone a few years later.

He records that on August 3rd, 1 56 5, he descried four
sails while he walked on a little hill near his fort, and that
he was alarmed, fearing that they were Spanish. He
soon learned that they were Englishmen in quest of water.

40 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

and he gave them leave to land and help themselves.
The pilot of the English was a man from Dieppe, named
Martine Atinas, who was already known to Laudonnifere,
since they had sailed to Florida together in 1562. The
next day Hawkins and his officers landed “ honorably
apparelled, yet unarmed.” In whatever straits M. Lau-
donni^re might be, he knew what was expected of a
French gentleman. A feast was prepared ; the last
remaining chickens were killed, cooked and served up in
Hawkins’ honour.

During the next few days the Indians came in from all
the surrounding country to see Hawkins, asking if he
was the French Commander’s brother. Laudonni^re,
who was always alive to the situation, assured them that
Hawkins was indeed his own brother, and had come all
that way in his ship to bring him victuals, so that hence-
forward he would not have to beg any from the Indians.

The two commanders now began to discuss matters.
To Hawkins it was obvious that the French colony was
in great distress, so he magnanimously offered to transport
the whole company back to France. This offer the
Frenchman flatly refused, for fear the English might
themselves supplant him, and he had no direct knowledge
of how his country and England stood with each other.
The news of this refusal soon spread amongst the be-
leaguered French, who threatened mutiny if their leader
did not accept this providential opportunity for escape.

Hawkins next offered to sell to Laudonni^re one of his
smaller ships, and to transport part of the French force,
with their commander and their store of silver, to Europe,
giving his solemn pledge to land them at some port in
France before going himself to England, for he knew
well enough that if his Royal mistress got wind of the
silver aboard the ship, she would find some excuse for
confiscating it.

This offer was agreed upon and Laudonnifere gave

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

Hawkins a note of hand to pay for the ship when he
reached Europe ; but it is known that twenty years later
the debt was still unhonoured.

To relieve the settlers of their immediate wants
Hawkins provided them with “ fifty pairs of shoes, for a
price, also a great jar of oil, a jar of vinegar, a barill of
olives, and a great quantity of rice ; as well as a barrel of
white biscuit,” wherein doubtless the grateful Laudon-
nifere adds “ hee hath wonne the reputation of a good and
Charitable man deserving to be esteemed as much of us
all as if he had saved our lives.”

Generous as Hawkins’ behaviour was to the be-
leaguered French colony, we cannot believe that he was
altogether without a thought for the future. He must
have known that, could he remove this thorn in the side
of Spain, he might hope for a more lenient view to be
taken by the Spanish Authorities of his late adventures
on the Spanish Main.

Owing to the trend of the Gulf Stream and the north-
erly direction of the trade winds, it was impossible for the
Spanish galleons, heavily laden with their cargoes of
precious metals and other goods, to sail directly from the
ports of Mexico to the west. Their only course was to
pass along the Florida channel. From their hiding-place
at the mouth of the river May the French were able, and
wont, to pounce out on any passing ship, seize it and carry
it into their lair, much as a hunting spider does a passing
fly. Not only this, but Hawkins must have known that
the English Government, too, would have been not a
little pleased to hear of the end of this upstart French
colony in Florida, on which they looked with strong
disfavour.

Although, as far as Hawkins is concerned, Laudonnii:re
and his followers pass out of the story, it is worth while
telling, quite briefly, the end of that adventure in coloniza-
tion. At the very hour when the English and French

42 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

leaders were saying friendly farewells, two separate fle6ts
were sailing across the Atlantic, both with the river
May as their objective. One of these was French, tihder
the command of Admiral Jean Ribault, who was bringing
with him some 300 men and women to establish and
consolidate the position already staked out by the
pioneers. They reached Florida in safety on August
28th, 1565.

A week later there arrived at the same anchorage the
other fleet. This was a Spanish one under the command
of Don Pero Menendez de Aviles, and was the most
formidable flotilla that had ever been despatched to the
west. Finding he had arrived just too late to catch the
French unprepared, he built a strong fort at St. Augustine
a little further along the coast, and sent to San Domingo
for all the armed men that could be spared.

As it happened, he did not have to await the arrival of
these reinforcements, for Jean Ribault decided to attack
first. Leaving a small body of troops to protect the fort
and the women, he set out in all the vessels he had at his
command, and steered for St. Augustine. Suddenly a
violent tempest arose, scattering the ships, most of which
were driven ashore and wrecked at various places along
the coast.

Meanwhile Menendez marched towards the French
fort, attacked and took it, massacring most of the
defenders. A mere handful escaped, including Laudon-
nihre, who got away in a small craft and eventually
reached France.

Menendez neirt turned about and marched down the
coast, “ mopping up ” each disorganized band of French-
men he met with. Although the French laid down their
arms and surrendered on sight, the avenging Spaniards
butchered them all, except only ten men whom, being
Catholics, they spared. Thus ended the French attempt
at colonization in Florida. Spain, ever dilatory, was apt,

1'hk Arms of Sir John Hawkins lmpalu(!r donwn and Va

Noll I m. ‘ lti ’.U-Mook’ C UHSI, (.KAN I I'll \s MK.MKN 1 A IMdN »'(>K' 1 1 WVMNs’s \ IL I'okV

I in: Mooks in

FIRST TWO .SEATING VOYAGES 43

when at last driven to action, to be both thorough and
ruthless.

On August 28 th Hawkms sailed from the river May,
leaving the French to £0110“^ as soon as they could. Day,
after day head winds prevailed and victuals ran short,
until they “ were in despair of ever cumming home . . .
in which state of great misery, we were provoked to call
upon Him' by fervent prayer, which moved Him to hear
us, so tl^at we had a prosperous wind.” This prosperous
wind, which carried the ships to the banks of Newfound-
land, was followed by a calm, and they put out fish lines
and caught a quantity of cod which for a time relieved
their hunger. Five days later they met, far out in the
North Atlantic, a couple of French fishing-boats. Out
of these they took a good store of fish, for which, to the
uncontrolled surprise of the French, Hawkins paid full
value. Three weeks later, on September 20th, 1565,
the squadron reached Padstow in Cornwall. The total
loss or life in the whole fleet was but twenty men, seven
of whom had been killed fighting the negroes in Guinea.
This was an exceptionally small death-rate for a voyage
of this kind, and was due, in no small part, to the great
care and thoughtfulness Hawkins always took over the
feeding and well-being of his crews. The voyage, from
the point of view of the promoters, was all that they could
have wished, since the final profit was declared to be at
the rate of sixty per cent., and this after the Queen had
been paid ;(C500 to make good all damages to the ” Jesus
of Lubeck.”

On arriving at Padstow, Hawkins, with his usual
promptness, despatched a letter to the Queen, to report
his safe return. It ran as follows :

“ 1565, September 2oth, Padstow : Pleaseth it Your
Majesty to be informed that the 20th day of September
I arrived in a port of Cornwall called Padstow with your

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Majesty’s ship the ‘ Jesus,’ in good safety — Thanks be
to God, our voyage being reasonably well accomplished
according to our pretence. Your Majesty’s com-
mandment at my departing from Your Grace at Enfield I
have accomplished so as I doubt not but it shall be found
honourable to Your Highness, for I have always been a
help to all Spaniards and Partygals that have come in my
way, without any force or prejudice by me offered to any
of them, although many times in this tract they have been
under my power. I have also discovered the coast of
Florida in those parts where there is thought to be any
great wealth, and because I will not be tedious unto Your
Highness I have declared the commodities of it to
Mr. Winter, who will shew my Lord Robert of it at
large.”

John Hawkins was now the hero of the hour, and was
fiSted wherever he went. The Spanish Ambassador,
writing to King Philip in November, described how
“ I met him in the palace and invited him to dine with
me. He gave me a full account of his voyage, keeping
back only the way in which he had continued to trade
at our ports. He assured me, on the contrary, that he
had given the greatest satisfaction to all the Spaniards
with whom he had dealings, and had received full per-
mission of the governors of the towns where he had been.
The vast profit made by the voyage has excited other
merchants to undertake similar expeditions. Hawkins
himself is going out again next May, and the thing needs
immediate attention. I might tell the Queen that by
his own confession, he had traded in ports prohibited by
your Majesty, and require her to punish him, but I must
request your Majesty to give me full and clear instruc-
tions what to do.” This letter had its effect, for in the
following October, just as Hawkins was ready to start
on his next voyage, a letter reached him at Plymouth,

FIRST TWO SLAVING VOYAGES

from Cecil, forbidding him in the Queen’s name to
traffic at any places privileged by the King of Spain, and
requiring from him a bond in ;^5oo before his vessels
were allowed to leave. Hawkins paid the money, and
the fleet left, but he himself stayed behind. We have
no account of this voyage, but probably it ended satis-
factorily from the point of view of the promoters.

CHAPTER III

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

HE story of this epoch-making voyage
has come down to us from several
sources, so that we know more about
this third slaving voyage than about
either of the two previous ones. John
Hawkins himself published a meagre
and somewhat modified narrative in
1569, entitled “A true Declaration of
the troublesome voyage of Mr. John Hawkins to the
Ports of Guinea and the West Indies in the year of our
Lord 1567 and 1568.” This, as Mr. Williamspn
points out, was evidently written as a piece of propa-
ganda, with an eye to the relations between England,
Spain and Portugal.

Until quite lately, the only other narratives known
were written by two members of Hawkins’ crews. Miles
Philips and Job Hortop, the latter being gunner of the
Jesus. Both were taken prisoner by the Spaniards
after the disaster of San Juan de Ulua, and after many
years of captivity returned to their native land and pub-
lished their stories. ^

Quite recently the indefatigable Mr. Williamson has
unearthed in the Cottonian MSS.^ a long and detailed
account of this voyage, written by an unknown hand,
though the probability is that it was from the pen of
one Valentine Verde — or Green, who was taken prisoner
at San Juan de Ulua, three days after the abrupt ter-
mination of the journal.

^ Otho : E. viii., ff. 17-41 b.

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

It was on October 2, 1567, that Hawkins led out his
little fleet of six ships from Plymouth Sound.

Hawkins himself sailed in the “ Jesus of Lubeck,”
the same Royal ship which he commanded on his previous
voyage ; Robert Barrett was Master, and she carried a
crew of 180 men. Her armament consisted of a be-
wildering assortment of sixteenth-century “ murdering
pieces,” which included : two whole culverins ; two
cannons ; eight demi-culverins ; eight sacres ; two
falcons ; two whole slings ; ten fowlers ; and thirty
bases. To feed these she carried fifty-four barrels of
gunpowder and a suitable quantity of ball.

The rest of the fleet consisted of the “ Minion,” also
a Royal ship, commanded by Captain John Hampton,
John Garret of Plymouth being Master, the same who
was described by Raleigh as a seaman of “ the greatest
experience in England.”

The “ Swallow,” a ship of 100 tons, also belonged to
Hawkins, as did the little “ Angel ” of 32 tons.

The “ William and John,” belonging to the Hawkins’
firm, was commanded by Captain Thomas Bolon, with
James Raunce for Master.

Lastly, the “ Judith,” 50 tons, was commanded by
her owner, Francis Drake, the young nephew of the
Admiral.

In all 408 men and boys were carried as well as certain
gentlemen-adventurers.

Most of these were destined never again to see
their native land. Death waited for them in many
forms. Some were to die in fights with negroes and
Spaniards, some of tropical fevers, others of thirst or
hunger ; while a few were destined to be burned at the
stake as heretics by the Holy Inquisition at Seville ;
indeed, of all these men who set out so light-heartedly
barely a fifth survived to return to England.

The very commencement of the voyage opened with

48 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

a tragedy, for as the “ Jesus ” weighed in the Thames,
after taking on board her guns at the Tower, to join the
rest of the fleet at Plymouth, and while her decks were
crowded with friends come to say farewell, some heavy
gear broke loose and “ slew a maiden,” an incident
which proved afterwards to be “ an omen of an ill-starred
voyage.”

While the fleet was still lying at Plymouth Sound,
making their final preparations, and a gale was blowing
in the Channel, there suddenly entered a squadron of
seven warships, flying Spanish flags. Taking no notice
of the Queen’s two warships lying in the Catwater, the
Spaniards proceeded towards an anchor^e close by,
without saluting the English Admiral. This insult to
the Queen was too much for Hawkins, who without
more ado opened fire. After several shots he was com-
pelled to “ hull ” the Spanish flagship, which brought
the Admiral, Baron de Wachen, to his senses, for .he
struck his flags and vailed his top-sails. This incident
led to much angry expostulation, followed by strong and
indignant remonstrances by the Spanish Ambassador to
the Queen. Shortly after this affair, which might easily
have led to serious international complications, another
incident took place, which annoyed the Spanish still
more. On board one of the Spanish ships were a number
of wretched Flemish prisoners, condemned to serve in
the galleys. One afternoon, when the crew were asleep, a
gang of masked men crept on board, closed the hatches
on the Spaniards, and let the prisoners escape. The
Spanish Admiral was furious, and accused Hawkins of
having arranged and carried out the whole plot ; while
Hawkins emphatically declared that the first he heard
of the matter was on the following day. He was prob-
ably right when he said that most likely the plot had
been hatched and carried out by some of the numerous
Flemish refugees then in Plymouth.

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

At last everything was. in readiness, and with a sigh
of relief Hawkins gave the signal to weigh, but not
without final instructions to his Captains that, in the
event of the fleet becoming separated, each ship was to
make for Tenerife, and there wait until the others
arrived.

For the first three days all went well, but on the fourth,
when oflF Cape Finisterre, a great gale arose which con-
tinued without a lull for four days. The fleet was
broken up and scattered. It was usual for ships to tow
“ great boats,” in each of which two sailors were left in
charge to regulate the steering. Three of these great
boats broke away and were lost, and the men in them
drowned, with the exception of the two in the “ Jesus ”
boat, who would have met with a like fate but for “ the
generals industry.”

The “ Jesus ” came very badly through this storm.
Owing to her top-hamper, high poop and fo’c'sle, she
became severely strained and began to leak in several
places. Finally she opened a seam in her stern, that
took fifteen pieces of baize, well rammed home, to stop
the inrush of sea. No sooner was one leak located and
stopped than another would be discovered, and all the
while the gale continued to rage. Day and night the
pumps were kept working, but at last matters became
so grave that Hawkins summoned all hands, and
solemnly warned them that the ship might founder at
any moment.

“ His countenance never revealed his sorrow, but his
words pierced the hearts of all his hearers, and it seemed
unto them that death had summoned them when they
heard him recite the aforesaid words ; for they knew
such words could not issue from so invincible a mind
without great cause. There was not one that could
refrain his eyes from tears, the which, when our general
saw, he began to enter in prayer and besought them to

50 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

pray with him, the while indeed he yet letted not with
great travail to search the ship fore and aft for her leaks.”

Shortly afterwards the storm blew itself out, and by
the morning of October i ith a northerly breeze had
sprung up. Again the crews were assembled, and
Hawkins returned thanks to God for their unlooked-for
preservation, and told the company that, instead of
returning to England for repairs as he had intended,
they would continue towards their prearranged meeting-
place at the Canaries.

So, in company with the “ Angel,” the only ship of
the fleet that had not disappeared, they journeyed for-
wards, picking up the “ Judith ” a few days later.

Sailing with a favourable wind the three ships arrived
at Santa Cruz in Tenerife on October 23rd, and ex-
changed salutes in the roadstead with several Spanish
ships that were lying at anchor there, bound for the
West Indies. Hawkins’ first act was to send ashore a
messenger with a letter to the Governor, acquainting
him with the fact that he had come there to await the
other ships of his fleet, and to purchase certain necessities.
The Governor replied in civil terms, inviting Hawkins
to come ashore and visit him. The wary English
Captain politely declined the invitation, giving as his
excuse that the Queen had given him strict commands
not to leave his ship. This did not prevent many of the
nobility of the island from coming on board the “Jesus,”
where they were royally entertained by the English
officers.

During their sojourn in the port, a quarrel took place
between two of the officers of the “ Jesus ” : Edward
Dudley, a land Captain, and George Fitzwilliam, who
had sailed with Hawkins on his previous voyage.

We do not know the cause of the quarrel, and the
“ General ” himself heard nothing of it until he was
informed that Dudley had already gone ashore fully

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

armed and was awaiting the arrival of Fitzwilliam, as
they had arranged to settle their dispute by a duel.
Hawkins ordered Fitzwilliam to remain on board and
sent for Dudley to return to the ship. When the latter
appeared, Hawkins tried to persuade him to forget the
quarrel, or if that was impossible, to postpone fighting
a duel until some more suitable time and place, rather
than to pursue it “in the midst of our enemies the
Spaniards.”

Dudley resented his Chief’s interference, and said
something that aroused Hawkins’ wrath so much that
“ our general struck him with his fist,” whereupon
Dudley, losing his temper, drew his dagger, which was
two feet long, and lunged at Hawkins who at once drew
his weapon and the two set about each other. Before
the bystanders could drag Dudley away his hand and
arm were cut, while Hawkins received an ugly stab just
above his right eye. The crowd of officers and men
rushed angrily at Dudley, and would have killed him
had not the Captain forbidden them to hurt him.

Instead he had him clapped in irons, while he himself
went below to his cabin to have his wound dressed.

Again the whole company was mustered and Dudley
brought before the General. Hawkins then asked the
prisoner if he was not ashamed of his behaviour. The
wretched Dudley, all his rage and anger having gone as
quickly as it came, now “ fell down on his knees and
with tears confessed that he had committed such an
offence that he was utterly ashamed thereof and acknow-
ledged that, he having had the charge of men, if any
soldier of his had done the like unto him he would have
hanged him therefor, but he besought the General to
be good to him.”

Hawkins replied that if the offence had been only a
personal one to himself he could have overlooked it,
“ but considering the place where they were, and the

52 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

ships the Queen’s, and so many men that Her Grace had
given him charge of, that by his disobedience all might
be put in danger, he must needs be punished therefor.”

Calling for an arquebus to be loaded with two bullets,
he told Dudley to prepare himself for instant death.
Hawkins then took the loaded and primed weapon in
his own hands, and turning to the kneeling officer asked
him if he had said his prayers and was ready. Dudley,
weeping and ashamed, replied “ that he had done with
the world and was ready to receive the punishment that
the General would appoint him.” By this time the
bystanders were all crying out, imploring Hawkins to
have pity and spare Dudley. Hawkins seemed to take
no notice of them, but suddenly, just as he appeared about
to execute the culprit, he laid down the weapon and
ordered the prisoner’s irons to be struck off. Then,
taking Dudley gently by the hand, he raised him to his
feet, embraced him, telling him that the matter was now
done with, and was to be regarded as if it had never
happened, ” the which was seen after for he loved the
said Mr. Dudley after, far better than before.”

Edward Dudley did not live long after this adventure,
dying a few weeks later, on the voyage between Guinea
and the West Indies.

This story, which is told in none of the contemporary
published accounts of this voyage, gives a vivid insight
into Hawkins’ character, his quiet sternness combined
with a tenderness of feeling which was by no means a
characteristic of the seafaring commanders of the time.

Always just, he was a stern disciplinarian, and at the
same time a deeply religious man, and it was just the
combination of these qualities that enabled him to hold
together his crews.

We have an account, left by a seaman who served on
the “ Jesus,” of a daily event which took place on board.
He describes it in these words : “ During the Voyage

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

out of the fleet, when night fell and the new watch began
' to come on deck and the hour glass was turned, everybody
on board the ship would assemble round the mainmast,
kneeling and bareheaded, and the quarter-master praying,
and everyone would recite the Psalms of David, Our
Father, and the Creed, in the English tongue.” It was
another sailor who, under cross-examination by the
familias at Mexico, added that those who showed any
inclination to abstain from these drum-head services
were rewarded by the quarter-master with a rope’s end !
But this was probably only a clumsy attempt by some
terrified mariner to please the Inquisition, and so escape
the usual punishment awarded to English prisoners
caught in America.

Meanwhile the fleet lay at anchor in the harbour at
Santa Cruz close under the walls of the castle ; though
between them and the latter rode several Spanish ships.
On the evening of the fourth day, “ at the shutting of
night,” these Spanish vessels quietly moved away, leaving
the English fleet in easy range of the guns from the
castle.

Hawkins, who all along had mistrusted the Governor
of Tenerife in spite of his friendly advances, believed this
to have been done by his orders so that he could open
fire and sink the English ships early in the morning, as
soon as it was light, and before giving them a chance of
escape. It is more than likely that the astute English
Admiral had chosen his anchorage on purpose to have
the Spanish ships as a screen in case or treachery. In
any case he was taking no risks and, as the sun rose next
morning and the sea-mist cleared, the Governor beheld
the English fleet lying quietly and safely at anchor some
six miles away from Santa Cruz on October 28th.
Hawkins, having finished taking in water, decided to up
anchor and be gone, and so set sail for Gomera, an island
of the Canary group. On touching there he found the

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

“ Minion,” the “ William and John ” and the “ Swallow ”
awaiting his arrival and ready to leave, which they all
did on November 4th.

The first point on the West African coast that they
sighted was Cape Blanco. Here they found several
Portuguese caravels which had been fishing. On hail-
ing them Hawkins found them in a sorry condition.
Only one of the vessels had anybody on board, the crews
of the rest having deserted and gone on shore some three
weeks earlier, after being plundered by a squadron of
French pirates. Hawkins, to replace the pinnace which
had been lost in the great storm, appropriated the best
of the Portuguese vessels, explaining to the Portuguese
Master, who perhaps did not quite understand his
methods, that as he, Hawkins, had found these boats
abandoned at sea they were, by sea-law, his own rightful
property.

Having chosen the best caravel for himself, he “ sold ”
the rest back to the Portuguese for a bill of thirty ducats,
payable at London on a future date.

All these proceedings strike one as being very near
the knuckle of piracy, but it was typical of Hawkins to
quote sea-law and demand notes of hand, giving the whole
business an air of legality.

Shortly after this episode, Hawkins came upon the
very French pirates who had plundered the Portuguese.
While sailing south of Cape Verde he ran across them,
trading with the negroes. The French, who were sail-
ing in the best of the Portuguese ships so recently stolen,
hoisted their sails and tried to escape, but the English
soon overtook and stopped them, demanding an ex-
planation of their recent doings. One of the pirate
ships was far superior to the rest, and Hawkins, who had
as sure an eye for a ship as some men have for a horse,
determined to possess her. Any little difficulties which
may have appeared were soon swept aside by Hawkijti?’

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

application of his usual law of the sea, which he so often
found useful in similar delicate situations. Hawkins
had also an eye for a good seaman, and he was much
taken by the cut and bearing of Captain Bland, the
French pirate who commanded the finest ship. He
once again had recourse to his methods of sea-law ;
with the result that he took not only the ship but also
the Captain. For a while Francis Drake was put in
command of the new ship, now rechristened the “ Gratia
Dei,” which may seem an odd name to have chosen for
this doubly stolen vessel. In due course Captain Bland
was reinstated in his command, and proved how right
Hawkins was in his judgment of men, for many months
later, when the English were in desperate straits at
San Juan de Ulua, Bland behaved with the utmost
loyalty and gallantry.

But to return to Cape Blanco. The business of taking
the Portuguese ships and selling them back took some
time, the Portuguese not being so brisk in matters of
trade as was our Plymouth merchant. At the end of
fifteen days, however, all was settled, anyhow to the
satisfaction of the English “ General,” and he bade fare-
well to the Portuguese and set sail for Cape Verde,
where he hoped to begin slave collecting.

Arriving in the middle of the night, Hawkins lost no
time. Two hours before dawn, he landed on the beach,
at the head of two hundred armed men, intending to
catch the unsuspecting natives asleep in their palm-leaf
huts. But this well-laid plan miscarried. The negroes,
instead of sleeping quietly and being captured as they
should have been, were wide awake and attacked the
English with bows and arrows, with the result that the
whole bag numbered but nine slaves, and these mostly
women and children.

The negroes used such ridiculously small bows that
the Englishmen laughed aloud to see them, after the

56 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

long bows which they themselves were accustomed to,
merely smiling at the little pin-pricks the arrows made
when they struck their legs or arms. But this contempt
was changed to fear when, a few days afterwards, they
began to realize that these arrows must have been
poisoned, for of the ten Englishmen wounded eight
died of tetanus, the only two to survive being Hawkins
and Dudley, who both escaped, probably because they
washed their wounds directly the fight was over.

This affair having aroused the whole neighbourhood,
Hawkins decided to seek a fresh hunting-ground further
south.

Anchoring off Cape Roxo, to the south of the river
Grambia, on November 29th, he sent three smaller craft,
well manned and armed, up the river San Domingo.
If we are to believe the Portuguese account of this affair,
preserved in the Record Office, the English seized the
six Portuguese vessels they found lying peacefully" at
anchor there, with their cargoes, which included slaves,
and were valued at 27,000 ducats ; and then these free-
booters landed, set fire to and destroyed a town called
Cacheo, plundering it to the tune of 30,000 ducats, and
killing several Portuguese.

So much for the Portuguese account, which bluntly
accuses Hawkins of being a pirate, and not without some
justification. The other narrators vary in their story of
this incident.

Hawkins, in his own log, merely states the bare fact
that on November 24th they arrived at “ Cape Roxo
alias St. Domingos,” and makes no further entry until
December 14th, when “ we saw the Idolos ” (Los
Islands).

The account in the Cottonian MSS. is clear, and only
differs in certain points from the Portuguese report.

Here it is stated that Robert Barrett, the Master of the
“Jesus,” was in command of a landing party of 240

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

men. He was to have opened trade with the Portu-
guese but did not succeed in getting more than “ oppro-
brious words.” Barrett, finding persuasion of little
usej decided to resort to force. He led his 240 men
against the town of Cacheo, which lay about one mile
inland. In the meantime the Portuguese had collected
an army of 6000 negroes and had hidden some of them
in ambush. The English, unopposed, entered the town
and set fire to it, but, all of a sudden, were attacked from
all sides by hordes of blacks, led by the Portuguese.

Retreating seawards, the English fell into the ambush
and were set upon with clubs, hatchets, and poisoned
arrows.

Barrett eventually got back with the loss of four men
killed and many wounded, and never a slave to show for
his pains.

The General was exceedingly angry with Barrett for
hrs bad handling of this expedition, and told him that
his proper business, as a sailor, was to seize the Portu-
guese ships that were lying higher up the river and not
to go attacking the enemy ashore, which was work better
done by soldiers.

No doubt Hawkins had some excuse for this ruthless
handling of the Portuguese. Since his last voyage to
the Guinea coast in 1 564, an English ship, the “ Mary
Fortune,” belonging to the brothers William and George
Winter, had been sunk by the Portuguese without any
justification whatever, and those of the crew who escaped
drowning had been taken prisoner, for no better reason
than that they had attempted peaceful trade along the coast.

The fleet now moved slowly along the coast, raiding
parties in craft of shallow draught being sent up each
river they passed in search of negroes.

On one of these expeditions a pinnace was sunk by a
hippopotamus and, if we are to believe Job Hortop, two
of the mariners were devoured by the monster,

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Thus they worked their way towards Sierra Leone
and, although no big prizes were secured, they captured
a few negroes here and there until they had collected
altogether 150 of these valuable pieces of living mer-
chandise.

According to the same Portuguese account quoted
above, most of these slaves were taken by force out of
Portuguese ships, whose crews were overpowered by
Hawkins’ men. Indeed they added that in some cases
Captain Hawkins had put the Portuguese Captains to
torture, to compel them to sign a document stating that
they sold the slaves of their own free will. The accusa-
tion that Hawkins tortured the Portuguese is an obvious
untruth, but the assertion that he insisted on a signed
document has a plausible sound about it. Hawkins was
now in rather a quandary. He had only 150 slaves on
board, which it would scarcely pay him to take all the
way to the West Indies, and he was just deliberating on
the wisdom of pushing on to the Gold Coast, which he
had never previously visited, when a stroke of good
luck occurred. News was brought him that two local
kings, those of Sierra Leone and Castros, were at war with
two neighbouring sovereigns, and planning to attack
a town, on the river Tagarin, called Conga. This Conga
was rather a hard nut to crack, and the negro strategists
proposed that Hawkins should bombard the town from
the water-side, while the native allies attacked the town
from the land-side. Here was the very opportunity
which Hawkins needed, so he consented to take part in
the attack on one condition only : that he should be
given all the prisoners taken by the allies.

Robert Barrett, in spite of his Admiral’s caustic obser-
vations on sailors who went soldiering, was sent on shore
at the head of a party of ninety men to reconnoitre. He
reported the town to be strongly fortified and defended
by vast numbers of very determined-looking negroes,

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

and in the first attack twenty Englishmen were wounded.
Hawkins hurried up with reinforcements, himself at
their head, and a great combined assault took place at
the sound of his trumpet, while he pledged himself
and his allies “ that they should go at it with stomach on
both sides.” Whether as the result of these stirring
words or not, the grand attack was successful, but not
without dreadful carnage on both sides. The English
fought gallantly and advanced in spite of ditches, pitfalls,
and loopholed defences ; in the face of clouds of arrows
and spears. Forcing a way into the town after a hard
struggle, they fixed blazing torches on to their pikes,
and set fire to the combustible palm-thatched dwellings.

Nine Englishmen were killed, while almost half their
number were wounded, but Hawkins, who was in the
van during the whole attack, escaped without a scratch.

The moment victory was accomplished the most
revolting scenes took place ; cannibalism ran mad, and
the negro victors ended up by driving vast numbers of
the vanquished into the muddy river to drown.

Hawkins and his men had, with their own hands,
captured l6o negroes, and with some others handed
over by their allies, they soon had all together 470 cap-
tives safely in irons on board the ships. These were
considered enough to make the voyage to the West
Indies well worth while, as they had on board other
merchandise to traffic as well as “ black ivory.” All
the same, Hawkins felt aggrieved with the allied Kings
for having drowned so many valuable negroes which
they had sworn to give him in return for his help. How-
ever, it was time to be away and across the Atlantic as
his crews were going sick, for the fevers of the West
Coast were telling on them. Also the stormy season
was nearly due, when navigation in the Caribbean Sea
was known to be perilous.

Just as they were about to weigh and §tart pu the

6o SIR JOHN HAWKINS

long journey across the “ Ocean Sea,” a French privateer,
with a cargo of iron goods, came along and volunteered
to sail with Hawkins, and to serve under his command.
The offer was accepted, and this addition to its numbers
brought the squadron up to nine.

We know but little about the ensuing voyage to the
West Indies, except that it took much longer than usual,
dragging its weary course for fifty-two days. The
death-rate amongst the wretched slaves shackled down
below decks is not recorded. The average loss on a
voyage from West Africa to the West Indies stood at
twenty per cent. ; which means that twenty of these
unfortunate negroes were expected to die out of every
hundred carried, and this on passages of considerably
shorter time than fifty-two days.

The squadron arrived on March 27th at the island
of Dominica, where they stopped only long enough to
take in fresh water and then sailed on to Margarita, the
large island off the coast of Venezuela, where Hawkins
began his West Indian trading on his previous voyage.
The settlement on this island had only fifty Spaniards to
protect it, and these fled at the first appearance of the
English fleet, in the belief that they were French pirates,
of whom they lived in constant dread.

Hawkins at once sent a boat to the shore carrying a
letter, written in Spanish, to the Governor.

Few of these letters written by Hawkins to the
Governors of the Spanish American ports have been
preserved, and it is interesting to read this example.
The translation into English runs as follows :

“ Worshipful,

I have touched in your island only to
the intent to refresh my men with fresh victuals, which
for my money or my wares you shall sell me, meaning
to stay only but ^ or 6 days here at the furthest. In

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE 6i

the which time you may assure yourself, and so all others,
that by me or by any of mine there shall no damage be
done to any man ; the which also the Queen’s Majesty
of England, my mistress, at my departure out of Eng-
land commanded me to have great care of, and to serve
with my navy the King’s Majesty of Spain, my old
master, if in places where I came any of his stood in
need.”

This letter is interesting in several ways. Like all
Hawkins’ writings it is carefully compiled, and is the
work of a diplomat. The service which he offers to the
King of Spain in his American possessions no doubt
refers to his willingness to protect his Majesty’s ships
or property from the ruthless French corsairs that were
the scourge of the Caribbean Sea. The touch about
“ my old master ” is typical of Hawkins, for, although
to .us at first it appears meaningless, there is some excuse
for the phrase when we recollect that only ten years
before King Philip had been King of England as well as
of Spain, and John Hawkins, as freeman of Plymouth,
had helped to entertain the monarch at a feast in his
honour when he visited that town as the bridegroom of
Queen Mary, in the year 1554.

At first the Spaniards refused to accept the letter, but
eventually they took it and delivered it to the Governor.

A reply soon came back, written in the most polite
manner, referring in handsome terms not only to the
integrity and prestige of Hawkins, but also to the beauty
of the Queen of England, his mistress. The writer
concluded by adding that he was confined to his bed
with sickness, but that nevertheless he would be glad
to receive the English General at 9 o’clock the following
morning.

The meeting took place as arranged, Hawkins attended
by his gentlemen all dressed in their best, while the

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Governor (apparently restored to health) was sur-
rounded by the most important of the Spanish residents.

Before the banquet the Governor led Hawkins on a
tour of inspection of the town, pointing out to him the
remains of several houses that had been burnt by some
French corsairs who had raided the settlement not long
since.

The squadron spent nine pleasant days at Margarita,
buying oxen and sheep and other supplies, which were
paid for in kind. Each day feasts took place ; some-
times the Grfjvernor came off to dine on board the
“ Jesus,” while on other days Hawkins was his guest
on land.

Leaving Margarita on April 9th they steered for
Borburata, on the Spanish Main, which they reached
on April 1 7th.

On Hawkins’ previous voyage, two years before, he had
done vep^ good business at this port and he had every
expectation of doing well again.

The Governor of the province was away at the time,
visiting the new settlement at Santiago de Leon, and
Hawkins wrote him the following letter :

“ Worshipful,

This voyage on the which I am bound
was ordered by the Queen’s Majesty of England, my
mistress, another way, and not intended for these parts,
and the charges being made in England, before I was
ready to set sail the pretence was forcibly overturned.
NeverAeless I was commanded by the Queen’s Majesty,
my mistress, to seek some other traffic with the wares
which I already had and negroes which I should procure
in Guinea to lighten the great charges hazarded in the
setting out of this navy. I know the King of Spain
your master, unto whom also I have been a servant,
and am commanded by the Queen my mistress to serve

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE 63

with my navy as need requireth, hath forbidden that
you shall give licence to any stranger to traffic. I will
not therefore request any such thing at your hand, but
that you will licence me to sell 60 negroes only and a
parcel of my wares which in all is but little for the pay-
ment of the soldiers I have in my ships. In this you
shall not break the commandment of your prince, but
do him good service and avoid divers inconveniences
which happen often times through being too precise in
obeying precepts without consideration. If you may,
I most instantly desire you that you will take the pains
to come hither that I might confer with you myself ;
truly it would be liefer to me than 10,000 ducats. If
you come you should not find me ingrateful nor count
your travail lost.”

We recognize in this letter a similar offer of armed
service to that in his previous letter to the Governor of
Margarita. What strikes one as a new departure is the
blatant hint of a bribe to the Governor if he should grant
the desired licence.

In the meantime, while the crews were kept busily
employed carrying fresh water to the ships, it was re-
ported to Hawkins that there was a Bishop at Valencia,
in the interior, a man of considerable wealth and import-
ance, for, apart from his high ecclesiastical position, he
owned large herds of cattle and other property. Hawkins
at once decided to write a letter to the Bishop, begging
leave to purchase some of his cattle, but with the ulterior
motive of procuring an ally who might persuade the
Governor to grant him a licence. The fact of his being
a wicked heretic did not seem to deter Hawkins from
asking favours of the Bishop ; but then Hawkins did
not clearly define his religious beliefs until later, and
many Spaniards believed for some years afterwards that
he was a Catholic. No doubt this was all part of

64 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Hawkins’ scheme, but it was also a wise policy on the
part of a Protestant Englishman who had dealings with
the Spaniards and Spain to lay as little emphasis as
possible on his religious beliefs. It must be remem-
bered, too, that in England there had been, during the
last four reigns, several changes of the official religion
between Rome and Canterbury, and the average subject
found it best to conform to whatever belief was at the
moment the recognized one. The hatred between the
Catholics and Protestants had not yet reached the bitter
stage which it did some few years after, when, to an
Englishman, Protestantism and Patriotism stood for one
and the same thing. Here is Hawkins’ letter to the
Bishop, and one can almost see the good Captain squar-
ing his elbows at the table in his great cabin while he
composed it :

“ Right Reverend Father in God,

I arrived hither in this port of Borburata
4 days agone, where I have heard of your good fame, the
which hath stirred me to write unto you and to desire
you that I may have brought hither to the port loo
oxen to serve my turn while I am in this port, and I will
pay for them and for the bringing of them hither as you
shall appoint. I have to sell 6o negroes and a parcel of
my wares to help lighten the charges of this voyage
whereon I now am, and was not thought to have been
made to any of these parts, but that things have happened
contrary. I beseech you to be a mean to the Grovernor
all you may that my request to him may take effect, and
anything that I may pleasure you in, you shall command
it, the which you shall have the better proof of if you
would do me so much honour as to visit me in this port.”

Was this irrepressible English Captain daring to
suggest by the last part of his letter that the Right

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE 65

Reverend Bishop too might be willing to accept a bribe ?
It certainly has that appearance. At all events it
brought a most polite and even cordial reply from the
Bishop, who promised to put in a good word for him with
the Governor, but begged to be excused from visiting
Hawkins at-Borburata, pleading his great age and failing
health.

No apparent harm having been done by Hawkins’
letter, he followed it up by sending the Bishop some
handsome gifts, which His Grace received with much
goodwill.

At the end of a fortnight the reply arrived from the
Governor of Venezuela. It ran as follows, and is a
masterpiece in the art of polite refusal :

“ Right Worshipful,

Your arrival here, seeing I cannot show
yqu any pleasure, is unto me a great grief, considering
your merits. I am sure you know what strait charge the
King of Spain my master hath given that no stranger be
licenced to traffic in no part of the India ; the which if
I should break before my eyes, I saw the governor my
predecessor carried away prisoner unto Spain for pro-
viding licence to the country to traffic with you at your
last being here, an example for me that I fall not into
the like or worse. I pray you therefore hold me excused,
and think that as you would observe the commandment
of your mistress the Queen of England, so must I not
break that one jot the King my master commandeth me,
with the which the proverb agreeth well that saith,
‘Do thy master’s will and commandment, and thou
shalt sit with him at his table.’ ”

This refusal might have discouraged a less determined
man than Hawkins ; but it had no such effect on him,
for he was fortified by the knowledge that, however much

66 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

the Governor might forbid his trading, his subjects, one
and all, were eager to buy his slaves and not miss this
golden and unexpected opportunity for exchange of
goods. Already the news had spread, and several
Spanish traders had come from Valencia in the hope that
the licence would be granted. After the Governor’s
refusal they went home again, but before leaving gave a
hint to Hawkins that he should send troops to Valencia
and compel, them" to buy his goods. In anticipation
that the Grovernor would reprimand them for trading
with the English, they could plead that they did so
against their free will, and so escape confiscation or other
punishment. This plan was quite to the liking of
Hawkins, who ordered Robert Barrett to proceed with
sixty men to Valencia.

Unfortunately hea"vy rainstorms delayed their march,
which gave the local justices time to act, so that when
Barrett and his men arrived at Valencia they found the
place deserted, all the inhabitants except one sick priest
having fled, carrying their valuables along with them.
Even the friendly Bishop had vanished with his flock,
“ but nevertheless he left in his house provision of
victuals for our men.” The sailors “ refreshed them-
selves in the Bishop’s house,” and then returned to the
ship with full bellies if empty hands. The naturalist of
the party, honest Job Hortop, found only one incident
wormy of recording about this belated expedition, which
was that they saw “ a monstrous venomous worme with
two heads, his bodye as big as a mans arme, and a yard
long,” which the valiant Barrett “did cut in sunder with
his sword, and it made it as blacke as if it were coloured
with ynke.” Truly a terrifying reptile !

Hawkins stayed at Borburata until the beginning of
April, doing quite a fair business, “ still selling every
day some wares,” so that evidently the Governor re-
lented, possibly as the result of a bribe, and more than

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE 67

likely encouraged by the Bishop. Hawkins then decided
to try his luck elsewhere, but before sailing in the big
ship, sent his smaller craft ahead to Curasao, witk
orders to kill and dry enough cattle and sheep to supply
the entire fleet with beef and mutton for the homeward
voyage.

The friendly Bishop of Valencia, as a parting gift,
probably at the suggestion of the persuasive Hawkins,
gave him letters of recommendation to all and sundry
along the Spanish Main.

Hawkins followed on to Cura9ao, but stopped there
only two days, when he left for Rio de la Hacha. To
this port he had already despatched the “Judith,” with
Drake in command, and the “ Angel.”

We see here the different methods employed by the
older Hawkins and the younger Drake. The former
on such occasions always opened proceedings with a
polite letter to the Governor. The latter’s method was
to get to business at once without any preliminary com-
pliments in writing. In this case Drake’s first act was
to plump a brace of cannon balls right through the
Treasurer’s house. This dignitary was a Sefior Miguel
de Castellanos, and Drake considered he owed the
Spaniard a grudge, since only theyear before theTreasurer
of Rio de la Hacha had defrauded Captain Lovell, and
Drake had been one of the victims of his deceit.

After this spirited demonstration of revenge and
good gunnery, Drake anchored out of range of the guns
of the fort, and proceeded to establish a blockade of
the port, until Hawkins should appear. While he was
waiting, a fast-sailing despatch boat arrived from San
Domingo. Drake gave chase and took her under the
very walls of the fort.

On June loth, the “ Jesus ” and the rest of the fleet
arrived and Hawkins opened fire, not with a gun but
with his usual letter to the Treasurer, though couched

68 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

in different style. It began with a reference to the
affair of Captain Lovell :

“ My ships which I sent hither last year with negroes
and other merchandise, you being the chief cause, came
all in a mis-carriage, which being reported among divers
venturers my loss was the more tolerable, and I cannot
lay the fault so much the less upon you that I blame not
much more the simpleness of my deputies who knew
not how to handle that matter. The negroes they left
behind them I understand are sold and the money to the
King’s use, and therefore I will not demand it of you.
This I desire, that you will give me licence to sell 6o
negroes only, towards the payment of my soldiers, to help
to lighten the charges of this voyage, which was ap-
pointed to be made otherways and to none of these
parts. If you see in the morning armed men aland let
it nothing trouble you, for as you shall command they
shall return aboard again. Shewing me this pleasure,
you shall command anything I have.”

The Treasurer, far from being browbeaten, sent back
a spirited reply to Hawkins’ letter, declaring that he
was prepared to deal with any soldiers that should
attempt to land at his town, that he himself had under
his command troops just as good or better than Hawkins,
and ending up by declaring that it were better for the
English soldiers to be paid no wages than to receive the
kind of payment they would get if they set foot on the
King or Spain’s territory. Drake’s treatment of the
Treasurer’s house had had its result, and now the gloves
were off on both sides. Keeping to his threat, Hawkins
went ashore at sunrise next morning at the head of his
men, taking with him as an envoy a Spanish trader who
had joined him at Borburata.

The Treasurer was also there with a body-guard of

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE 69

twenty horsemen, but keeping out of the range of the
invaders. He was well prepared for any trouble, having
had strong fieldworks constructed, these being defended
by a hundred or more arquebusiers. The envoy was sent
forward under a flag of truce to interview the Treasurer,
and to vouch for the good behaviour of Hawkins. This
had no other effect on the Spaniard than to make him
repeat that he utterly refused to grant any licence what-
ever to trade in the vicinity, so Hawkins gave the order
to advance on the town, and after marching a quarter of
a mile without opposition, the Englishmen were sud-
denly confronted by a company of about ninety Spanish
arquebusiers who were reinforced by a large number of
armed negroes and Indians.

A volley was fired by the enemy, but the range was
too far and only two of the Englishmen were struck.

The order was at once given to charge, on which the
Spaniards turned and fled towards the town, and the
arquebusiers and their coloured allies all became mixed
up in the rout, with the English at their heels. In this
state they entered the town, but the Spaniards, seeing
the place was already lost, escaped and hid in the sur-
rounding jungle.

The Spanish mounted troops had not taken part in
the fight, and the Treasurer, as soon as he perceived the
fate of the town, sent a horseman under a white flag to
say that even if the English had taken the town they
should never trade with them, “ for he would die in the
field rather than grant him any licence.”

To this Hawkins replied that if the licence was not
granted at once, the town would be burnt to the ground.
It happened that, without the General’s orders, several of
the inflammable houses had been set on fire by the English
sailors, when word came from Don Miguel that should
Hawkins set the whole Indies in flames he would never
grant his licence. He added also that it mattered not

70 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

to him should the whole town be destroyed, knowing as
he did that the King would rebuild it, and a better one
at that, at his own cost.

Accompanying the lancer who brought his last message
under the protection of “ a white linen cloth on the top
of his lance ” came several Spaniards, anxious to see for
themselves what damage actually had been done to their
houses.

The Treasurer made a bad error in allowing these
men to get in touch with Hawkins, who saw at once the
advantageous opportunity this gave him. In his usual
gracious style, he spoke to the Spaniards, who he knew
were only too willing to do business with him. To them
he pointed out that the Treasurer was not acting from
purely loyal motives in promising that the King of Spain
would pay to have their town rebuilt if it were burnt
down. He more than hinted that the Treasurer was
rather concerned with the filling of his own pockets than
inclined to worry over the gains or losses of the towns-
people. They must remember, too, that the Treasurer
had already removed all his own property to safety, and
probably he would charge the King treble the cost of
rebuilding the town, most of which the Treasurer would
keep for himself. Hawkins gave his solemn promise
that he would, at his own expense, give full compen-
sation for the houses already burnt. Finally he sent a
message to Don Miguel saying that he would “ seek him
out in any place in the coxmtry and make him willing
... to grant him licence to traffic with the inhabitants.”
With this Hawkins discharged the company, sending
them away to undermine the authority and power of the
stubborn Treasurer.

Negotiations between the two leaders were now at a
standstill. On one side was Hawkins, holding the
deserted town with his men, backed up by two falcons
mounted on gun-carriages. On the other side the

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rightful o-wners of the city hiding in the neighbouring
woods, no doubt bringing every possible pressure to bear
on the Treasurer to be reasonable.

The Treasurer was, all the same, in a very difficult
position. Since Hawkins’ last voyage, most emphatic
orders had come from Spain that on no accoimt whatever
were the King’s subjects to trade or have any hint of
communication with the English. At least one Gover-
nor had been sent home a prisoner, to be tried for this
offence in Spain.

Then there was a further reason for delaying the fleet
as long as possible. If Hawkins’ ships were really as
short of water as he said, a time would come when he
would be compelled to land his slaves, or sell them at
some ridiculously low price, rather than have them die
on board. So the stubborn yet spirited Treasurer hung
on and waited.

•During the lull, information reached the English which
gave the leader cause for immediate action.

One night there arrived at Hawkins’ headquarters a
negro who had been captured by the troops as he was
entering the town. On investigation he proved to be
a runaway slave of the Treasurer, and had this interesting
piece of news to impart. He stated that what he had
to tell was only for the General’s private ear, so they led
him before Hawkins. To the English General he con-
fided that he knew the exact spot where the Treasurer
had hidden the valuables hurried out of the town when
the English first appeared ; and he declared that if
Hawkins would promise to take him away in his ship
when he left, and restore him his liberty, he would show
him the very place.

This was a piece of unlooked-for good fortune which
Hawkins was not slow in seizing. That same night a
party of 120 men, guided by the negro, set out, and,
after marching about six miles, found the hidden treasure

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

and sent word back to Hawkins that all was well,
also sending a Spanish prisoner they had caught on the
way. Hawkins interviewed the prisoner, who assured
him that they were all heartily tired of the Treasurer and
his pig-headed ways, since he thought only of lining his
own pockets, and would listen to no reasonable argument
from any of them, who were, to a man, anxious to trade
with Hawkins.

In the meanwhile two ox-waggons were procured, and
Hawkins, at the head of a second well-armed party,
marched off to bring back the treasure-trove. An im-
mediate attempt was made by the Treasurer’s troops to
rescue their property, but they were easily driven off by
the English soldiers, and the treasure was carried back,
ready to be put into the ships. In spite of this, many
of the Spaniards were become so well disposed to the
English that friendships were being struck up between
the two.

By some of these Spaniards Hawkins sent a further
message to the much-harassed Treasurer, to say that if
he did not very quickly grant the licence demanded,
not only would he take away all the plunder, but
would make things so unpleasant for him that soon he
would be as eager to grant Hawkins a licence as Hawkins
had been to crave one.

This was too much, even for the Treasurer, who was
by no means a weak man. Surrounded as he was by
a crowd of his own people, whose property was in im-
minent peril, all clamouring for him to be reasonable,
with Hawkins thr^tening him with dire revenge, he at
last capitulated. The position had become intolerable
and there was nothing left for him but to give way.

Bitterly the defeated Treasurer turned to his people
and told them “ There is not one of you that knoweth
John Hawkins. He is such a man that any man talking
with him, hath no power to deny him anything he doth

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

request. This hath made me hitherto to do right well
to keep myself far from him, and not any villainy that
I know in him, but great nobility. And so do not desire
me to do no such thing, for therein ye shall be in danger
to prefer his desire before the commandment of my
master the King.”

Thus this brave and conscientious man had to confess
defeat by one of a stronger will than his own ; and in
doing so paid Hawkins the greatest compliment the
English General ever received.

Now for the first time the two men met. Face to face,
alone, in an open space in sight of their followers, they
conversed and negotiated for a whole hour. What
passed between them will never be known, but needless
to say Hawkins came away the victor, with a secret
licence to trade safely tucked away in his pocket.

The two leaders embraced publicly, which proclaimed
to- the onlookers that all was well. The goods in the
two carts were returned to their lawful owners, and
Hawkins paid full value for the houses that his men had
destroyed, with a certain number of slaves. Trade at
once became brisk, and in no time 150 slaves had been
sold and paid for, and much European merchandise
disposed of as well.

Nothing now was left to keep Hawkins and his fleet
at Rio de la Hacha ; so, after presenting some handsome
gifts to the Treasurer, they weighed and sailed away.

The whole of this affair was typical of Hawkins.
Ruthless in getting his own way, yet he was always
patient and, according to his own standard, honest. As
far as we know, he never took any Spanish or Portu-
guese property without paying something for it. Also
he never traded without securing a licence to do so,
however much we may question the means and methods
by which he procured that document ; for we must
bear in mind that he, who was on the spot and understood

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

the situation, considered these documents of vital im-
portance, though to us they appear somewhat futile.
Probably it was with an eye to the future, for he must
have known that when he returned to England the
Spanish Ambassador would stir up all kinds of trouble,
and send protests and reports to his Government about
Hawkins and his filibustering methods.

He knew, too, that the Queen and her counsellors
would all be on his side, if they could be so with any
reasonable excuse. What better evidence could he
bring forward of his good faith than a series of docu-
ments, all in good order, and signed and sealed by the
Governors of each Spanish port at which he had trafficked,
showing that he had their licence to trade.

Since these pages were written. Miss Irene Wright
has published a most valuable collection of documents,
the result of several years’ delving amongst the Archives
of the Indies at Seville. All these have to do with John
Hawkins and his transactions with the Governors of
the various settlements he visited on the Spanish Main.
They are of very great interest, as they give us the story
of the English visits from the other point of view. It
is interesting, for this reason, to read what the Spaniards
of Rio de la Hacha wrote to the King of Spain about the
whole affair. Naturally they exaggerated certain in-
cidents and minimized others, but between the two
accounts we get a very clear picture of what really did
take place. This document is of such value and interest
that we may be excused for reprinting it in its entirety.

The document is dated, Rio de la Hacha, September
26th, 1568, and addressed to his Royal Catholic Majesty :

“ On June loth last John Hawkins, English corsair,
arrived off this port with ten warships, all well armed,
and supplied with artillery and fireworks and many other
weapons and equipment suitable to so powerful]^ an

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

armada as his. He carried more than six hundred men
very well armed and outfitted with corselets and arque-
buses and pikes and crossbows and halberds and all
other weapons that could be carried, suitable to attack.
In good order they landed next day, about noon, half
a league from this city. Their pinnaces and ships played
many guns, for which reason Miguel de Castellanos,
your majesty’s general in command, was unable to
prevent mem from landing.

“ He went out to encounter them with as many as sixty
men, whom he had succeeded in assembling, and with
this, the small force he had, he offered as fine and valor-
ous a defence as has ever been made in these Indies, and
killed more than thirty of the enemy. He rendered
such signal service that all were astonished at his great
valour (both his adversaries and also the residents), for
certainly it was a business that to-day, on looking back
at it, fills with fright those who were present and those
who hear it related.

“ In good order he withdrew with his small force,
without losing a man, whereas truly it seemed incredible
that any should have escaped, and the English general
took the town.

“ Indignant to discover that your majesty’s com-
mander should have undertaken with so few soldiers to
prevent him from taking it, and because certain gentle-
men whom he much esteemed had been killed, he set fire
to the town and burned nearly two-thirds of it and blew
up the government house.

“ This done, he began next day to march inland in
very good order, his field-pieces in advance. Observing
this, your majesty’s general summoned what force he
could and took up a position ahead of him, to prevent
his advance in so far as possible, burning what houses
were in the country and driving off the stock, that the
enemy might not obtain possession of it.

76 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

“ In doing this your majesty’s general performed
many valorous deeds and killed some of the enemy’s
men, seemg which the English general determined to
return to town from the point at which he had arrived,
which was more than a league from the city. He
retired in the same good order in which he had advanced.
His intention was to march again into the interior at
night, since he could not accomplish his purpose by day.

“ He dared to venture this because he had possession
of a mulatto and a negro, slaves of your majesty’s
general, who deserted to him and, that he might liberate
them, offered to lead him to the place where your majesty’s
treasure-box was buried and where most of the people
of this city were, with their goods.

“ With this in view they set out at midnight with
these guides, and three hours before dawn arrived where
your majesty’s general had a tent with much property
and where the said citizens were with their goods. The
enemy captured a married man with his wife and children
and other burghers and took all the goods and negroes
which were there.

“ The enemy having captured this booty, the burghers
of the city and persons whom the Englishman had cap-
tured sent one of their number to your majesty’s general
that he might ransom them and their goods, for the
Englishman had told them unless they were ransomed
he would kill them and carry off all that he had taken
from them. He repeated this threat often, and truly it
inspired great pity to see them so afflicted and in such
danger.

“ Seeing this, your majesty’s general, moved by his
great commiseration for the said burghers, resolved to
ransom them from the Englishman, that he might not
carry out his cruel threat, and so they and all their goods
and the houses of the town which remained unburned,
were ransomed for 4000 pesos in gold.

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“ Among those ransomed were the said mulatto and
the negro who had deserted to the enemy, for whom, had
nothing else been redeemed, the said 4000 pesos would
have been given, that they might be brought to justice.
The English captain delivered them to your majesty's
general, Miguel de Castellanos, and although they were
his property, your majesty’s general handed them over
to the law that they might be punished according to it
and so the mulatto was hung and the negro quartered.

“ When he had received the ransom, rather than throw
them overboard the next day the Englishman landed in
this city as many as seventy-five head of slaves who
were dying on his hands. They were old men and
infants at their mothers’ breasts, and among them all
there was not a slave worth anything at all. He said
he left them in recompense for the damage done. Seeing
this, your majesty’s general and the undersigned deter-
mined to take them over in your majesty’s name and so
they were placed in charge of a certain person that he
might feed them and put them into condition, and most
of them were auctioned, as the rest will be also, and the
proceeds will be placed in your majesty’s royal treasury
pending your majesty’s pleasure to order what shall be
done with the money.

“We entreat your majesty to remedy the grievous
conditions prevailing to-day in the Indies. For every
two ships that come hither from Spain, twenty corsairs
appear. For this reason not a town on all this coast is
safe, for whenever they please to do so they take and
plunder these settlements. They go so far as to boast
that they are lords of the sea and of the land, and as a
matter of fact daily we see them seize ships, both those
of the Indies trade and also some that come home from
Spain itself. They capture towns, and this so com-
monly that we see it happen every year. Unless your
majesty deign to favour all this coast by remedying the

78 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

situation, all these settlements must necessarily be
abandoned, from -which will result grave detriment to
your majesty’s royal patrimony and an end will be put
to inter-Indies traffic ; trade with the Canaries will
suffer, as will also those ships which come out of Spain
between fleets.

“ God, Our Lord, preserve the exalted and very
powerful person of your majesty and grant your majesty
prosperity through many years and increase your
majesty’s kingdoms and dominions as we, your majesty’s
loyal servitors, desire.

“ Rio de la Hacha. September 26th, 1568.

“ Your royal Catholic majesty’s humble servants
who kiss your majesty’s royal feet.

“ Lazaro de Vallejo Aldrete.

“ Hernando Costillo (Rubrics).”

Which of these two narratives is the true one, it is
impossible to say. Probably both were written with an
eye to the future, one for the English Queen, the other
for the King of Spain.

No doubt the Spanish account of the gallant defence
of the town by the sixty heroes is a wild exaggeration,
and so is the statement that more than thirty English-
men were slain.

The thing which is most disturbing to the English
reader, if it be true, is the story of the negro who, after
conflding in Hawkins, was treacherously handed back
to the (jovernor to be drawn and quartered.

It was early July by the time the business -at Rio de
la Hacha was concluded, and there was not much more
merchandise, human or otherwise, to dispose of. The
next port of call was to be a small settlement, Santa Marta,
on the coast of what is to-day the Republic of Colombia,
a small fortified outpost of ffie Spanish Empire, consist-
ing of only forty-five houses, surrounded by a stockade.

Sir John Hawkins

Fto?ii tht prmi in FCollands Ueiwo/ogta, 1620

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE 79

This defence was necessary because the neighbouring
Indians were known to be warlike and hostile to the
Spaniards.

Hawkins, on his arrival at nightfall, could not wait
until next morning before sending his accustomed plea
to the Governor for permission and licence to trade.
Evidently he had written the letter beforehand, as, the
moment the anchor was dropped, a messenger was sent
ashore with this document. It was couched in the
usual terms, offering the usual reasons or excuses for
the visit and asking leave to trade.

In the case of such a weakly defended position
Hawkins could, of course, have resorted to force at once ;
but that was never his method of approach. The
Governor sent back his answer next morning ; he had
read between the lines of the English adventurer’s letter,
and made it perfectly clear that he knew how to act in
such a case. To resist was obviously out of the question.
But some thousands of miles away across the Atlantic
were certain unsympathetic authorities who had an un-
pleasant knack of coming down with a heavy hand on
their servants who disobeyed the imperial orders.

A pretty piece of play-acting was devised. Next
morning, after breakfast, Hawkins was to make a sham
attack on the town, and after sufficient display of re-
sistance the Governor was to capitulate and grant a
licence under protest.

The performance of this comedy opened punctually
as arranged. Hawkins, in full armour, landed at the
head of 150 armed men, to the accompaniment of an
orchestra consisting of the guns of the fleet, which bom-
barded, not the town, but the jungle beyond it. March-
ing steadily onwards, headed by the General, the little
army “ stormed ” and took the town, not halting until
the market-place was reached. Suddenly a Spaniard
is seen approaching, carrying a flag of truce. The

8 o

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

army halts, signals are waved to the fleet to cease the
“ bombardment.” The messenger arrives and hands
his note to Hawkins. It is from the Governor. What
can it contain ? Hawkins breaks the seal and reads in
it that His Excellency the Governor is “ waiting at the
other end of the town to speak with his worship.”

His Excellency and His Worship very quickly come
to an agreement, and the precious licence is handed over.
Traffic begins at once, and business is brisk. It is
recorded that there was great banqueting on shore and
aboard, between the Spaniards and the English, and
“ We had here fresh victuals as beef all the time we were
here, and trafiqued very friendly together and sold about
I lo negros with certain other wares.”

Hawkins, never forgetful of a deed of kindness — or
was it a bribe ? — “ gave the Governor divers gifts for
his friendship,” and sailed for Cartagena towards the
end of the month, arriving at that strongly fortified .city
on August 1st. This visit did not turn out a success.
The arrival of the fleet of nine ships, headed by the two
English warships, should have impressed the Spaniards,
as should also the thunderous salute which was fired as
the ships passed the fort. The usual letter was de-
spatched to the Governor, but he refused even to open it.

Now this was not playing the game at all on the
Governor’s part, for it only left Hawkins the choice of
two moves : one force, the other ignominious retreat.
The first was out of the question. Hawkins had not
more than about 350 men at the most, while he knew
the town to be strongly defended by 500 Spanish in-
fantry, as well as by numerous horsemen, and upwards
of 6000 armed and trained Indians.

It would have been sheer madness to attack under
these circumstances. Another factor to be considered
was that the season of storms was due, “ the which they
call Furicanos,” so the sooner they got out of the Carib-

THE TROUBLESOME VOYAGE

bean Sea the better. Hawkins dropped a few shots
here and there about the town, but this xmcertain threat
led to nothing. While doing this he despatched several
pinnaces to hunt for provisions amongst the islands in
the bay. On one of these they found a pleasure-garden
laid out by some wealthy Cartagenan. Hidden in a
kind of grotto the sailors discovered many hotijos of
wine, and other goods which would have proved wel-
come ; but Hawkins refused to touch them. The care-
taker of these stores reported this to the Spanish owners,
who sent word to Hawkins that he was welcome to take
anything that he desired. In response to this invitation
Hawkins carried on board what he wanted, leaving in
exchange a supply of good English cloth, “ having also
in all places ever since he came out of England paid
every man for anything he took to his content to the
uttermost, as also custom to the King in all places of
the India.”

Hawkins’ luck was out at Cartagena, and there was
nothing left for him but to pocket his pride and sail
away. Fortune, which so far had smiled, now deserted
him. From this time onwards all went wrong with the
expedition.

CHAPTER IV

DISASTER

N August 8 th the Admiral weighed
anchor and said farewell to un-
friendly Cartagena. The venture
had up till now been a most profit-
able one ; they had taken on board
the “ Jesus,” where all the valuables
were stored, 29,000 pesos of gold
in exchange for slaves and other
wares, roughly 13,500. Three-quarters of the sum
was in actual gold, ^e rest in pearls and silver. Tbe
slaves were by far the most valuable and most easily
disposed of part of their merchandise, but the expenses
were heavy, a good round sum having to be set aside
in payment for each slave sold, and also there had to
be taken into consideration the far from inconsiderable
bribe which every Spanish Governor expected as his
perquisite before any business could be transacted.
Even then, the price which the Spanish settlers paid
Hawkins for his slaves must have been a great deal
lower than that which they had to pay for the same
article when imported through the usual and regular
channels of the licensed monopolists.

Disappointed at this want of success at Cartagena
the fleet departed, but for the first two days lay becalmed.
Hawkins occupied this time of involuntary idleness in
taking all the cargo out of the caravel he had acquired at
Cape Blanco, and sinking her. The French Captain who

had volunteered to serve and sail with Hawkins at Cape
82

DISASTER 83

Verde claimed his discharge, and was permitted to sail
oS on his own account, with his French crew.

The other French Captain, Bland, still in command
of his caravel the “ Gratia Dei,” elected to remain with
Hawkins.

With the loss of these two vessels, one sunk and the
other gone, the fleet was reduced to seven, when they
steered to the north with the intention of leaving the
Caribbean Sea by way of the Yucatan and Florida
Channels.

Passing oflF Cape San Antonio, the western point of
Cuba, they met with a hurricane so violent that they
had no choice but to run before it, at the risk of ship-
wreck on the dangerous Florida coast. On the third
day of the storm they parted company with the ‘‘ William
and John,” which was not seen again and was given up
for lost, though actually she managed to escape through
the Straits of Florida and reached the coast of Ireland
the following February. By this time everybody on
board the “ Jesus ” was becoming alarmed at her
condition. She seemed in peril of falling to pieces at
any moment. At her stern, on either side of her stern-
post, the planks kept opening and shutting with every
sea, and many of the leaks were big enough to allow a
man to pass his arm through. Indeed, so flooded had
the hull become that living fish were seen swimming
about. In this dreadful plight, Hawkins did everything
possible to save the ship, stopping the leaks with cloth,
keeping the men working day and night at the pumps,
and cutting away much of the upper works which were
tending to tear the hull to pieces. By these efforts the
ship was saved, and when the storm had blown itself out
the fleet was in the shallow sea off the coast of Florida,
and a search began for a suitable haven in which the
ships, particularly the “Jesus,” could be repaired and
refitted.

84 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Many of the company were surprised that their
Admiral did not transfer the valuable cargo out of the
“ Jesus ” into one or other of the ships and sink die
worn-out vessel. There was good reason for doing
this, for first of all she was by now quite unseaworthy,
and secondly, by the contract drawn up between Queen
Elizabeth and the adventurers who were financing the
expedition, it was agreed that, should either of the two
Royal ships be lost at sea, the loss should be borne by
the Queen, while on the other hand, all damage that was
found to have occurred on either vessel after their return
was to be made good by the syndicate. But Hawkins,
though a hard-headed man of business, was something
more than that. He was a patriot, a seaman, and a loyal
subject as well. He would rather bring home his ship
and pay for doing so than lose the vessel entrusted to
him by his Sovereign.

The more one learns of the personality of John
Hawkins, the more is it brought home to one how down-
right honest he was. This honesty appears time and
again. His methods often savour of the filibuster, but
are merely in accordance with the manners of the age ;
and, in spite of what was afterwards said by his rivals
and enemies to the contrary, no act of dishonesty can be
brought against him. This is all the more remarkable
and praiseworthy when we consider his responsibilities
later on, when, as Controller of the Royal Navy, he had
innumerable opportunities of feathering his own nest
at a time when public officers were expected to make
what they could of their opportunities while they lasted.

The lull in the storm which drove the fleet off the
coast of Florida lasted only a few days when a fresh gale
sprang up from the north-west, driving them into the
Gulf of Mexico.

This was an imknown sea to English mariners, and
was “ the first occasion on which English keels had

DISASTER

furrowed the waters of the Bay of Mexico.” The
Spaniards had taken care that as little information as
possible should leak out about the geography and navi-
gation of this huge uncharted sea. Hawkins had no
pilot on any of his ships who had ever sailed in the Gulf,
and no accurate maps to guide him to a port of safety. It
was impossible for the “ Jesus ” to keep afloat much
longer, unless she could be brought to harbour and
thoroughly overhauled. The other vessels were not in
a much better condition. On September iith a sail
was sighted, the first for many a long day. Orders were
given to give chase, and the smaller and swifter ships
soon overtook her.

She proved to be a Spanish boat, carrying a cargo of
wines of the country, and the Captain was brought on
board the flagship to be cross-examined by the Admiral.

It was learned from him that they were sailing from
Campache, where they had taken shelter during Ae late
storm, and were now running for San Juan de Ulua,
which was famous as the best port in the whole of the
Gulf. Here they expected to find a good market for
their cargo. The Spanish Captain had another piece
of news which caused Hawkins considerable anxiety.

It seemed that a large Spanish fleet, the annual armada,
with goods of all kinds from Spain, was now on its way
from Europe to San Juan de Ulua, where the collection
of gold, silver and other valuables was put into the empty
galleons to be shipped back to Spain. These vessels
were very heavily armed and would make a formidable
foe at the best of times, and Hawkins knew only too
well that his fleet, in its present battered state, was in
no condition to fight. Apparently the Spanish fleet
was due in port towards the end of the month. How-
ever, there was nothing else to be done than to sail for
San Juan de Ulua and hope for some turn of fortune to
save the English, for in answer to Hawkins’ inquiries if

86 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

there was not some other port he could go to, the Spaniard
told him that, with the present prevailing wind, San Juan
was the only port he could possibly make. Since there
was no choice in the matter, the fleet set out, with the
Spanish bark to pilot them, and after sailing four days
they arrived on September 1 5th in sight of the harbour.
Anchoring there, they picked up three more small
Spanish craft, one of which was on her way to His-
paniola with important despatches. Hawkins gathered
each of these into his fleet, not wishing that news of his
approach should precede him at the port.

Next day, as the fleet drew near the mouth of the
harbour, a boat was seen coming out to meet them.
Hawkins, who instantly suspected what was afoot, ordered
all the flags of St. George’s Cross to be lowered, and
hoisted instead the flag with the Queen’s Arms, on the
maintop of the “ Jesus,” and foretop of the “ Minion.”
This was done to deceive the occupants of the small
boat until they were close enough to the fleet to be
captured. Plainly, the Spaniards had not as yet sus-
pected the identity of the newcomers, imagining the
fleet to be the Spanish one which was daily expected.

The St. George’s Cross would be easily recognized
from a distance, and would so have informed the whole
town to what nation they belonged. The two flags
which they were now flying “ were so dimmed in colour
through exposure in foul weather that they never per-
ceived the lions and flower de luces till they ” — in the
boat — “ were hard aboard the Jesus.”

The principal persons in the boat, which had come a
league from Ae port to bid a polite welcome to the fleet,
must have received a rude shock when first they made
out the lions and fleurs-de-lis on the faded flags. They
must have been still more uncomfortable when they
found themselves being addressed from the high bul-
warks of the ” Jesus ” in Spanish, spoken with a Devon

DISASTER

accent. Lastly to find themselves, not as they expected,
on the deck of His Catholic Majesty’s flagship, but on
that of his Heretic Cousin Elizabeth, Queen of England.

There were two important persons who had come out
from San Juan de Ulua to honour the approaching fleet :
the King’s Treasurer, and the teniente or Deputy-Governor
of Vera Cruz. Hawkins received them on board his
ship with the greatest courtesy.

Their unlooked-for visitors were doubly welcome on
board the flagship which was leading the fleet towards
the entrance of the harbour. The Spaniards on the
lookout in the harbour suspected nothing wrong and,
indeed, so sure were they of its being the Spanish Plate
fleet that the sixteen guns of the fort guarding the narrow
entrance to the port fired salvos in their honour as the
ships glided past.

It was not until the last English vessel was safely in
the harbour that the people on shore realized their
mistake. A panic took place, every man scrambling
to get to the mainland from the island opposite, which
formed the harbour. This island was a mere spit of
low-lying sand, scarcely a foot above high-water mark,
and some 200 yards in length. The prevailing northerly
gales, blowing across this exposed anchorage, made it
necessary to tie up the ships to the island, along the land-
side of which were strong iron chains fitted for this
purpose. To each of these chains a ship could be
attached with her bows overhanging the shore.

The town of Vera Cruz, for which this was the only
port, lay fifteen miles to the north-west and, though it
afforded poor shelter, it was the best that could be found
along the coast for many leagues.

San Juan de Ulua was itself a miserable spot, being
merely a collection of huts sheltering the gangs of negro
slaves who looked after the port and acted as stevedores to
load the ships. A chapel and a battery, which defended

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

the narrow entrance between the island and the opposite
part of the mainland, were the only other buildings.

Except during the season when the annual fleet from
Spain was due, and until it left with the year’s workings
from the Mexican silver mines, the port was practically
deserted. The climate was too unhealthy for Europeans,
and all the Spanish colonists lived at Vera Cruz, which
was in direct communication with the interior of the
country.

On entering the harbour Hawkins found eight
Spanish ships lying there unrigged, their crews being
occupied on the island. They were reported to contain
silver to the value of ;^20o,ooo, ready to be shipped to
Spain. This was a prize well worth taking, but Hawkins
resisted the temptation. The first thing to be done was
to reassure the panic-stricken Spaniards. With this
end in view Hawkins sent word to the Captain of the
island, one Delgadillo, that he meant them no harm- of
any kind, for he did not intend to take a pennyworth of
their gold or silver, but only needed victuals for which he
would pay, and opportunity for repairing his damaged
ships. The Captain of one of the small ships he had
seized on the way, named Maldonado, offered to carry
a letter from Hawkins to the Royal Council at Mexico
City, which lay twenty leagues away, so that he could
explain both his position and the reason for wishing to
remain for a while at the port.

This Maldonado played false, for after receiving the
letter he went away and remained in hiding, so that,
instead of the Council at Mexico getting first news of
the English fleet’s arrival from Hawkins, they got what
was probably a very different account from the ^vernor
at Vera Cruz. In the meantime matters appeared to be
going smoothly enough. The Spaniards were satisfied
at Hawkins’ pacific intention, still more so since he had
liberated all his unwilling hostages with the exception

DISASTER

of the Treasurer, whom he wisely held as a useful pawn
in case of future trouble.

Next morning, Friday, an unlucky day, opened with
an unpleasant surprise. At sunrise the lookout re-
ported the approach of thirteen ships. To many of the
English seamen, subject to superstition as they were,
these thirteen ships arriving on a Friday must have seemed
an ill omen. As matters turned out, their forebodings
were justified. Hawkins inquired of the Treasurer what
these ships could be, though he knew only too well that
they could be none other than the Plate fleet expected
from Seville. The position had suddenly become acute.

Not so long since, a Spanish fleet had put into Ply-
mouth harbour and, for disrespect shown by failing to
salute the Queen’s ships, had received pretty short
commons from Hawkins. The English Admiral had
not forgotten the incident, and he must have felt quite
sure the proud Hidalgos had also not forgotten the
humiliation that the English Admiral had forced upon
them.

And now the fleet of King Philip of Spain, arriving
after a long and wearisome voyage, found itself shut out
Cx" its own port, by, of all people, the self-same “ Achines
de Plimua,” the English Corsair, Heretic and Pirate.

What was to be done ? No time must be lost, for if
once the Spaniards were allowed in they would make
very short work of the intruders. True, it would be
easy to prevent this, for there was only the one narrow
entrance deep enough to allow ships of such draught
to pass, and Hawkins had had the foresight to protect
this by a battery of guns landed from his ships, which
were already mounted in position to strengthen the
Spanish battery which his men now manned. But, if
he did keep them out, what then ? The fleet could not
be left to anchor quietly outside, waiting for the first
north-westerly gale to come and dash it to pieces on the

90 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

coast. There was no other port they could run to for
shelter. This solution of the difficulty by inevitable
shipwreck might save Hawkins and his ships and crews
for the time being, but the consequences would indubi-
tably be fatal. Hawkins could imagine how it would
go with him when he returned to England, with news
of such doings already there before him. The whole
might and wrath of the King of Spain and his Grovern-
ment would demand retribution from the Queen of
England. There would be no alternative ; either
Hawkins would be punished or else it would be war
with Spain. England was not yet nearly ready for the
struggle, though she might, and did, recognize that war
was inevitable. She had many strenuous years of pre-
paration ahead of her before she could hope to stand up
against the power of the colossus. Hawkins realized
that it would be the end of all his ambitions, and possibly
also of his life, by way of the scaffold, if he kept the
Spanish fleet out of San Juan de Ulua, at the mercy of
the first hurricane that blew.

He had no choice but to let the fleet come in and trust
to the Spaniards’ honour not to turn on him. The risk
was great, but he took it “ fearing the Queen’s indig-
nation in so weighty a matter.” Alvarez de Bacan
commanded the fleet, and he carried an important
passenger ; none other than Don Martin Enriquez,
who had been sent out as Viceroy of Mexico in place of
the present one.

Hawkins decided to try and make as good a bargain as
he could with de Bacan. This was not a difficult matter
seeing he held all the cards : he was in the harbour and
de Bacan was outside. The trouble was to strike a
bargain to which the Spaniards would adhere.

He sent out Captain Delgadillo, to inform the Spanish
Commander that he could not enter until he had given
certain promises, that no attack should be made on the

DISASTER

English, and that they should be unmolested and allowed
to repair their ships and buy necessary victuals. The
new Viceroy was indignant and, sweeping aside de Bacan,
took upon himself to declare that with his thousand
men he would enter in spite of Hawkins and his orders.

For three whole days messengers rowed to and fro
between the rival Commanders, and by September 20th
an agreement was reached. Both sides solemnly pro-
mised to abstain from hostilities while Hawkins repaired
his ships and bought victuals. Also he was to hold the
island and the batteries on it, while Don Martin promised
that no armed Spaniards should land upon the island
until the English fleet had departed. These conditions
were put into writing and signed and sealed by the
Viceroy, while ten hostages were exchanged as evidence
of good faith. These hostages were to be gentlemen,
but it was not long before it became evident that the
Spanish hostages were only “ verlets ” dressed up in
fine clothes. This was the first act of Spanish treachery.
It was not until the 2 ist that the wind became favourable
for the Spanish fleet to enter the harbour ; but already
Don Martin had broken his oath. Already he had sent
to Vera Cruz for every available soldier to be armed and
sent to San Juan under cover of darkness.

On Tuesday, September 21st, with flags flying and
trumpets blowing, salutes firing “as the manner of the
sea doth require,” the armada crept through the narrows.
It took two days to sort out and berth all the thirty-four
ships, Spanish and English, against the island. Next
to the first Spanish ship lay the “ Minion ” ; next
to her the “Jesus.” Between the “ Minion ” and the
first Spanish ship lay a large empty Spanish hulk, of
700 tons.

The treacherous Don Martin lost no time in preparing
for the surprise for which he was working. Secretly he
filled the empty hulk with soldiers, cutting fresh port-

92 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

holes in her side through which to bring extra guns to
play on the “ Minion ” when the hour came. The
soldiers that had come from Vera Cruz he hid in the
fo’c’sles where they could wait unseen, ready to spring
ashore and seize the batteries when the signal was given.
In the meantime more and more unarmed Spaniards
of all ranks landed on the little island, to stretch their
legs after weeks on board ship. The sailors of the two
nations soon became friendly ; perhaps, as afterwards
turned out, too much so. Preparations for the betrayal
were also taking place on shore. Don Enriquez and
Admiral de Bacan had landed, and with the Gk)vernor of
San Juan were forming plans to surprise and destroy
the detested English and their ships.

Although these preparations, on shore and in the
ships, were carried out as quietly as possible, the ever
alert Hawkins had a strong suspicion that mischief was
brewing. Particularly he was suspicious of the extra
men put on board the hulk, and he warned Hampton,
the captain of the “ Minion,” which lay next to the
Spanish hulk, to be on his guard. He also sent Robert
Barrett, the Master of the “Jesus,” who spoke fluent
Spanish, to protest to Don Martin. The Viceroy’s
answer was to seize Barrett and his crew and make them
prisoners, and then to give the prearranged signal for
the attack by a trui^et blast and the waving of a white
flag. This was on Thursday morning, September 23 rd,
at 8 o’clock. Hawkins and his ofiicers were dining in
the great cabin on the “Jesus,” when they heard the
trumpet, followed by a terrific uproar of cannons firing
and men shouting, and at once realized that the Spanish
Viceroy had played them false. Dining at Hawkins’
table was Sefior Augustin de Villa Nueva. As every-
body j’umped up to see what was afoot. Villa Nueva was
detected by one John Chamberleyne in the act of draw-
ing a dagger from his sleeve. He was not killed out of

DISASTER

hand as he deserved, but, by Hawkins’ orders, arrested
and locked up in the stewards’ room under guard of two
men.

Rushing up on deck, Hawkins found everjrthing in
confusion. The island swarmed with armed Spanish
soldiers, and most of the Englishmen there were already
butchered. None escaped but three who managed to
swim to the “Jesus.” The battery of eleven guns that
Hawkins had set up to command the entrance was
already in the enemy’s hands, and was turned on the
English hulls. The “ Minion ” had been boarded by
the troops hidden in the Spanish hulk, and every Spanish
gun that could be brought to bear was pumping shot into
the English ships.

The island formed the key to the whole situation :
some one then had blundered. The identity of the
officer who allowed himself to be caught napping will
never be known. Neither Hawkins nor any other
survivor ever told his name.

Simultaneously with the attack on the island, the
enemy had hauled the hulk in which large nrunbers of
soldiers had been hidden close alongside the “ Minion.”
As Hawkins reached the deck of the “ Jesus ” he saw
below him swarms of armed men crowding over the
bulwarks of the “ Minion.” In another moment she
would have been lost. With a rallying shout of “ God
and St. George ! Upon these traitorous villains,”
Hawkins leaped down on to the deck of the “ Minion,”
followed by his men, and after a severe hand-to-hand fight
drove the Spaniards back to the hulk, or else over the
side into the sea.

While this action was in progress, three other vessels
had worked round alongside the “ Jesus ” and attempted
to board her. Back sprang Hawkins and soon he had
cleared her decks of the enemy.

Hawkins recognized that with the loss of the island

94 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

the key to the whole situation was gone. Nevertheless,
though the situation was desperate, no question of sur-
render or capitulation crossed his mind. Indeed, if it
had, he knew that to expect any pity or mercy of the
treacherous enemy would be folly : the only thing left
was to fight on and hope that fortune would turn before
it was too late.

He knew he had behind him as brave a lot of men as
any commander could wish for, and that they would
fight as long as he was spared to lead them. Rapidly
Hawkins gave the order to cut the head cables that held
the “Jesus ” and the “ Minion ” to the island, and to
haul them off by the stern-fasts. This brought the two
ships clear of the craft immediately surrounding them,
and he was able to fire broadside after broadside into
the Spanish vessels. English naval gunnery was already
vastly superior to the Spanish, as it proved to be years
later on at the time of the Armada. By pouring in shot
after shot at almost point-blank range, they soon had
the two biggest warships, the “ Capitena “ or “ Admiral,”
and the “Almirata” or “Vice-admiral,” in difficulties.
A violent explosion took place on the “ Vice-admiral,”
followed by a fire which burnt her to the water’s edge.
The flagship herself, the mighty “ Capitena,” comd
stand it no longer ; her firing became weaker, she
settled and then sank, but owing to the shallowness of
the harbour she did not disappear. Those of the crew
who had escaped death or wounds were seen throwing
themselves into the sea and making for the shore. Her
flag still fluttered and was never struck.

Don Martin Enriquez remained alone on board,
refusing to strike his flag or to leave his ship. Dis-
honoured as his name will ever be, yet this brave act
should be remembered as the one bright star in the
darkness of his treachery.

Within an hour the whole Spanish fleet was fought

DISASTER

to a standstill, and beaten into silence. This success
had been dearly bought by the English. True, they
had succeeded by sheer pluck in averting an overwhelm-
ing catastrophe, but their position was still about as
desperate as could be.

Although the guns in the Spanish warships were
silenced, this was not so with the batteries on the island.
These, of some twenty guns in all, were keeping a steady
fire at very short range on the English ships.

Many a crew would have flinched before such a raking
fire, but Hawkins rallied his men, and kept up their
fighting spirit.

Job Hortop, the gunner in the “Jesus,” tells us in
his journal that she was being “ wonderfully pierced
with shot,” during which process “ our general courage-
ously cheered up his soldiers and gunners, and called to
Samuel his page for a cup of beer, who brought it him
in. a silver cup, and he, drinking to all men, willed the
gunners to stand by their ordnance lustily like men. He
had no sooner set the cup out of his hand, but a demi-
culverin shot, struck away the cup and a cooper’s plane
that stood by the mainmast, and ran out on the other
side of the ship, which nothing dismayed our general,
for he ceased not to encourage us, saying ‘ Fear nothing !
for God, who hath preserved me from this shot, will also
deliver us from these traitors and villains.’ ”

The bombardment from the island was becoming
unbearable, although the casualties amongst the Spaniards
must have been heavy, since they had no cover from the
guns and bows which shot down at them from the decks
of the English ships. One of the two batteries was now
in the personal command of Don Francisco de Luxan,
the Admiral of the Spanish fleet. When an Admiral
takes over the command of a shore battery, there is a
strong presumption that he no longer has a fleet nor a
ship to command. The other battery was in charge of

9<5 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Delgadillo, Captain of the island at the time the English
arrived at San Juan.

The terrible cannonade continued without a pause.
At last it became impossible to withstand it any longer.
The “ Angel ” was sunk, and the crew of the “ Swallow ”
had to abandon their ship. The “ Minion ” was so
cut about that she was forced to withdraw out of range,
as did also the “ Judith,” Drake’s ship. This was die
position in the afternoon after the battle had raged for
several hours. The “ Jesus ” herself was now the
target for all the guns on the island and she was becom-
ing riddled with shot holes, and her rigging torn, as she
lay sorely damaged but still fighting back.

One of the heroes of this epic fight, where all were
heroes, was the Frenchman, Captain Bland, of the little
“ Gratia Dei.” Seeing that his ship must soon inevit-
ably be lost, and his men also, he determined on a des-
perate course. Cutting his cables he pushed out into
the harbour meaning to work his battered craft in
amongst the Spanish ships, and then to set fire to the
“ Gratia Dei,” with the object of using her as a fire-ship
to destroy or damage the already disorganized fleet.
Just as he was drawing near a chain-shot brought down
his mainmast, thus making his ship an unmanageable
and complete cripple, and he had to hurry his men out
of her and get them aboard the “ Jesus.”

Hawkins now had to decide on his best course of
action. The Spanish fleet, though far greater than his
own, was already mastered. But the guns on the island
he could not deal with, and they were steadily pumping
death and destruction into his ships. The only thing
to do was to endeavour to escape while there was still a
chance. Only two ships were left which could, in the
widest sense, be described as seaworthy. They were
the “ Minion ” and the little “ Judith.” On board the
“ Jesus ” was the great treasure which at any cost must

DISASTER

not be left to the treacherous enemy. Even after seven
hours of desperate fighting, Hawkins’ hold on his crew
was such that he managed to get his sailors to work the
“ Jesus ” until she acted as a partial screen for the
“ Minion ” from the hellish and never-ceasing bom-
bardment from the island batteries.

As quickly as possible the treasure from the “ Jesus,”
the gold, silver and pearls, was transported from the
larger to the smaller ship. The Spaniards, perceiving
the object of this action, redoubled their efforts. Sud-
denly a new menace appeared. Two Spanish vessels,
set on fire to act as fire-ships, were seen drifting down
wind, in flames, towards the “ Jesus ” and the “ Minion.”
This was the last straw for the exhausted men. They
had fought against the greatest odds one whole tropic
day : eight hours without drink or rest or respite. Wild
panic seized the crew of the “ Jesus ” who rushed madly
on-board the “ Minion,” in spite of the desperate efforts
of their officers to check the stampede. Those on the
“ Minion,” without orders, cut her adrift. The ships
were thus separated, and one of the last to jump from
the “ Jesus ” to the “ Minion ” was John Hawkins.

How much of the treasure was rescued one cannot
say, but there is little doubt that a very considerable
proportion of it was saved. Before the Admiralty Court,
held in London a year later, Hawkins gave the following
evidence :

“ This deponent,” he said, “ perceiving fear of his
men and the imminent danger that they stood in, for
safeguard of themselves leapt into the ‘ Minion ’ out of the
said ‘Jesus,’ where into he was very hardly received, for
in that instant was she under sail and departing from
on board the ‘Jesus.’ ”

Another deponent at . the same court, Jean Turren, a
French trumpeter, stated “ the said John Hawkins, ffie
Captain and general, tarried so long upon board that

98 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

said ‘Jesus,’ for the better defence and safety thereof,
that he was almost left behind, and hardly came to the
‘ Minion,’ which was then in shifting to loose and with-
draw herself.”

This evidence bears out, what is to be expected of such
a man, that not until all was lost would he consent to
desert his ship.

The unequal fight was now over ; the “ Minion ”
drew away out of range of the guns and lay at anchor for
the night. Although several Spanish ships were still
left in good trim for fighting, they were not in the
mood for more rough handling from the wounded
lion.

Drake took the “ Judith ” through the narrows with
orders from Hawkins to anchor outside the harbour and
wait there until he should join him.

When Hawkins looked for him next morning, lo and
behold, no “ Judith ” was to be seen ! She had dis-
appeared in the night. For two days the “ Minion ”
lay there, the crews busily repairing the rigging and
hull, and still no sign of the “ Judith.” Apparently
Drake had gone straight away, leaving Hawkins in the
lurch, a mystery which has never been solved. Hawkins
wrote “ so with the ‘ Minion ’ only and the ‘ Judith ’
(a small bark of 50 tons) we escaped, which bark the
same night forsook us in our great misery.’’

This was much for Hawkins to say, as he was remark-
able for his reluctance in speaking ill of his officers. In
fact, it is notable that not once in the whole of Hawkins’
account of this voyage is the name of Francis Drake
mentioned. The reason for this apparent desertion on
the part of Drake, as also his actions after his departure,
are not known to this day. He has been blamed for
deserting his patron and relative in the hour of need.
There are several points about the affair which are
baffling.

DISASTER

Drake’s voyage to England took four months, when
it might have been done in one, in such a fast sailer as
the “ Judith ” is known to have been. What was he
doing all that while ? True, he was only twenty-six
years of age ; and, from what we know of his career
afterwards, he would be quite equal to undertaking some
enterprise on his own account when he could get a chance.
If this was so, there remains no record of it. It would
be unfair to charge Drake with deliberate desertion : it
would seem impossible in the man who never showed
the white feather in all his career. Certainly, it was
commonly said at the time that he had deserted Hawkins.
Even twenty years later William Borough, whom Drake
arrested during the Cadiz expedition on the charge of
mutiny and desertion, remarks in his defence : “Sir
Francis Drake doth altogether forget how he demeaned
himself towards his master and Admiral Mr. John
Hawkins, at the port of San Juan de Ulua in the West
Indies, when, contrary to his admiral’s command, he
came away and left his said master in great extremity.”

Anyhow, Drake and the “ Judith ” were gone, and
Hawkins on that September morning, in 1568, found
himself alone, in the badly damaged “ Minion,” with
some 200 men on board, many of whom were wounded.
What was he to do ? Under the most favourable
circumstances the voyage home would have taken at
least four weeks, probably six. He had not enough
water and victuals to last such a large company for more
than a week or two, nor was there anywhere he could go
to replenish his supplies. After lingering for two days
off the port, he sailed northwards up the Mexican coast,
until, a fortnight later, faced with starvation, he called a
meeting of his crew. Everything eatable had been de-
voured, even the ship’s pets, dogs, cats, monkeys and
parrots ; indeed, rats changed hands for large sums, to
be turned into food. Some of the men were driven by

100

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

hunger to stew portions of the hides which were part of
the cargo. The season of the northerly gales had set in
and it would be madness to linger on this dangerous
coast. No harbour or bay could be found where a safe
landing was possible, or where the ship could be careened
and repaired. Calling all hands on deck, Hawkins put
the situation bluntly before them. On board, he told
them, were 200 men : to sail eastward with this large
company spelled death for them all by starvation. If
one hundred left the ship there was a good chance of the
remainder reaching home, and he promised them, on his
word of honour, that once back at Plymouth he would
do his utmost to send help to those who were left behind.
Some were for going back to San Juan to surrender to
the Spaniards, trusting to the vain hope for fair treatment.
Others elected to be put ashore to take their chances
with the native tribes, while some were for staying by
the ship.

Put to the vote, about equal numbers elected to stop
on board, and to be put ashore. This being so, the
boats were got out and a hundred odd volunteers were
landed on die beach. When they were all on shore,
they were drawn up, and Hawkins said farewell to each
man and promised again that he would do everything in
his power to get them brought back to England, “ and,”
adds Hortop the gunner, “ so he did.” To each man
he gave six yards of good English broadcloth for barter
with the Indians, and also, to those who asked for it,
money. The story of these men and of the prisoners
left at San Juan de Ulua will be dealt with in another
chapter.

Having landed the shore party, the “ Minion ” started
on her long voyage home.

For a week they sailed up the coast before they found
water to fill their casks. For three days of that week,
Hawkins and fifty men were marooned on shore by a

DISASTER

lOI

storm which very nearly wrecked the ship. At last they
got away from the Mexican coast, but so temjpestuous
was the weather that it was not until the middle of
November that the “ Minion ” passed out through the
Florida Channel into the Atlantic.

The wretched crew suffered terribly from hunger.
Men died each day from downright starvation. As the
ship approached Europe southerly gales drove her out
of her course, but in spite of having scarcely a fit rnan
left: to work her, Hawkins somehow managed to bring
her to Ponte Vedra, in Vigo Bay.

Here victuals in plenty were obtainable, but the
starving crew devoured such quantities of fresh meat
that forty-five men died while the ship lay at anchor
opposite the town. As there were not now enough
men left to sail the ship to England, they towed the
“ Minion ” to the town of Vigo, where twelve new hands
were obtained out of an English ship lying there.

On January 20th he sailed for home, to the extreme
annoyance of King Philip II, who ordered an inquiry to
be held at Vigo to explain why the authorities had allowed
the arch-pirate to escape. Contemporary Spanish
authors paint a vivid picture of the indomitable English
Admiral, whom they describe as a courteous man, erect
and well-proportioned, looking much less than his real
age, and tell how, while in the Spanish port, he was
dressed in crimson velvet breeches, knitted stockings,
and a scarlet leather jacket trimmed with silver braid.
Sometimes he wore over all a silk cloak and a long gold
chain. Thus did he hide a broken heart and an empty
stomach.

On January 25th the tired seamen reached the coast
of Cornwall. It was a farm labourer, at work in a field
above Mount’s Bay, who first saw the battered ship come
in and anchor. A boat put off from her, and a weather-
beaten and gaunt figure of a man landed on the beach.

102 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

He was, lie told the gaping villagers, one of the few
survivors of John Hawkins’ famous expedition to the
Indies.

The farm labourer wasted no time, but hurried off
to Plymouth to tell the great tidings to William Hawkins,
who at once sent a fresh crew to bring the “ Minion ”
round to Plymouth.

According to the Spanish Ambassador, out of the
hundred men who left the coast of Mexico, only fifteen
remained alive to tell the tale.

Thus ended the troublesome voyage of Mr. John
Hawkins, who ends his narrative with these words :

“ If all the miseries and troublesome affairs of this
sorrowful voyage should be perfectly and thoroughly
written, they should need a painful man with his pen,
and as great a time as he had that wrote the lives and
deaths of the Martyrs.”

CHAPTER V

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA

T was a sick and disappointed Com-
mander who landed in England on
January 25th, 1569. Many a man in
a similar plight would have admitted
himself defeated, but not John Hawkins.
On the same day that the “ Minion ”
dropped anchor at the little Cornish
port of Padstow, the Captain de-
spatched a letter to Sir William Cecil, and with the letter
enclosed a written account of the voyage and its disastrous
termination. The letter runs as follows :

“ Right Honourable, — My duty most humbly con-
sidered ; it may please your honour to be advertised
that on the 25th day of January (thanks be to God) we
arrived in a place in Cornwall called Mounts Bay, only
with the Mynion which is left us of all our fleet, and
because I would not in my letter be prolix, after what
manner we came to our disgrace, I have sent your honour
here inclosed some part of the circumstance, and though
not all our myseries that hath past yet the greatest
matters worthy of noting, but if I should write of all
our calamities I am sure a volume as great as the bible
will scarcely suffyce ; all which thing I most humbly
beseech your honour to advertise the Queens Majesty
and the rest of the Counsel (such as you shall ihink
meet). Our voyage was, although very hardly, well
achieved and brought to reasonable pass, but now a great

104 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

part of our treasure, merchandize, shiping and men
devoured by the treason of the Spaniards. I have not
much or anything more to advertise your honour more
the rest, because all our business hath had infelicity,
misfortune, and an unhappy end, and therefore will
trouble the Queens Majesty nor the rest of my good
lords with such ill news. But herewith pray your
honours estate to impart to such as you shall think meet
the sequel of our business.

“ I mind with God’s grace to make all expedition to
London myself, at what time I shall declare more of our
estate that is here omitted. Thus praying to God for
your Honour’s prosperous estate take my leave : from
the Mynion to 25th day of January 1569.

“ Yours most humbly to command,
“John Hawkyns.”

With John Hawkins safely back in England, we will
for the present leave him in London, in deep counsel
with the Queen and her advisers, and stop to inquire
what had been happening during his fifteen months’
absence from England.

Mary Queen of Scots had been imprisoned in the
North of England before Hawkins’ departure, and
already conspiracies were on foot for her release. Matters
on the Continent appeared to be quiet. The usual
mutterings could be heard from the Netherlands, whose
stubborn inhabitants still refused to recognize the
advantage of being part and parcel of the Spanish Empire.
Gradually these mutterings increased to threatenings
which at last reached the ears of the dilatory King- of
Spain, at Madrid. ®

The Duke of Alva, the victorious and ruthless General,
had arrived from Italy with an army of Spanish veterans
to crush and stamp out the revolt. In spite of carnage
and torture, the brave little nation continued to resist

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA

105

and rose up in arms to fight the bully who endeavoured
to destroy its very existence. The War of Independence
opened, and William of Orange invaded the Netherlands
at the head of an army. This army was defeated and
routed, but it proved to be the torch which set light to
the bonfire of revolt. Also it had taught the Dutch a
lesson they took to heart and profited by, namely that
their hope of salvation and independence of the Spanish
yoke lay not on land but on the sea.

It was from La Rochelle that help was to come. This
seaport town had become the headquarters of the Protes-
tants and Huguenots, after the second civil war in France
had died down. Its harbour was crowded with shipping.
Day and night workmen and sailors were busy repairing
and fitting out ships of war. In September 1568 the
Prince of Cond6 took up his residence there, with
Admiral Coligny and his brother d’Andelot. The
Queen of Navarre with her little son Henry was there
also, and it became the rallying point of the Huguenots’
cause. In the name of God, and for the sake of Protes-
tantism, the Queen and the Prince of Cond6 issued letters
of marque against all Catholic shipping, whether it was
Spanish, Flemish or French.

One of Coligny’s brothers, the Huguenot Cardinal
Chitillon, was sent over to England to seek help, and
carried with him a bundle of the new commissions to
distribute amongst the many English adventurers who
were burning to serve under his or any other flag, on
so noble a cause.

In October a fleet of eleven well-armed ships-of-war
sailed out of La Rochelle harbour, and then followed the
harrying of Spanish ships in the Channel. All com-
munications between Spain and the Netherlands were
by sea. All reinforcements and supplies for Alva’s
army had to run the gauntlet of the heretic ships which
lay in waiting for them in the narrow seas. Nor were

io6 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

these enemies to be despised. English, Dutch or French
ships, they were all manned by crews of brave and skilful
sailors, born to the sea, and hot with desire to fight the
hated Spaniard.

Ship after ship was seized and carried into the nearest
friendly port. Prize after prize was brought into Ply-
mouth Harbour. William Hawkins, the Mayor, was a
wealthy merchant and ever ready to buy the spoils they
brought. He was himself deeply involved in the enter-
prise, having sent out many of his own ships under letters
of marque, to join with the Prince of Condi’s privateers.
The Huguenot Captains, whether Dutch or French,
were always sure of a warm welcome at Plymouth from
another important personage, the Vice-Admiral of
Devon, Sir Arthur Champernowne. Every Devon
gentleman who owned a ship to his name was Joining in
the hunt. Not only were such men as William Hawkins
and Champernowne at the game, but men of less fame
and respectability. Such for instance was Martin
Frobisher, who had achieved the reputation of being a
pirate rather than a privateer. This adventurer equipped
at his own cost three ships, and with them soon wiped
out his murky past and began a new career of fame
and honourable success.

Before long, the Prince of Cond^ had a fleet of more
than fifty vessels cruising the Channel, thirty of which
were English. To show where her sympathies lay.
Queen Elizabeth sent as a present (an unusual gesture
of g;,enerosity for her) to Rochelle, 6 guns, 300 barrels
of powder, 4000 cannon-balls, and a sum of money to
the tune of J^'/ooo.

The activities of the Cond^ ships began at once to
have effect, and Spain soon began to feel the pinch.

The Duke of Alva, victorious as his troops had been,
kept calling to King Philip for money to pay his soldiers.
He had hoped and boasted that in the Netherlands he

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA

107

would by plunder win enough gold not only to pay his
men, but enough over to send to Spain. Actually he
managed to procure very little. The King of Spain,
wealthy as his country was, could not at the moment
produce the money Alva demanded and, as the matter
was urgent, he had recourse to Italian bankers, and
from them raised an enormous loan.

This loan consisted of specie, and was immediately de-
spatched by sea to Alva. In doing this, the Spaniards
committed one of those acts of astounding stupidity of
which they were guilty from time to time.

Knowing, as they well did, that the narrow seas
swarmed with the Prince of Condi’s cruisers on the look
out for them, yet they sent the whole of the treasure in
one merchant vessel and a few small pinnaces ; un-
armed, and without an escort.

In the words of Mr. Williamson, they were like “ half
a dozen lambs sent forth to make their way through a
pack of hungry wolves,” and “ The wolves were not slow
to scent their prey.”

As this small but valuable fleet approached the Channel,
the privateers, already warned and on the look out, were
waiting. When they sighted the Huguenot ships the
fleet broke up in disorder and fled. The big merchant-
man, carrying fifty-nine chests of specie in her hold, ran
for Southampton, with three English and three French
privateers at her heels.

The authorities of Southampton persuaded the Captain
of the treasure-ship that his valuable cargo would be
safer on shore than on board his ship. Their arguments
were backed up by the guns of the fort, and by the hungry
“ wolves ” waiting for their prey outside Southampton
Water. The Captain judged it wisest to agree, and the
money was carried on shore and locked up in safety.

In the meanwhile, what of the pinnaces ? Several
had put into Plymouth and Falmouth Harbours, with

io8 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

ninety-five boxes of money between them. At these
ports the authorities were as assiduous as those of South-
ampton for the safety of the Spanish money, and insisted
on taking care of it themselves.

The Spanish Ambassador at once demanded of the
Queen that the treasure should be collected and sent to
London, and despatched from there by sea to Alva,
under a strong guard. Alva was becoming desperate
for the money, as his soldiers threatened mutiny. At
first Elizabeth appeared to agree to the Ambassador’s
suggestion ; in any case it would be difficult to keep
the Spanish money without some good excuse. She
herself wanted the money badly, and equally her Protes-
tant allies did not wish the Duke of Alva to get possession
of it. Then in the very nick of time a rumour began to
spread abroad. It concerned Admiral John Hawkins,
who should have returned by September, and about
whom anxiety was beginning to be felt. December had
come, and there was still no news of his expedition.
Amongst the crews of the treasure pinnaces was found
and questioned a Spaniard who had lately returned from
the West Indies. He had a tale to tell about Hawkins,
which was, on the face of it, untrue, but might possibly
have an element of truth about it. According to this
man, the English had been very successful, having taken
a rich treasure-ship and plundered a city. Finding
the season far advanced, the English Admiral had decided
to winter in the West Indies, and intended to return to
England in May. To lend a realistic touch to the story,
he added that “ the worst boy in those ships, if God send
them home in safety, may be a Captain for riches, and
he (the Spaniard) wished to God that he had been one
of his men.” So much for the Spanish sailor’s story ;
which, true or not, was all the news there was to go upon,
until presently there arrived other news, very different
from the first. This reached William Hawkins, at

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA

109

Plymouth, and came from a Spaniard, Benedict Spinola,
who reported there was a rumour going about in Spain
that John Hawkins had been killed in a fight with some
Spanish troops in Mexico. This last report, although
unwelcome, came at a most opportune moment. It was
difficult for the Queen, without good cause, to refuse to
give up the King of Spain’s gold which had so provi-
dentially fallen into her lap, and here was an excuse to
hold it, until further news as to the fate of John Hawkins
was forthcoming. In the meantime on forther inquiry
of Spinola, who acted as the London agent for the lenders
of the treasure, it turned out that the money was not the
property of Philip until it was actually delivered at
Antwerp ; until then it belonged to the bankers.

Here was a splendid opportunity for killing valuable
time, and the Queen ordered that an investigation should
be made to settle the legal ownership of the bullion.
The result of this inquiry proved, of course, that the
money was the rightful property of the Italian owners.
The next step was that the owners consented to lend
the money, not to the King of Spain, but to the Queen of
England. Under the circumstances the Italian bankers
must have been only too glad to agree to this arrange-
ment, for otherwise they stood a good chance of losing
their money altogether. The wisdom of holding the
treasure, if there had been any question about it, was
soon confirmed in no uncertain measure. It was on
January 20th that the townsfolk of Plymouth were
stirred by the sight of a small and battered vessel, which
came limping into the Sound. News quickly spread
that she was the “ Judith,” with young Francis Drake,
the kinsmen of Mr. William Hawkins, in command ;
and the quay was soon crowded with excited men,
women and children. Almost before the anchor was
dropped, the young Captain rowed ashore, and hurried
up Kinterbury Street to tell his uncle the news. William

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Hawkins, having heard the tale, lost no time, for this
was a matter of which the Queen’s Council should be
informed without delay. So Francis Drake was de-
spatched to London with a letter. In this was told
the story of the vile treachery of the Spaniards at San
Juan, and of the loss of the ships, men and treasure. Of
the fate of his brother John, he still knew nothing. His
letter was addressed in the manner of the time, when one
of extreme urgency was sent to Court, as follows :

“ To the Right Honourable and my singularly good
Lords, the Lords of the Privy Council : give this at the
Court with all speed. Haste ! Haste ! ”

Scarcely had Drake time to reach London with this
letter, when another message reached William Hawkins.
This came by a Cornish countryman who had travelled
with all speed from Mount’s Bay, knowing that a hand-
some reward would be his for bearing the news he
brought. And news indeed it was. He had seen,
with his own eyes, John Hawkins himself, and from his
pocket he pulled out a letter written by him which was
to be forwarded to London. The contents of the letter
we know. William Hawkins sent a fresh crew to bring
the “ Minion ” round to Plymouth, and despatched to
Cecil the letter which his brother had written on board
the “ Minion.”

A few days later John Hawkins arrived with his ship
at Plymouth, to the joy of his wife and little son Richard,
now a tall boy of nine, who had been waiting in anxiety
for his return, at the house in Kinterbury Street.

Soon the treasure was landed from the “ Minion ”
and placed in safe keeping, and John set out for London.
He had much to do there. The Queen and her Council
must learn first hand from him the true story of the
disaster ; the partners in the venture must go into the
accounts and make a share of the profits.

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA

III

Hawkins, ever mindful of the welfare of his crews,
had not forgotten the hundred men he had put on land
and left to shift for themselves in the hostile Mexican
coast. Last of all, there had to be an official Admiralty
inquiry held, and witnesses had to be brought, and
statements of costs and losses prepared.

While John Hawkins was in London, busy with the
affairs of his late voyage, new developments were taking
place.

In the year 1569 there arose a new power, the Beggars
of the Sea. This strange force was formed of Dutch,
Flemish and English ships, carrying on war against
Catholic shipping under the commission of the Prince
of Orange. The Admiral who commanded these ir-
regular sea-fighters was the Count de la Marck. Their
headquarters were at Dover, but Plymouth Harbour
knew them well, for there they used to fly for safety, or
to refit. The Hawkinses had several ships in the fleet,
and made large profits from the spoil brought to the town
to be sold.

No secret was made of this, for the cargoes were sold
in open market. According to the Spanish Ambassador,
it was no unusual thing for Spanish gentlemen who had
been taken prisoners by the Sea Beggars to be actually
exhibited and bid for in public auction in Dover. A
well-dressed Spaniard was expected to fetch as much
as one hundred pounds, being bought with the view to
future ransom. But, however much the Ambassador
might rant and rail at this indignity to his fellow subjects,
they suffered far less than did most of those unfortunate
Englishmen who lingered for years in Mexican or
Spanish prisons, liable to torture or death at the stake.

Many ships from Plymouth and Southampton had
joined the Beggars of the Sea. There was for instance the
“ New Bark ” which took several Catholic ships, bringing
in the spoils to Plymouth. The “ Castle of Comfort,”

iia

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

tooj was fitted out for the privateering business, and
placed under the command or Captain Thomas Jones, a
gentleman of Lynn, who procured a commission from
the Prince of Cond^ with which “ to pass unto the seas
in warlike suit to apprehend and take all the enemies of
Grod, otherwise called papists.”

Captain Jones held broad views of what constituted
an enemy of God, and played havoc in the North Sea on
Spanish, Flemish and German ships.

Jacques de Sores, who became commander-in-chief
of the Beggars, made his base at the Isle of Wight, and
stopped every foreign vessel that passed, seizing all that
proved to be the property of a papist. In December,
1569, he captured two great carracks off the Island.
One of these he re-armed and pressed into service,
christening her “ La Grande Huguenotte.”

By the end of the year the Beggars of the Sea num-
bered almost a hundred ships and had taken three hun-
dred prizes, under licences issued by the Prince of
Orange.

In the summer of 1569 John Hawkins took command
of a fleet which was sent to La Rochelle for the relief
of the Huguenots. Over sixty ships sailed together —
eight of which were equipped by William Hawkins —
and carried a quantity of grain and 500 salted carcasses
of cattle, all very acceptable to their allies on the other
side of the Channel. Fifty English engineers, who
were taken as passengers, were men skilled in making
batteries, trenches and other fortifications. The ex-
pedition was successfully carried through without any
fighting, and much to the credit of the leader.

There is curiously little known about this voyage to
La Rochelle, nor do we know much of what Hawkins
was doing during the following year. One bold project
was the child of his active brain, ever on the look out to
find some means by which he could be revenged on the

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA 113

perfidious Spaniard, and at the same stroke gain wealth
for his Sovereign and himself. It was in June, 1 570,
that Hawkins wrote to Robert Dudley, Earl of Leicester,
putting before him his ambitious plan. This was
nothing less than a scheme to hold up the next home-
coming Spanish plate-fleet at the Azores, where it was
due to pass in two months’ time, on its annual voyage
from New to Old Spain.

Hawkins, with his usual thoroughness about detail,
calculated the value of the prize at ;^6,ooo,ooo, and went
so far as to suggest how this enormous sum of money
should be divided, allotting a very handsome share to
the Queen.

If a strong squadron was equipped and despatched
to the Azores in time, he was sure that the “ whole
fleet (with Gk»d’s grace) shall be intercepted and taken
within these three months, for the extreme injuries offered
unto this realm ; which wrongs being satisfied with the
costs, the great mass shall be at the courtesy of the
Queen’s Highness to restore or keep.”

Should his plan be looked upon with favour, he him-
self would be willing and able to furnish ten warships
at his own cost, and he strongly advised that the Queen
should be asked to lend the “ Bonaventure ” and the
“ Bull,” two of the largest Royal ships-of-war, to take
part in the enterprise. As to arms and powder to
supply the ships, Hawkins promised to be answerable
for these.

Leicester put the matter before the Queen, who quite
^proved of it, since it was one entirely to her liking.
The Council, however, when they discussed it were far
from unanimous, some being for and some against the
project.

Although the Council ended by refusing to sanction
the scheme, there is no doubt that at first they looked
upon it with some favour, for they gave leave to Hawkins

114 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

to get ready the ships he had promised. For two years
his ten armed and Mly equipped ships lay at Plymouth
waiting for the order to sail ; but it never came. ,

Although the Queen, owing to the political situation
nearer home, could not employ Hawkins in this bold
enterprise against the plate-fleet at the Azores, she did
find other services of State to occupy his talents. Twice
in this year he was sent abroad, in his ship the “ New
Bark,” on certain secret business for her.

Thus ended the year 1570, to give place to a new
year, in which we meet with a new John Hawkins, or
more truly the old John Hawkins in a new character.

As to the Beggars of the Sea, for three years they
continued to scour the Channel, and a stream of mer-
chandise poured into English warehouses, for “ few ships
escaped their long fingers.” But this happy state of
things could not last for ever. Spanish or other Catholic
ship-owners would not continue indefinitely to send
their ships and goods to run the gauntlet of these ruth-
less privateers, who, under the flag of the Prince of
Orange and in the name of the true religion, sank their
vessels and stole their goods. The result was an almost
complete stoppage of trade of all kinds. The shocking
Massacre of St. Bartholomew, in 1572, had badly shaken
the Huguenot cause in France, and La Rochelle itself,
the citadel of Protestantism, was in danger of falling
into the enemy’s hands. To prevent this calamity,
though more for the sake of England than for any other
reason, Elizabeth had sent aid to the stricken city. As
for her brave allies the Dutch, they were left to struggle
on as best they could without further aid from England,
since it was considered by Burghley that England had
enough irons in the fire already, without running the
risk of irritating Spain to desperation, as might well
happen if she continued to pour English troops and
money into the Netherlands.

THE BEGGARS OF THE SEA

”5

The cessation of trade at sea, due to the success of
the Sea Beggars, was not at all to the liking of English
merchants. So long as plunder was brought into
auction and knocked down at ridiculous prices, they
were satisfied ; but, now that the golden goose was in
danger of expiring, and almost all legitimate trade had
withered, the merchants began to cry out to the Govern-
ment to suppress their late friends and allies, the
privateers.

So great became their outcry that, in January, 1573,
two powerful ships were chartered and sent out under
the command of William Holstocke, the Comptroller of
the Navy, to make war on the Sea Beggars, no difference
being made between the privateers, whether Dutch,
English or of La Rochelle.

These two ships were armed with such heavy guns
that they had not to resort to boarding in an engagement.
In the Downs they came across half a dozen of the priva-
teers, heavily laden with recently acquired plunder.
Holstocke invited all the Captains to come aboard, which
they did in all innocence, only to be made prisoners.
Continuing his voyage, the English Commander took
another twenty vessels, bound on the same business,
together with much booty and 800 men. According
to a contemporary account, probably exaggerated, since
it came from a Huguenot source, the English netted
a tidy swag of two million pounds. This, following
on Elizabeth’s desertion of her old friends the Dutch,
gave sufiicient excuse for the enemies of her country to
speak scornfully of “ perfidious Albion.”

But these were ruthless times, when men and nations
had to think and act for themselves, and when no senti-
mental ties could be allowed to interfere in the struggle
for life and national existence.

This rough handling of the Sea Beggars very soon
brought about an improvement in the relations between

ii6 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Spain and England, wliich was the intention aimed at
by the English Council. With the curbing of the
privateers, trade between Spain and the Netherlands
soon began to revive.

Although the Sea Beggars were checked in their pro-
miscuous warfare, they were far from being exterminated.
Under the Count de Montgomery, who had recently
married a daughter of Sir Arthur Champernowne, the
Devonshire sailor, a formidable fleet was gathered
together at Plymouth, in February, 1573. TheHawkins
brothers contributed eight ships, and the Queen, un-
officially, a 300-ton vessel, the “ Primrose,” which the
Admiral, Montgomery, took for his flagship. Many
of the Captains in the fleet bore names famous in the
annals of the sea, as the two Fenners, George and Edward,
the younger Winter, who afterwards sailed with Drake
round the world, and the French Commander, Jacques
de Sores.

The object of this powerful fleet, which was made up
of some fifty or sixty ships, was the relief of the be-
lea^ered town of La Rochelle, which was closely
besieged by the Duke of Anjou, who became afterwards
King Henry III. This naval enterprise, prepared so
carefully, but commanded by soldiers, proved a miserable
failure, but fortunately for the defenders of La Rochelle,
the siege soon after was raised.

John Hawkins was to have taken part in this ex-
pedition, but at the last moment the Queen forbade him
to go. Had he gone, and in command, the probability
is that he would have succeeded in finding means of
entering the port and achieving success, which the
soldier leader railed to do.

CHAPTER VI

THE CAPTIVES

ET us, for a while, leave John Hawkins,
and inquire after the men who had
been left on the shore in the Gulf of
Mexico.

The affair of San Juan de Ulua did
not finish on that afternoon of Sept-
ember, in 1568, when the “ Minion,”
battered and defeated, drew out of the
shot-ridden harbour to seek quiet and safety elsewhere
to heal her grievous wounds.

Far from being the end of an incident it was the
beginning of a new era, for the defeat at San Juan was
to prove the tragic birth of the greatest period in English
history. From the day of Don Enriquez’s base
treachery, there grew up slowly, gradually, becoming
stronger and mightier each year, a power new to the
world. Out of a small country united as she had never
been before arose a nation which dreamed of and toiled
for revenge for the treacherous wrong done her by the
colossal power of Spain.

An all-overpowering hatred of Spain lit up the whole
country when the “ Minion ” first brought the tidings
to England of the disaster. The news that more than
a hundred of her sons were prisoners in the cruel grip
of the Catholic power only added fuel to the fire. Of
the English captives left behind in Mexico, the first to
become a prisoner had been Robert Barrett, the Master of
the “ Jesus,” who had been sent by Hawkins to demand

u8 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

of the Viceroy an explanation of the suspicious move-
ments of the Spanish troops at San Juan. What hap-
pened to Barrett and the other prisoners did not transpire
until several years later.

When the Spanish flagship sank, the prisoners were
rescued and carried on shore. Their punishment was
to follow later, though for some of the English sailors
it came quickly ; for several of them “ they took and
hung up by their arms upon high posts until the blood
burst out of their fingers ends.” One of these wretches,
by name of Copstow, somehow or another managed to
reach England many years after, and lived to show the
scars on his hands to gaping spectators, a demonstration
of torture which must have done much to keep up the
general indignation against Spain. Other prisoners,
treacherously taken at San Juan de Ulua, were the ten
hostages, amongst whom was George Fitzwilliam, who
had accompanied John Hawkins on his previous voyage,
John Varney, and one Fowller. These in company with
some other prisoners taken during the fight were marched
off up country to Mexico City, to remain there until the
following year.

The fate of many of these men was never known, but
there is no reason to think it was more merciful than that
meted out to Robert Barrett. The latter, in 1570, was
shipped, still in irons like a common felon, to Spain.
For three years he lay in a dungeon at Seville, when he
was taken out, dragged before the Holy Inquisition to
be tried for heresy ; condemned and burned .alive at the
stake.

Of the adventures of the hundred starving sailors and
soldiers put on shore by Hawkins on the Mexican coast
we know a good deal, thanks to the narratives left by
two of the survivors. One was written by Miles
Philips, “ who was only a boy when captured,” the other
by Job Hortop, gunner of the “ Jesus.”

THE CAPTIVES

119

It was on the 8th of October that the hungry crew of
the “ Minion ” declared they could hold out no longer,
“ and a great many did desire that our general to set
them on land, making their choice rather to submit
themselves to the mercie of the Savages or Infidels, than
longer to hazard themselves at sea, where they very well
saw, that if they remained together, if they perished not
by drowning, yet hunger would inforce them to eat one
another.” As we know, Hawkins agreed to the sug-
gestion, but kept the right to retain on board those men
who would be of most use to him in navigating the ship.
When the hundred odd men mustered to enter the boats
to go ashore, many changed their minds and begged to
remain on board, “ and it would have caused many a
stoney heart to have relented to hear the pitiful moan
that many did make, and how loth they were to depart.”
The landing took place on the evening of October 8 th,
1568. It was dangerous and difficult to land, owing to
the high surf, and two of Captain Bland’s Frenchmen
were drowned. Thus the enterprise began with tragedy
and in tragedy it continued.

The party soon found a supply of fresh water, but
such was their thirst that some of the men drank so much,
it took several hours to resuscitate them. Others eat
largely of a fruit, a sort of almond, and became “ cruelly
swollen ” and in very ill ease, “ indeed everybody was
soon both feeble, faint and weak.”

After a wakeful night, disturbed by false alarms of
Indians, and very real internal pains due to eating acid
fruits, morning at last came. Forming in ranks of three,
the little army marched off along the sea coast in the
direction of Tampico, hungry and wet through, for the
rain had not ceased to pour down on them in torrents
throughout the whole night.

Struggling through the thick jungle by the shore,
they were brought to a standstill by a terrible whoop-

120

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

ing and shouting. This hullabaloo was caused by a
tribe of warlike Indians, called the “ Chichimici, a kind
of people, which are in a manner as Canibals.”

This sudden attack by the savages might well have
alarmed the wanderers, for Job Hortop tells us, “ they
use to weare their haire long, even down to their knees,
they do also colour their faces green, yellow, red and blue,
which maketh them to seem very ugly and terrible to
behold.” This sudden onset was all the more discon-
certing since the Englishmen had not a piece of armour
amongst them, and the only arms carried in the whole
company were one caliver and two old rusty swords.

It must be admitted that even on a full stomach and in
full armour, it would be far from reassuring to enter
into battle with such terrifying foes, armed only with
one caliver and two old rusty swords.

The warlike Indians soon observed that these strangers
were different from the usual armed Spaniards, who
were their natural and mortal enemies. At the first
alarm, a flight of arrows had been discharged into the
midst of the seamen, resulting in eight of them being
killed and several wounded. Now all was changed :
for “ when they perceived that we sought not any other
than favour and mercie at their hands, and that we were
not their enemies the Spaniards, they had compassion on
us, and came and caused us all to sit down : and when
they had a while surveyed, and taken a perfect view of
us, they came to all such as had any coloured clothes
amongst us, and those they did strip starke naked, and
took their clothes away with them, but those that were
apparelled in black they did not meddle withall.” After
the Indians had had a good stare at the unusual spectacle
of a large assembly of English sailors, either dressed in
black or else mother naked, they allowed them to con-
tinue their journey, pointing out the right direction to
follow to reach the town of Tampico,

THE CAPTIVES

I2I

It was decided that it would be better to travel in two
separate companies, so one of some fifty men marched
under the command of John Hooper, while another and
smaller detachment elected Anthony Godard to be their
leader.

On resuming their march, one party took a northern
route, the other a westerly ; but after struggling on for
ten days they met again. Both had suffered various
misfortunes, several men being killed, including John
Hooper. John Cornish too was slain by an arrow shot
by an Indian boy while Cornish and a chief were having
a friendly discussion about the future ownership of a
shirt. The boy was standing beside the chief at the
time, who was so indignant that “ he struck the boy on
the neck, so that he lay for dead.”

For many days the two parties toiled along, and
daily the naked increased as the clothes grew less, for
whenever they met new Indians, off had to come their
clothes before they were allowed to proceed further
towards Tampico.

The journey must have been a terrible ordeal. They
had to struggle naked through jungle matted together,
with branches and plants covered with sharp thorns.
Often the Indians would attack small parties of men
who had straggled from the main company in search of
wild fruit or berries. As though this was not bad enough,
these naked wretches “were also oftentimes greatly
annoyed with a kind of flye, which the Spaniards called
Muskitos.” “ There are also in the said country a
number of other kinde of flies, but not so noisome as
these.” Some were so small as scarcely to be visible,
yet “ they will suck ones blood marvelously.” To
protect their naked bodies from these and from the
scorching sun, the sailors made themselves “ wreathes
of green grass which we covered about our bodies.”
Thus they struggled on for another ten days, now and

122

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

again a man clambering up to the top of some tall tree
to look for any town or sign of a settlement. One day
the outlook up one of the trees called down to those
below that he could discern a great river away to the
north, where it opened into the sea. Still more encour-
aging was a sound they heard almost immediately after-
wards, a sound which was recognized as “ an harquebuze
shot off, which did greatly incourage us, for thereby we
knew that we were near some Christians.”

Much heartened by this sound of a Christian probably
shooting at a heathen, the worn-out sailors started once
more on their march. The next encouragement was to
hear the shrill crowing of a cock, “ which was no small
joy unto us ” ; being further evidence of the proximity
of Christianity.

An hour later,' they at last broke through the jungle
into full view of the river Panuco, which they had been
so long in search of. “ Of this river we drank very
greedily, for we had not met any water in six days before,”
and there they lay and rested on the river bank. Lying
there, wondering how they were to cross the river, all of
a sudden appeared, on the opposite bank, a party of
twenty Spanish horsemen. The Spaniards seeing the
naked Englishmen mistook them for Indians, and jump-
ing into canoes were paddled across, leading their swim-
ming horses by the bridles. On reaching the bank,
they saddled and mounted their horses, lowered their
lances, and without more ado charged the reclining
wanderers. This was the usual method by which the
conquering Christians were accustomed to deal with the
native problem in Mexico. Some of the Englishmen,
armed with clubs and staves, were for defending them-
selves against the advancing horsemen, but their Captain,
Anthony Gk>dard, pointed out to them the uselessness of
resistance and signalled to the enemy that they sur-
rendered.

THE CAPTIVES

123

Putting four men in each canoe, the whole company
was ferried across the river. On reaching the other
bank Godard explained the starving condition that they
were in to the Spaniards, who gave to each two men a
maize cake, “ the bigness of our halfpenny loaves.”
After this light but very welcome repast, all the men
were sent off on foot, under a strong guard of Indians,
to the neighbouring town of Panuco, whilst the boys
and those men who were too feeble to walk were carried
on horseback behind the Spanish soldiers.

The town, which was only a mile away, appeared at
first sight to be a pleasant spot planted out with various
sorts of fruit-trees, such as lemons, oranges, pome-
granates, apricots and peaches. Of the inhabitants
only about 200 were Spaniards, men, women and chil-
dren, the remainder being made up of large numbers of
“ tame Indians ” or Mexicans, as well as negro slaves.
On arriving at the town they were officially welcomed
by his Excellency the Governor, “ who shewed himself
very severe unto us, and threatened to hang us all : and
then he demanded what money we had, which in truth
was very little, for the Indians which we first met withal,
had in a manner taken all from us, of that which they
left, the Spaniards which brought us over, took away a
good part also.”

Thus the much harassed wanderers found themselves
in very awkward predicament. So, too, did the Governor,
for to hang out of hand a hundred men was no small,
undertaking. The problem was solved, and the present
pressing situation saved, by Anthony Godard, who sud-
denly produced from hiding a handsome gold chain, a
present to him from the Governor of Cartagena which,
together with some 500 pesos collected from his followers,
he offered to the business-like Governor, who accepted
the same and agreed to reconsider his sentence.

In the meantime the prisoners were confined in a

124 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

hog-sty-j crowded together, somewhat after the style of the
black hole of Calcutta, with nothing to eat but sodden
maize meal.

As many of the sailors were suffering from wounds
which were in urgent need of dressing, permission was
sought of the Governor to have the sick attended by
surgeons, but the Governor, who seems to have been
a hectoring bully, “ answered that we should have none
other surgeon but the hangman, which should suffici-
ently heal us of our grieves, and then reviling us, and
calling us English dogs and Lutheran heretics.”

After four days of misery, penned up in the stinking,
sweltering hog-sty, the prisoners were ordered to come
out, to find a mob of Indians and Spaniards outside, all
armed and carrying new halters. At last, they felt,
their hour had come. But, instead of being to hang
them with, the halters were to bind the prisoners’ arms
behind their backs, and thus they were roped together
in couples and ordered to march on their long journey
to Mexico City, i8o miles away. On the second day
they passed through a town called Santa Maria, where
there was a house of White Friars. Let it be said to
the credit of these good men that they treated the English-
men with great kindness, giving them hot cooked mutton
and broth, and also garments to cover their nakedness,
made of white baize.

The next hot meal they got was at another town called
Mestitlan. Their hosts at this place were a community
of Black Friars, who had a ready cooked meal awaiting
them. Here the Spanish population, both men and
women, “ used us very courteously and gave us some
shirts and other things we lacked.”

The prisoners, on this march, had only two Spaniards
to look after them, and the armed Indian guard. One
of the Spaniards was an aged man, who was both kindly
and gentle, going on ahead to each resting-place to have

THE CAPTIVES

125

food prepared for his charges. The other, a young man,
was me exact opposite in every way, for he bullied and
swore, and whenever some tired-out man lagged he
would take his spear in both hands and jab the wretch
in the back, calling him an English dog, a Lutheran,
or an enemy to God. At last the prisoners were so
exhausted with their wounds, bare feet, and want of food
and rest, that the old Spaniard called a halt, and, greatly
against the wish of the younger man, allowed them two
days’ rest.

Thus they toiled slowly on, dragging their tired feet
towards the city of Mexico.

When at last they got within a few miles of the city,
they were met by great crowds of gentlemen and trades-
men, who had ridden out to see so uncommon a spectacle
as a large haul of English prisoners.

It was not until four o’clock in the afternoon that they
entered the famous city by the Street of Saint Catherine,
which leads to the Plaza de Marquese, in which stood
the palace of the new Viceroy of Mexico, Don Martin
Enriquez. The streets were lined by the citizens of
Mexico and their wives and children, who stared but
offered no unkindness to the dusty and tired sailors as
they shuffled by.

After a very hearty meal and a rest, the prisoners were
placed in two large canoes and conveyed along a canal to
“ Our Ladies Hospital.” Here they found some of
their late mess-mates, taken prisoner at San Juan de
Ulua. Although they were over-crowded, the time
spent here was not unhappy, for “ we were courteously
used and visited oftentimes by virtuous gentlemen and
gentlewomen of the City, who bought us divers things
to comfort us withal, as succats and marmalade and
other such things, and would also many times give us
many things and tibat very liberally.”

At the end of six months in this hospital, the wounded

126 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

and sick who had not died were so far recovered that the
Viceroy ordered the prisoners to be taken to a town called
Tescuco, some twenty miles to the south of Mexico.

This place had a very evil name, being the place
where the worst criminals were sent, for “ there are
certain houses for correction and punishment for ill
people, like to Bridewell in London.”

The reputation of Tescuco had not been exaggerated,
for the English found themselves with scarcely food
enough to keep them alive. No gentlemen nor ladies
here to supply them with succats or marmalade. In fact,
they would have died of starvation had it not been for
the happy appearance of one Robert Sweeting, the son of
an Englishman married to a Spanish woman. Through
this man’s good offices with the local Indians, enough
food was procured to keep them from starvation. After
two months’ incarceration at Tescuco, the prisoners were
driven to desperation, and they decided to break out of
jail whatever the consequences might be. Escaping
was easy enough, but having got outside they did not
know where to go next. The night of the escape was
pitch dark, the rain poured down in torrents, they had
no one to guide them, but just blundered on, hoping to
find themselves well away from danger by morning.

As dawn broke, after marching for hours, what more
unwelcome spectacle should confront them but, of all
places, the thrice accursed city of Mexico.

The escaped prisoners were at once surrounded and
recaptured, and marched before the Viceroy, who was
very angry and declared he would have the whole gang
hanged for breaking out of the King’s prison. As it
happened they were not hanged, although many of
them would have been more fortunate if they had been,
in view of what was eventually to be their fate. Instead,
they were sent to work in a garden belonging to the
Viceroy. Here they found the English gentlemen de-

THE CAPTIVES

127

livered by Hawkins as hostages at San Juan de Ulua,
as well as Robert Barrett, the master of the “ Jesus.”
After working here for four months, the Viceroy issued
a proclamation that any Spanish gentleman could pro-
cure an Englishman as a servant, by applying to the
Magistrates. There was an instant rush by the neigh-
bouring gentry to the garden, where the prisoners were
looked over and each Spanish gentleman selected an
Englishman for his service. Most of the men were
turned into servants, and waited at their masters' tables
or acted as chamberlains. As no Spaniard would con-
sent to be a servant to another, all domestic work was
done by Indians or negro slaves, so that it was considered
to be a mark of high social position to travel abroad
attended by a white servant. Some of the sailors did
not make good butlers or valets, as can well be imagined,
and these would be given other work. Some were sent
by their masters to act as overseers of the gangs of slaves
working in their silver mines. These posts at the mines
were much sought after, as they could be made very
■profitable for the overseers. It was usual to pay a wage
of sixty pounds a year to an overseer, but generally the
English were able, by kind treatment of Ae slaves, to
get them to work on Saturdays, the day they had off to
work for themselves ; and to smelt silver which was the
overseers’ perquisite. Often one slave could, in this
way, earn as much as four or five pounds for his overseer
on one Saturday. Thus in a few years many of these
overseers became extremely wealthy men.

As for the gentlemen hostages, they remained
prisoners at the Viceroy’s house until the plate-fleet was
ready to sail to Spain from San Juan de Ulua.

Captivity in Mexico was not altogether too hard for the
Englishmen now. Most of them made good money, and
many held positions of trust. Sailors in Elizabethan days
were generally masters of some craft or other, and could

tzB SIR JOHN HAWKINS

make themselves useful in various ways. The Spaniards
made the worst colonists in the world, a fact which makes
the tragedy of the discovery and conquest of the New
World by Spain all the more unfortunate. Probably
no race in Europe was less fitted for the task of develop-
ing America than the Spaniards, who were exploiters
rather than colonisers. The Spaniards’ one idea was to
get gold quickly, and to do this he must have slaves.

Here were some hundred men each of whom knew
a trade, and was able and willing to work hard. The
Spaniards in the W’est Indies and Mexico, with the
exception of some of the higher officials, were on the
whole perfectly friendly to the English. Left to them-
selves, many of the seamen married Spanish women or
half-castes, embraced the Catholic faith, and settled down
to become good subjects and colonists.

But in me year 1574 all this was changed, for there
arrived in Mexico the foul blight of the Inquisition.

In this year, says Master Philips, “ the Inquisition
began to be established in the Indies, very much against
the minds of many of the Spaniards themselves.” These
energetic apostles of the Pope of Rome soon got to their
bloody work ; and on whom could they better begin
than on these English heretics, many of whom had
become very rich ; for a wealthy heretic, it was well
known, made a better bonfire than a poor one.

Orders were sent out over the whole country-side
that every Englishman should immediately report him-
self to the Inquisition in Mexico City. When they
arrived there, they were cast into dark dungeons, and
now and then taken out to be examined before the Holy
Inquisitors.

They were commanded to repeat the Pater noster, the
^ve Maria and the Creed in Latin, “ which Grod knoweth
a great number of us could not say, otherwise than in the
English tongue.'”

THE CAPTIVES

129

Fortunately the Inquisition had engaged Robert
Sweeting as interpreter, who had already shown himself
to be a good friend to the English. He reported to the
judges that “ in our own country speech we could say
them perfectly, although not word for word as they were
in Latin.” For this and other kindnesses the name of
Robert Sweeting deserves to be remembered as the
friend of English sailors in distress.

For weeks the trial dragged on, with occasional appli-
cation of the thumb-screw and rack.

The upshot of it all was that after three months of
bullying and torture, Mexico was given its first great
spectacle of a real auto-de-f6.

Some thirty of Hawkins’ men were tried by the In-
quisition and received various sentences. In the case
of boys or youths, such as David Alexander, Miles
Philips and Paul Hawkins, who had been pages on the
“ Jesus ” and “ Minion,” John Storey, aged 16, a
“ grumete ” on board the “ Swallow,” Robert Cooks, a
cook’s boy, and Thomas Ebven servant to the cooper on
the “ Jesus,” the sentences were lenient, consisting of
nothing worse than two or three years’ service in a
monastery. But the punishments dealt out to all
prisoners over ai years were extremely severe. For
example, Thomas Goodal, a native of London, of the
age of 30, a brother-in-law of Robert Barrett, one of
those who escaped from San Juan de Ulua in the
” Minion,” and was put ashore near Tampico, was
tortured during his trial, and at the auto-de-re received
300 stripes and was sentenced to row in the galleys of
Spain for ten years. Roger, the chief armourer of the
“ Jesus,” received the same sentence. Three sailors,
George Rindy, Peter Mornfrie and Cornelius, an Irish-
man, were condemned to be burnt to death forthwith.
In fact, all the prisoners over 21 years of age received
brutal sentences of this kind, except the few who, like

130 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Robert Barrett, were sent to stand their trial in Spain,
and these were fortunate if they escaped being burnt at
the stake.

Miles Philips was sent to a monastery of Black Friars,
and was put in charge of the Indian workmen who were
building a new church. He quickly learned to speak
the Indian language with fluency, and “ had great fami-
liarity with many of them, whom I found to be a courteous
and loving kind of people, ingenious and of great under-
standing and they hate and abhor the Spaniards with
all their hearts.” After Philips and the other lads had
served their time in the religious houses, their fools’ coats
were taken off them and hanged up in the chief church,
each coat being labelled with the man’s name and
sentence, with the addition “ An heretic Lutheran re-
conciled.” Those poor wretches who had been burnt
had their coats hung up also, with the note “ An obstinate
heretic Lutheran burnt.”

Having served their time. Miles Philips and his com-
panions were now free to go where they would in Mexico,
to find work.

It is interesting to learn that David Alexander and
Robert Cooks returned to serve the Inquisitor, who
shortly afterwards married them both to two of his
negro women. Richard Williams married a rich widow,
with 4000 pesos. Paul Homewell did well for himself
by marrying a Mestisa, the daughter of a Spanish father
and an Indian mother. She owned a good house and
4000 pesos.

John Stone was less ambitious and more easily satis-
fied, and took to wife a negro woman ; while William
Lowe managed to get leave and licence to go to Spain
where he married and settled down.

Philips had, at least he said so, many very good offers
of marriage ; but he dared not settle in a country in
which at any moment the Inquisition was liable to

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131

pounce down and seize his goods, and as likely as not
take his life.

Indeed, he gave up silver raining, at which he could
easily and quickly have made a fortune, and set out to
learn weaving, for which he paid down the sum of 150
pesos to be taught “ the science ” in three years, other-
wise he would have had to serve an apprenticeship of
seven years.

Philips worked hard at his new trade, awaiting for
some opportunity to escape.

One day the whole city was in an uproar, for startling
news had just been brought. It was reported that an
Englishman had landed with a strong force at the port
of Acapulco, on the Pacific coast, and was marching on
Mexico City to plunder it. Philips and another of
Hawkins’ men, Paul Homewell, were sent for by the
Viceroy, who inquired if either of them had heard of an
Englishman named Francis Drake, who was said to be
a brother of Captain Hawkins, to which they replied
“ that Captain Hawkins had not any brother but one,
which was a man of the age of three-score years or there-
abouts, and was now Governor of Plymouth in England,
and then he demanded of us if we knew of one Francis
Drake, and we answered, no.”

Quickly the whole Spanish colony was mobilized
and sent hither and thither to defend all the chief ports
on both coasts. Philips was appointed English inter-
preter to Captain Don Pedro de Robles, who was de-
spatched at the head of 200 men to Acapulco to capture
this pirate Drake and his merry men.

They arrived at Acapulco a month too late, for Drake
was gone. Yet a ship was chartered and off they sailed
in search of the English interloper. They seem to have
been an unseamenlike lot in the opinion of Philips, who
remarks “ that for certain, if we had met with Captain
Drake, he might easily have taken us all.” After

132 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

eighteen days’ coasting, the Captain had to give up the
quest on the grounds that “ his men were very sore
sea-sick.”

Day after day Philips was hoping that they would
meet “ master Drake,” for “ then we should all be taken,
so that then I should have been freed out of that danger
and misery wherein I lived, and should return to mine
owne country of England again.”

It is tempting to follow the further adventures of Miles
Philips, but this must not be. Let it suffice to say that
after several unsuccessful attempts to escape he at last
succeeded, through the kind offices of some Mexican
Indians and a Gray Friar. After various vicissitudes
he found his way to the port of Guatemala on the South
Sea ; and from there travelled on to the port of Cavallos.
Here he sold his horse and persuaded a Captain of a wine
ship to take him, for 6o pesos, as a passenger in his vessel
to Spain. They sailed to the rendezvous of the grand
fleet at Havana, where Philips was engaged to serve as
a soldier on the Admiralty ship. The fleet of thirty-
seven ships, commanded by Don Pedro de Guzman,
carried untold wealth of gold, silver and various precious
goods from America and the East.

It is interesting to read an English sailor’s opinion
of one of the famous Spanish fleets. Of this fleet
Philips writes: “ Yet to speak truly of what I think, two
good tall ships of war would have made a foul spoil
amongst them. For in all this fleet there were not any
that were strong and warlike appointed, saving only the
Admiral and Vice-Admiral : and again over and besides
the weakness and the ill furnishing of the rest, they were
all so deeply laden, that they had not been able (if they
had been charged) to have held out any long fight.”

This unseaworthy fleet did, after a long and tiresome
voyage of three months, arrive intact at San Lucar in
Spain on September loth, 1581. A seaman on board

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133

had recognized Philips and informed the Captain who
he was, who would have handed him over to the In-
quisition at Seville, but Philips contrived to escape the
same night in one of the ship’s boats, and got ashore and
walked to Cadiz, where he got work as a weaver. Afraid
to go out in the streets for fear of being recognized, for
three months he kept close to his work, and then, having
saved some money, he bought himself a complete outfit
of new clothes and made a dash for San Lucar, where
he had heard that several English ships were lying in
harbour. Rowing out to one of these he told his story
to the Captain, and implored him to take him with him
to England. The Captain “ very courteously preyed
me to have him excused, for he durst not meddle with
me,” and “ preyed me therefore to return from whence
I came.” In desperation and sorrow. Philips left
San Lucar and tramped to St. Mary’s port, nine miles
away, where, pretending to be a soldier who had to join
a Spanish war-ship at Majorca, he got a passage in a
vessel about to sail to that island.

Arrived there he found a West Country ship, the
“ Landret,” about to sail for home. Having learnt a
lesson from his last attempt he told the Captain a different
story, that he had spent two years in Spain in order to
learn the language and now wanted a passage home.
At last, after an absence of sixteen years, he arrived at
Poole in Dorset, in February, 1582.

The same year he published a narrative of his adven-
tures and persecutions at the hands of the Spaniards,
a story which must have done much to inflame the rising
tide of hatred of Spain and the Catholic religion.

In the meanwhile, what had happened to Job Hortop
and his fellow prisoners Some, as has been said, had
been chosen to act as body servants to Mexican gentle-
men, others had been set to work at various trades.
Hortop became a servant in the City, and remained so

134

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

for two years, when he was sent with a batch of prisoners
to join the fleet about to leave San Juan de Ulua for
Spain.

The Admiral of the Fleet was Don Juan de Valesco
de Varne, who took with him a curious treasure for the
King of Spain, a present from the Viceroy. It was no
other than a skeleton of a Chinese giant, which excited
Hortop’s interest who was ever a lover of all that was
strange or rare. Another curiosity on board was a chest
full of earth in which grew plants of ginger. The
English sailors, although prisoners, were engaged to
work on the Spanish ships. Thus Robert Barrett
became a pilot, or navigating officer, Hortop carried on
his old duties as a gunner, William Cause served as
boatswain, John Beare became a quarter-master, while
others served as ordinary seamen.

According to Hortop, the Admiral would have lost
his whole fleet in the Bahama channel, had not he and
Barrett been on the alert and averted the catastrophe in
the very nick of time, for which service they received the
thanks of the Admiral. But a little while after this they
got into bad odour. It happened as the fleet neared the
Canary Islands, that the Englishmen had planned to
escape in the pinnace, but their plot was discovered.
The Captain of the ship was for hanging them all at once,
but the Admiral would not allow this, ordering instead
that the prisoners should be clapped in irons and handed
over to the proper authorities in Seville, to be tried.
On arriving in Spain, they were sent to prison, where
they remained one year, when they managed to escape.
Hortop, Barrett, Gilbert and two others were recaught
and secured in the stocks, where they remained for
another twelve months. At last they were carried to the
Inquisition house at Triana, where they remained
another year. The prisoners were then taken out to
hear the verdict of the Inquisition. Each man, wearing

THE CAPTIVES

135

a sambenito or coat on the back of which was embroidered
a Cross of St. Andrew, and carrying a lighted candle in
his hand, marched in procession through the streets of
Seville, to a high scaffold. Seated there, the Secretary
of the Inquisition called upon Robert Barrett and John
Gilbert, who were brought to him by two familiars. He
then read out their sentences, which were that both
should be burnt at the stake forthwith. Job Hortop
and John Bone were next called and were sentenced to
row in the galleys for ten years, and then to return to
prison for life. The other prisoners were condemned,
for various periods, to the galleys. Hortop spent
twelve years chained to an oar, with a daily allowance of
twenty-six ounces of coarse black biscuit on which to
subsist. The galley-slaves had their heads and beards
shaved once a month, and “ hunger, thirst, cold, and
stripes we lacked none, till our several times expired.”
After serving his time in the galleys Hortop spent four
years in prison until, by bribing the Treasurer of the
King’s Mint, Senor Hernando de Sovia, with fifty
ducats, he was freed. This sum he borrowed from
the Treasurer, and to pay off this debt Hortop was com-
pelled to serve him as a drudge for seven years.

In October, 1590, Hortop was sent to San Lucar,
where he managed to hide himself on board a fly-boat,
laden with wine and salt. Off the Cape the fly-boat
was held up by an English ship, the “ Galeon Dudley,”
which took Hortop on board and landed him at Ports-
mouth, on December and, 1590, and eventually he
returned to his home at Redriffe on Christmas Eve,
after an absence of twenty-three years, with empty
pockets, and scarred with many wounds ; but with such
a story to tell as few men ever had.

CHAPTER VII

RIDOLFI PLOT

ITH the year 1571, the curtain rises to
disclose a new actor upon the stage.
He is a strange and sinister figure,
and is about to play a leading part
in the history of his adopted country.
By name Roberto Ridolfi, an Italian,
he belonged to the proud Florentine
family of Ridolfi di Piazza. Brought
up to be a Banker, he had lived in London since Queen
Mary came to the throne, and was employed by Sir
William Cecil, lately become Lord Burghley, and others
in high positions, in matters of finance.

He had another employer, about whom he seldom if
ever spoke. This was His Holiness Pope Pius V.
Ridolfi was an ardent Catholic, and acted as agent in
England for the furtherance of the Catholic cause. To
put it bluntly, Ridolfi was a spy and a conspirator.
Under instructions from Rome and from the Spanish
Ambassador in London, he worked to overthrow the
English Government, the Protestant Church, and if
possible to bring about the assassination of the Queen.
To do all this he plotted to raise an insurrection, and
involved in his schemes many of the highest in the land ;
chief of all, the Catholic Duke of Norfolk, premier peer
of England, to whom he promised in marriage Mary
Queen of Scots, when she should mount the English
throne.

To complete the coup d'ttat Ridolfi went to the Nether-

13^

THE

THE RIDOLFI PLOT

137

lands to arrange with the Duke of Alva to send his troops,
who were to land and invade the South of England at
the moment that Norfolk took the field.

In the meantime, Burghley got wind of the plot and,
though strongly suspecting the Duke of Norfolk of being
at the head of it, dare not act, without more direct
evidence. It was at this stage in the affairs that John
Hawkins appeared.

Ever since he had been forced to land his hundred
men north of the Panuco river, after the San Juan
disaster, his one and constant thought was how he could
get these men back to England. He had learned that
most of them were in prisons, in Mexico or in Seville,
at the tender mercy of the officers of the Holy Inquisition.

Already Hawkins had visited Guerau de Spes, the
Spanish Ambassador in London, and sought his inter-
cession for their liberation, but without success. Refus-
ing to be put off, he soon called again and this time let
slip some very seditious remarks about the English
Government. The Ambassador pricked up his ears at
this, and lost no time in writing to Alva to tell him the
interesting piece of news, at the same time suggesting
the possibility of using the apparently disgruntled
English sailor for their own ends.

The wily Admiral, having laid his bait, which had
been nibbled at, now began to set his snare.

In March, 1571, he went One step further. He was
able to do this with safety, having confided to Burghley
his plan and received his sanction. His own object was
the rescue of his men : Burghley’s was to countermine
the Spanish conspiracy which he knew existed, and of
which he guessed Guerau de Spes was a leading member.
Hawkins, on this occasion, made a definite offer to the
Spanish Ambassador of the use of his private fighting
fleet for any purpose that the King of Spain might desire.
Hawkins, who was fast developing into a very crafty

138 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

diplomatist, added a scrap of personal information about
himself which did more than anything else to throw
dust in the eyes not only of the Ambassador, but, as
soon as he heard of it, of the King of Spain himself.
This was the fact, hitherto not known generally, that
John Hawkins was a good Catholic.

This palpable untruth did not for one moment raise
any suspicion, but on the contrary did more than any-
thing else to assist his plans. It is a notable fact that
although Hawkins was a Protestant and a religious man
he had never been a violent partisan nor a Puritan, and
it is probable that in his dealings with the Spaniards,
both in Spain, the Canary Islands and the West Indies,
he had never given expression to his personal views on
religion.

An unexpected ally in Hawkins’ counter-plot sud-
denly appeared in England. This was George Fitz-
william, who had been one of the hostages sent by
him to the traitor, Alvarez de Bacan, at S^an Juan de
Ulua.

Fitzwilliam, with several more of the prisoners, had
been sent from Mexico to Spain, to await his trial by
the Inquisition. Of the ten hostages, four were already
dead, and the six survivors were dying of starvation,
when they contrived to send a letter from their prison
to Cecil, telling him of their distress. Through Cecil,
news of the imprisonment of Fitzwilliam was com-
municated to the Duchess of Feria, an Englishwoman
married to a courtier of the King of Spain, and herself
related to Fitzwilliam. Through her efforts he was
liberated and allowed to return to England.

No better go-between could have been found than this
George Fitzwilliam who, after being sworn to secrecy
and taken into the plot, was despatched to Spain to make
forther offers to the King of assistance from Hawkins
in return for the liberation of his men. This the King

THE RIDOLFI PLOT

139

would not grant until he had received some proof from
the incarcerated Queen of Scots that Hawkins was above
all suspicion. Fitzwilliam then returned to England
and, after an interview with Burghley and Hawkins, was
allowed to visit Mary Stuart. The result of this visit
was that she wrote a letter to Philip in which she vouched
for the honesty of Hawkins, and also begged he would
liberate the prisoners. With this letter she sent, by
Fitzwilliam, a present to the Duchess of Feria of a gold-
bound service book.

At last the Spanish King felt that he had all the
assurance he needed, and consented to enlist the English
Admiral under his banner ; and it was agreed that
Hawkins should desert his post in the Channel the
moment the rising took place in England, and that
concurrently the Duke of Alva should launch his army
against the South Coast, while the Duke of Medina Celi
approached with the Spanish fleet from Spain.

The prisoners at Seville, those who still survived
starvation, disease and the rack, were liberated, each
one being given with his freedom five Spanish gold
crowns and a passage in a merchant ship to England.

Hawkins, for himself, received a patent of nobility,
whereby he became an hidalgo of Spain ; an honour
which must have sat oddly on the shoulders of the honest
Devon merchant, who in a letter to Burghley refers con-
temptuously to the “ very great titles and honours from
the King, from which God deliver me.”

Not only this, but he was granted a full pardon for
his indiscretions in the Indies, and a promise of a sum
of money sufficient to maintain twelve ships and sixteen
hundred men for two months.

Fitzwilliam arrived back with these glad tidings on
the 4th of September. To crown all, evidence had at
last come to Burghley’s hand of the perfidy of Norfolk,
who was arrested and sent to the Tower. Several- of

140 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

the chief conspirators were likewise seized, and the rack
did the rest. The whole plot was out and the game up.
Ridolfi himself escaped, being in Brussels at the time,
arranging the final details of the invasion with the Duke
of Alva.

Thus ended this extraordinary game of bluff, where a
Devonshire sea-captain set his wits against those of
Kings, Councillors and Diplomatists and, playing them
at their own game, defeated them. Three years before,
when he had said farewell to his men on the Mexican
Coast, his last words had been that he would leave no
stone unturned to bring them back to England. It
had taken a long time to carry out that promise, but, like
the true man he was, John Hawkins had never forgotten
nor despaired.

It might be supposed that the part played by John
Hawkins in the Ridolfi plot would have been seized
upon by his enemies to cast doubt upon his loyalty. If
this was so there is little evidence to prove it. At all
events the Queen and those of her Councillors who were
in the secret still believed firmly in his honesty.

That the citizens of Plymouth had no doubts about
him they proved by re-electing John Hawkins to repre-
sent their town in Parliament in 1572. A period of
peace now began, which lasted, with certain remissions,
for many years. When the hounds of war were out,
John Hawkins was the man to lead them, but at other
times employment was found for him at home. Already,
at the age of 40, he had become a national hero, and
an indispensable servant of the State. The younger
school or seamen, of which Francis Drake was to prove
the most brilliant example, was still in a stage of develop-
ment, learning their profession from the older man. At
this period Hawkins was looked up to as the greatest
naval commander of this or any other country. Had
not duty kept him at home he would have been out

THE RIDOLFI PLOT

141

again, cruising in the Caribbean Sea, or “ trafficking ”
on the Spanish Main.

Although England was at peace with Spain and
France, it was well known that at any moment a twist
of the diplomatic situation might occur and, without
warning, an invasion of England might follow. For
this reason Admiral Hawkins must remain at home, for
in case of trouble it was to him that the country looked
for protection. To the Spaniards the name of “ Juan
Achines ” spelled respect and fear. As long as he was
ready to sail from Plymouth any question of a sudden
raid or invasion of England was not to be lightly under-
taken.

Of Hawkins as a Member of Parliament we know
nothing. This is not, perhaps, to be wondered at, since
he was ever a man of action rather than one of words.
Much of his time was now spent in London, no doubt
sitting as a silent listener at the Councils at Westminster,
or else in his office, superintending his numerous mer-
cantile interests.

It was in the streets of Ix>ndon that he met with an
adventure that nearly lost the country one of her most
valuable citizens.

It happened on an October morning in 1573 that, as
Hawkins was riding down the Strand in company with
Sir William Winter, a man rushed at him and stabbed
him with a dagger. The bystanders seized the ruffian
who was dragged off to jail.

On examination he proved to be a certain Peter
Burchet, a lawyer of the Middle Temple, and a fanatical
Puritan. It seemed that on the morning of the attack
Burchet had attended a sermon which had affected him
strangely. On leaving the church he was overheard to
mutter “ Shall I do it! what, shall I do it! Why, then,
I will do it ! ” The deed he contemplated was the
murder of the new Court favourite. Sir Christopher

142 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Hatton, who was strongly suspected of being a Papist.
This man was famous for his dandyism and gorgeous
clothing, which may account for the assassin’s mistake,
as John Hawkins was always arrayed in the very latest
fashion.

For several days the life of Hawkins was despaired of,
and he was advised to make his will. The Queen, deeply
shocked at the accident to her old and loyal friend, sent
her own personal surgeons to attend him. However,
the man who had survived tropical fevers, poisoned
arrows and Spanish guns, was not ordained to die by the
knife of a mad assassin, nor at the hands of an Elizabethan
surgeon, and in due time he recovered of his wound.

As for the demented lawyer, Burchet, the Queen was
furious and was for having him executed forthwith.
The question of his sanity carried no weight with her,
nor did it save him from the gallows when his trial came
to be held.

That the assassin was out of his mind there can be no
doubt. Many witnesses could have been called to
testify that he had shown signs of insanity for some
while before the assault. He had been heard on many
occasions to threaten the life of Hatton, who had been
warned to be on his guard.

One witness gave evidence that he travelled up to
London from the West Country with Burchet, who
made “ many phantasticall speeches and doings whereby
they might perceive that he was not well in his witts all
the whole journey hitherwards.” He was tried by the
Bishop of London, at Lollard’s Tower, not on the charge
of attempted murder, but for holding heretical opinions.
After recanting these beliefs, he was handed over to the
Civil Authorities, but before they had time to deal with
his case the prisoner, who was incarcerated in the Tower,
seized a billet from the fire in his cell and with it slew
his jailer.

THE RIDOLFI PLOT

Next day Burchet stood his trial for murder, and the
jury of sound Westminster Burgesses wasted no time in
coming to their verdict of guilty. This was in the days
before learned evidence was forthcoming from mental
experts, nor were criminal psychologists and the like
allowed to cheat the gallows of their prey. A murderer
was a murderer, and the best way to deal with one was
to hang him.

Although at this period John Hawkins lived and had
his headquarters in London, he still carried on business
with his brother William at Plymouth, and in most
public contracts for the town we find one or both brothers
taking an interest.

One of these was the contract for grinding corn for
the small-holders of Plymouth. The brothers bought a
house to which the corn was brought to be weighed
before it was ground, and they bought also a horse and
hired a man whose duty it was to go from cottage to
cottage to collect the sacks.

Another source of profit to the firm of William and
John Hawkins, was that of dealing in the plunder cap-
tured from Catholic ships in the Channel. When the
Sea Beggars or even nondescript pirates caught a cargo-
boat in the neighbourhood, they brought the prize to
Plymouth, and sold the plunder to the highest bidder.
Thus prize after prize reached the Devon port, and most
of them fell to the brothers Hawkins. The lawfulness
of some of these seizures at sea was very questionable,
and it often happened the owners would bring an action
against the English merchants who bought the cargo,
to compel them to disgorge.

The Hawkinses appear as defendants in several such
cases tried before the Admiralty Court. One took
place in November, 1573 , when two London partners,
Richard May and Arnold Miles, complained to the
court that John Hawkins had bought and taken away

144 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

some property belonging to them. It seemed that they
were the insurers of a cargo belonging to a Portuguese
merchant named Sebastian de Salvage, who despatched
a cargo from Viana, near Oporto, to Rouen. On the
voyage the ship was seized by some English pirates, who
took her to Plymouth, where John Hawkins bought the
goods. The result of the action was far from satis-
factory to the insurers, since the judges found in favour
of the defendant.

A month later, John Hawkins was again the defendant
in another case brought before the same court, by a
Spanish merchant, Jeronimus Lopez. Hawkins was
accused of having “ redeemed ” from some pirates goods
worth ^^675. This case did not go so well for Hawkins,
who was ordered to hand back £^'2.0, but was allowed to
keep ;^i55 for his expenses.

The Hawkins brothers occasionally found their bread
buttered on the other side, in these interloping trans-
actions, as happened when their own ships were taken
by French pirates. This occurred in 1572 when a ship
of theirs, on her way with a cargo to Hamburg, was
caught by French rovers in the Downs. Another ship
belonging to Hawkins, the “ Angel,” was seized in La
Rochelle harbour by one Nicholas Brewnes, a French-
man, and there was no end of litigation over the matter
before it was put right.

Many a time the Hawkinses hired out their ships
to English or foreign merchants. Thus in 1577, four
ships of theirs, the “William,” “ Saloman,” “John”
and “Paul,” were chartered by an Italian, Horatio
Palavicini, to carry cargoes of alum from Genoa to
London. Alum, which was only to be procured from
some mines owned by the Pope, was used in the manu-
facture of cloth, and was therefore a very valuable
monopoly for his Holiness.

A certain amount of trade had been carried on, suh rosa,

THE RIDOLFI PLOT

by English ships in the West Indies until the San Juan
de Ulua affair. The immediate result of that disaster
was to turn the peaceful trader into a ruthless corsair.
The most famous, or victorious, of these sea-rovers was
Francis Drake. Had Drake been a man to make excuses,
which he never was, he might have argued that the
Spaniards had, by treachery, stolen his property, and
that he was perfectly justified in using force to reimburse
himself for his losses. The principle that two wrongs
make a right was recognized in the sixteenth century,
and was considered to justify the seizing of foreign goods
to make up for previous losses.

Drake, like many another Devon ship-master, looked
upon Spanish property as fair game, particularly when
met wim in the West Indies. It was in the year 1572
that he left Plymouth in the “ Dragon,” a sloop of a
hundred tons, and two small pinnaces. Not a word
nor hint did he let escape as to his plans. Hawkins,
always a stickler for the letter of the law, used to discuss
his plans with the Authorities in London, and by so
doing allowed the Spaniards to get wind of most of his
projects well before he started. The Spaniards heard
nothing of Drake’s plans until the day when, in the
Panama jungle, the treasure convoy on its way across
the peninsula to Nombre de Dios was suddenly held
up by a gang of Englishmen and robbed. The success
of this exploit fired the imagination of every sailor in
England, and many a ship sailed to the West Indies to
seek its fortune in the same manner.

Commenting on the eagerness with which the English
at this time took part in these raids on the Spanish Main,
Camden wrote : “ Incredible it is with how great
alacrity they put to sea, and how readily they exercised
piracy against the Spanish.”

For very good reason the commanders of these
exploits did not rush into print when they returned to

146 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

England, knowing that the less said about their ventures
the better ; and this is why we have, in most cases, so
little first-hand information about their doings. One
exception is Francis Drake who, after the Nombre de
Dios exploit, became a national hero ; and his deeds of
daring became the topic of conversation for many a day.
The courage of many of these — ^why boggle at the word ?
— pirates was astounding. There was Captain Gilbert
Horseley for example, who sailed out of Plymouth, one
November day in 1574, in command of the “ John,” a
tiny vessel of 18 tons. In this little craft, carrying a
crew of twenty-five Devon sailors and victuals for five
months, Captain Horseley, quite unabashed, set off
across the Atlantic to wage war on America. Perhaps
he was encouraged by the formidable armament carried
by the “ John.” This consisted of three cast-iron guns,
the largest a 3-pounder, ten bases which would throw a
half-pound shot, and a barrel and a half of powder.

Off the coast of Barbary they ran across two large
Spanish ships laden with salt. Large, that is, compared
with the little “ John,” since the burden of each was
50 tons. Horseley seized them both, let the Spanish
crews go home in one, while the other, into which he
transferred some of the crew of the “ John,” he kept.
This exploit was quite in the true spirit of the pirate,
whose plan was always to take a bigger and better ship
than his own and use her until one even better should
come to hand. The new ship, accompanied by the
“ John,” then crossed the Atlantic, arriving eventually
off the Isthmus of Darien. Horseley was following
the example of Drake, for he got in touch with the
friendly Indian tribe, the Comaroons, who had helped
Drake to help himself to the Spanish treasure the year
before. An unfortunate set-back to the adventurers
happened while Captain Horseley was on shore discuss-
ing plans with the Indians. A big Spanish ship came

THE RIDOLFI PLOT 147

down the coast and recaptured the prize brought from
Barbary, in which were eight Englishmen. A witness
of this outrage spoke of it afterwards with natural indig-
nation, declaring “ she was violently taken from them
by the Spaniards.” This unfortunate incident in no
way discouraged the seventeen survivors in the “ John.”
True, the plan for a surprise attack with the Comaroons
was spoiled since the Spaniards were now on the alert.
Instead they sailed westwards until they fell in with a
small Spanish craft of 10 tons. The English soon had
her taken, to find a valuable cargo on board of bars of
gold and silver, to say nothing of four large jewels of gold
set with pearls.

Continuing to cruise, they made towards Cartagena,
taking two small craft on their way, laden not with gold,
but with victuals, which by this time were more valuable
to them than gold or precious stones. They next tried
their fortune off the Spanish Main, and soon met and
robbed a Spanish pinnace of four bags of gold dust and
nuggets as well. One more prize fell to them, in the
Bay of Honduras. This was a Spanish caravel of 22
tons, laden with Canary wines, oil and Spanish money.
They took, of course, all the money, but only half
the wine ; the other half they gave back, with the
caravel, to the rightful owners. This surprising piece of
generosity was probably due to the fact that the little
“ John ” was already loaded down to her decks, and
the season of tempests was at hand when wise sailors
steered eastwards.

The enterprising Captain Horseley, unlike so many
other men bent on a similar undertaking, knew when
to stop. With enough plunder on board to make every
one of the fifteen men on the ship rich for life he turned
homewards, arriving safely back at Plymouth in
June, ISIS'

Even then a little diplomacy was required, for there

148 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

were sure to be awkward inquiries by officious persons
anxious to know how he came by all his wealth ; but a
present of ;^io to the Lord Admiral’s officer at Plymouth
made everything run smoothly in this quarter. Horseley
got into communication with John Tipton of London,
the owner of the “ John,” and then sailed up Channel
to Arundel where he was met by the owner, and the
treasure , was landed in secrecy, and thus ended their
daring voyage.

Many other filibustering expeditions of this sort took
place during these years.

There was the voyage of the two ships, the “ Ragged
Staff ” and the “ Bear,” which set out from Bristol to
try their fortune on the Spanish Main. Some of these
enterprises ended in failure or disaster, as in the case of
John Oxenham, whose story is set forth in Kingsley’s
Westward Ho !

Although John Hawkins himself took no actual part
in any of these expeditions to America, he sent out many
of his own ships and crews, and was the promoter of many
buccaneering exploits.

Two years later Drake was off again, tliis time on a
voyage that was to become one of the most famous in the
history of navigation. This was in 1577 when he began
his voyage to the Straits of Magellan, which was to
end by his circumnavigation of the world. Many other
sea captains were rising to fame, among them Humphrey
Gilbert who, a year after Drake left, took out a fleet from
Plymouth to make an attempt on the home-coming
Spanish plate-fleet.

During all these years of high adventure, Hawkins
had been working on shore, either at Plymouth or
London. He found much to occupy his energy and
talents. Not only had he ships at sea, sailing to and
from various foreign ports, but he had warehouses,
where cargoes were bought and sold, and shipyards,

THE RIDOLFI PLOT

149

at which he supervised the building of his own vessels.
Whatever hopes he may have held of being granted leave
to head another expedition to the Spanish Main were
dispelled at the end of 1577, when he received an im-
portant appointment which was to keep him closely
occupied on shore for the next ten years.

CHAPTER VIII
THE TUDOR NAVY

-.THOUGH England was a maritime
country with a large proportion of
her inhabitants winning their liveli-
hood on the sea as fishermen or
sailors, it was not until the reign of
the Tudors that a permanent fighting
Navy came into being.

Before Henry VII came to the
Navy consisted merely of a few ships
belonging to the King, which in time of war were rein-
forced by merchant ships, purchased or hired by the
State for the period of national danger.

Naval warfare had hitherto consisted of little more
than raids by the English on the coasts of France, or
similar raids on England by the French. Beyond this
the Navy was used to transport soldiers to France or
Scotland, and neither of these countries was, as a rule,
strong enough at sea to be able to offer serious oppo-
sition. It was customary for an English army which
marched against Scotland, to proceed along the East
Coast, accompanied by the fleet which sailed oflF the shore
by slow stages, so as to protect the army from attack from
the sea, and at the same time to act as carriers for the
heavy transport.

A little police work fell occasionally to the King’s
ships, as when some nest of pirates in the Scilly Islands,
the south of Ireland or Scotland became so unbearable as

to call for extermination.

^59

THE TUDOR NAVY

Although it was to Henry VIII that England owed
most for her well-organized and efficient Navy, it was
his father who really originated the Royal Navy, which
developed into such a powerful force by the time of the
Spanish Armada.

Henry VII took a personal interest in his ships and
his seamen. He did much to assist his son to put the
Navy on an organized footing by leaving a well-filled
treasury, and by passing several acts to encourage
shipping.

Thus when in 1509 the latter monarch came to the
throne, he inherited a Navy consisting mostly of small
but well found ships. In the first ten years of his reign
he built, captured or bought no fewer than thirty ships
to add to the Royal Navy. Not being content to go
on building ships on the old pattern, he brought from
Italy skilled shipbuilders and workmen who introduced
many improvements in naval architecture. These addi-
tions to his old fleet enabled him to be master of the
“ narrows sea,” and so to invade the coast of France at
his pleasure. A large part of the money procured from
the sale of the monasteries at the dissolution was spent
on the Navy and on fortifying the port towns. Further,
new dockyards were made at Portsmouth, Woolwich,
Deptford and other places, and put in thorough work-
ing order. The management of the new dockyards was
put in the charge of the Trinity House which was founded
in March, 1513, by the King, who issued a “ Licence to
found a Guild in honour of the Holy Trinity and St.
Clement in the Church of Deptford Stroud, for refor-
mation of the Navy, lately much decayed by admission
of young men without experience, and of Scots, Flemings
and Frenchmen as leadsmen.” These leadsmen were
skilled seamen who understood how to throw the lead,
and from whom were selected the masters and pilots.

This duty of examining candidates for the rank of

152 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

mate is still carried out by the Trinity House, who also
to this day look after the upkeep of the buoys and lights
around the coast. Henry VI IPs most famous ship was
the “ Mary Rose,” described by Admiral Sir Edward
Howard, whose flagship she was in 151 3, as “ the flower
of all ships that ever sailed.” This ship was sunk at
Spithead some thirty years later, and only a few years
ago, when some of the guns were dredged up, many of
them were found to be breech-loaders.

It was during Henry VII’s reign that the most pro-
found development took place in the history of the Navy
and naval warfare. From earliest days an engagement
at sea had been a contest between two opposing bodies
of soldiers, who fought from two ships grappled along-
side each other, their arms being bows and arrows or
small guns, which were used to kill each other and were
quite useless for sinking ships.

Henry VIII introduced the big gun, which was de-
signed to destroy and sink the enemy’s ships, which
could be done without actually approaching within very
short range.

It was the failure of the Spaniards to recognize and
prepare for this development which brought about the
ultimate disaster to the Armada in 1588.

When Henry VIII died in 1547 he left to his son
Edward a fleet of fifty-three vessels, a larger and better
equipped Navy than this country had ever known before.
But, in the two short reigns which followed, the Navy
rapidly deteriorated through neglect, so that by the
time Queen Elizabeth came to the throne, in 1559, the
Royal Navy was reduced to some twenty-nine fighting
ships. During Mary’s reign France was too exhausted
to be feared as a serious foe at sea, while her marriage to
King Philip of Spain had put out of court the only other
nation which was likely to be a source of danger to this
country at sea.

THE TUDOR NAVY

IS3

Thus it happened that, when the Navy was suddenly
called upon to assist the besieged English garrison at
Calais against the attacks of the Duke of Guise in 1558,
it was found so unprepared for war that it was impossible
to get the ships ready or to collect crews to man them
in time.

Although the number of Royal ships had dropped
from fifty-three in Henry VIPs time to but twenty-nine
when Elizabeth ascendea the throne, it must be remem-
bered that in the latter’s reign the average size of the
ships had been almost doubled.

In the time of Henry VII and Henry VIII ships were
used for what was practically coasting only ; while in
Elizabeth’s the bigger, stronger and more seaworthy
ships, manned by more skilful seamen, were accustomed
to go on long voyages to the East and to America, and
actually to circumnavigate the globe.

The crews of these ships were not only vastly better
trained, but whereas in Henry VI Fs time the ship’s
company consisted more of soldiers than sailors, by the
middle of Elizabeth’s reign, thanks to Hawkins and
Drake, the sailors far outnumbered the soldiers. Certain
inventions and improvements had likewise taken place,
such as the perfection of the chain pump, the introduction
of top-masts, and the practice of weighing anchors by
means of a capstan instead of the old laborious method
of hauling on a rope. These and many other improve-
ments were due to the ingenuity of John Hawkins.
The names of the various guns carried on an Elizabethan
warship are bewildering. Besides Cannon and Demi-
cannon, there were Sakers, Mynions, Falcons, Falconets,
Port-pece Hulls, and Port-pece Chambers, and many
others with equally fantastic titles. The quality of the
guns was good, some being made of brass, others of iron.
The practice of casting iron guns, introduced in 1550,
made it possible to turn them out in much larger numbers.

154 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

No doubt many of the smaller guns or “ murthering
pieces ” were little more than duck guns, and were
placed in suitable positions on the decks to “ brown
into ” boarding parties of enemy seamen.

From the days of King John until the reign of Henry
VIII the management of the King’s Navy, both adminis-
trative and financial, had been entrusted to members
of the Royal household. It is known that King John
appointed William of Wrotham, Archdeacon of Taunton,
to be “ keeper of the king’s ships, galleys and sea-ports,”
and for many years after this it was customary to appoint
one of the King’s clerks, always an ecclesiastic, to this
post. It was the duty of this official, in time of peace,
to act as the King’s agent, in hiring out his ships of war
to merchants for their trading voyages ; and, in those
days when piracy was rampant, it was a form of insurance
to have the use of a fighting ship to go to sea on a trading
venture.

An example of the merchantman turned pirate was
that of Sir Andrew Barton, a Scottish sailor of the
early sixteenth century. Having been robbed by the
Portuguese, he procured letters of marque from King
James IV, which authorized him to indemnify himself
for his loss out of any Portuguese ships he should meet
with at sea. Barton, armed with his sovereign’s authority,
and in two well-found and well-armed ships, the “ Jenny
Perwin ” and the “ Lion,” set about getting back his
lost property, or rather the equivalent to it. But every
ship Barton met with, at sea, was to him a Portuguese.
In this way he plundered English, French and Flemish
ships with equal heartiness, and to his great personal
gain. At last he became such a nuisance to his neigh-
bours that the Earl of Surrey, at his own expense, sent
out two ships, commanded by his two sons, to deal with
the Scottish pirate. Eventually the rover was overtaken,
and, in the fierce engagement which followed, killed.

THE TUDOR NAVY

155

In time of war the Keeper of the Navy would exercise
the Royal prerogative to impress any merchant ship
that might be required for the defence of the realm.
These ships would, if possible, be taken over with their
crews, and the King would then put on board a military
officer and a body of soldiers, who did the actual fighting ;
while the management and navigation of the ship were
left to the sailors.

During Henry VIITs reign the Royal Navy was
administered by him, with the assistance of a Clerk of
the Ships, under whom were various temporary officials.
This system ended in 1545 with the death of William
Gonson, who was Clerk for the long space of twenty-
one years. The old form of single administration was
changed and elaborated at Gonson’s death, and a per-
manent Board was formed consisting of several high
officials, each of whom was responsible for his own
particular branch of the Navy, which had now become
so large and its organization so complicated. At the
accession of Queen Elizabeth, Benjamin Gonson, second
son of William Gonson, was made Treasurer to the Navy.
It was his daughter, Katherine, whom John Hawkins
married as his first wife.

But the time was approaching when the Navy was to
have a new Treasurer, one who was to wield a new broom
and make such a Navy as England had never before
possessed.

Lord Burghley, with his finger ever on the pulse of
European politics, was well aware that the period of
peace between Spain and England was drawing to a
close. At best it had been but a precarious friendship,
a pretence kept up by the sovereigns of the two nations,
each desiring to put off the evil day which both foresaw
was inevitable, but which neither was yet prepared to
face.

Fjrom the English point of view the W^r of liberation

156 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

being waged in the Netherlands was far from satis-
factory ; vast sums of money and large numbers of
English soldiers had been poured out to help that small
but valiant nation. If this assistance continued it might
well drive the King of Spain to exasperation, and lead
to direct retaliation on England.

Sedition and rebellion was being preached by young
English Catholics, trained at the seminary at Douai.
These apostles of Rome spread over the whole length
and breadth of England, urging, in whispers, their
listeners to return to the true fold, and to throw off their
allegiance to the Queen, an allegiance that no longer
held since the Edict of the Pope, which declared Eliza-
beth to be a heretic.

At the same time the English nation, newly awakened
to a sense of naval power, with a good fleet manned by
skilful sailors, and with more wealth in gold than ever
before, began to demand expansion. Spain was draw-
ing vast wealth from her colonies in the West, Portugal
growing rich from her possessions in Africa, Brazil and
the East.

What right had the Pope, the enemy of their Queen,
their race and their faith, to allot the whole of the new-
found world to these two Catholic powers, and to exclude
all other nations ?

Spain was by now no longer the terrifying bogey she
once had been. Too often in recent years had English
ships, manned by English crews, met, fought and de-
feated larger Spanish vessels.

The country, already becoming ambitious for expan-
sion, had been deeply stirred by the recent departure of
Francis Drake to the South Seas. What the object of
this voyage was, no one but himself knew, but Drake
was Ae people’s hero, and whatever he undertook was
certain to be successful, and to bring glory and perhaps
rich rewards to his countrymen.

THE TUDOR NAVY 157

If war with Spain was inevitable, and no one foresaw
this more clearly than William Cecil, then the country
must be prepared to meet the danger. Preparation
meant, above all things, the building, equipping and
manning of an efficient Navy. More ships must be
built, and not only more but better ships, vessels that
were fast, well-armed, and fit to undertake long voyages.

The present members of the Board of Admiralty were
many of them old and trusted servants of the State.
There was Sir William Winter, who had been appointed
Master of Ordnance and Surveyor of the Ships twenty
years before. His younger brother, George Winter,
had held the office of Clerk to the Ships for close on as
many years.

William Holstocke, another veteran official, had spent
the best part of his life in the service, as Comptroller of
the Ships, having been appointed in 1561. The Senior
Master Shipwright was Peter Pett, who had received his
appointment from King Henry VIII.

More important than any of these was Benjamin
Gonson, the Treasurer of the Navy, who continued to
hold his office until his death, in 1578. This office was
one of great responsibility and trust, and called for con-
siderable administrative ability.

It was to Katherine, the daughter of Benjamin Gonson,
that John Hawkins was married in the year 1559. No
doubt young Hawkins was well known to his future
father-in-law, for the latter was a member of the company
of I.ondon merchant-adventurers who financed the
slaving voyage to the Guinea Coast.

In 1577 a patent was issued appointing Hawkins to
share with his father-in-law the office of Treasurer of
the Navy ; which carried with it a promise that the
younger man should take over the post himself at the
death of the elder. Already Hawkins had unofficially
assisted his father-in-law in his work, so that by the

IJS SIR JOHN HAWKINS

time he took office he had nothing to learn about his
duties.

No doubt Benjamin Gonson was not sorry to shift
some of his irksome labour from his own on to younger
shoulders, for he had held the post for twenty-eight
years and was growing old.

A year later Gkjnson died and Hawkins became sole
Treasurer to the Navy, and he must very soon have
appreciated the full meaning of his late chief’s words,
spoken a year before, “ I shall pluck out a thorn from
my foot and put it in yours.”

It was not long before Hawkins realized what an
arduous and difficult task he had embarked upon. He
now found himself, at the age of forty-six, in charge of
a Board of elderly gentlemen who, for many years, had
run their business as they thought best, and with little
or no interference or supervision. All of a sudden they
found themselves confronted by an energetic and am-
bitious reformer, a man who could not be bribed
and would allow no corrupt practices in naval affairs.
Hitherto it had been a recognized custom for office
holders to make for themselves what they could out of
their sinecures, and the members of the Navy Board
differed in no way from other Government officials in
feathering each his own nest, and in filling many of the
subordinate posts with their relations and friends.
Then there came this new broom, with his new ideas
about contracts and estimates ; with his passion for
organization and his tireless industry, upsetting every-
body and everything.

To bring about reforms in such a Board would have
been an impossible task, even to a man like John Hawkins,
had he not had behind him the full confidence of the
Secretary of State. As long ago as 1571, Burghley had
made inquiries and satisfied himself that the Queen’s
Navy was rotten with neglect and corruption.

THE TUDOR NAVY

159

Jobbery was rampant from top to bottom. Obviously
a strong hand was needed to clean out the Augean stable,
and the right man for the task must possess several
qualifications.

First and foremost he must be a practical sailor, with
experience of seamanship and sea-fighting. There were
plenty such in the latter half of the sixteenth century,
as Frobisher, Gilbert, Drake and the Fenners. But the
new broom must also be a sound administrator, and must
understand the secrets of trade, so as to be able to deal
with the various contractors. If he knew something of
the business of shipbuilding, then so much the better.
Without such knowledge the best of sea captains
would be at the mercy of the wily old members of the
Board.

In John Hawkins, Lord Burghley found the very
man he was in search of. Here was a man highly skilled
in seamanship, who had sailed his own ships on long
voyages, even to the other side of the wide Atlantic.
None of the other members of the Board had sailed
beyond the home waters, or at the farthest the Baltic or
the Canary Islands.

Hawkins held views about ships of war, which were
far in advance of his time and of his colleagues. Added
to this he had behind him nearly thirty years of experi-
ence of trade, shipbuilding, and the handling of men.
Thus it was that the choice of new Treasurer fell on the
successful Plymouth sea captain and merchant.

The new broom lost no time in getting to work.
Within a month of his appointment, Hawkins had
presented to Lord Burghley a secret report on the inner
working of the Navy Board. This document, which is
still in existence, may be seen and studied in the Lans-
downe MSS. now in the British Museum.

It is headed “ Abuses in the Admiralty touching
Her Majesty’s Navy, exhibited by Mr. Hawkins.” It

i6o SIR JOHN HAWKINS

proves on reading it to be a scathing exposure of the
corrupt methods of his colleagues on the Board.

Economy was the text of the sermon he preached.
To begin with the writer set out to show that the present
cost of keeping and repairing the Royal ships in harbour
was ;^6ooo a year. He claimed that the same could
and should be done as well, or better, for ;^4O0O.

He quoted facts and figures which proved that Royal
ships had been built at a cost of ;^2200, but that the
Queen had been charged ,^4000. One of the most
grave accusations made referred to the purchasing of
stores.

For example, on one occasion the Queen had been
charged with the sum of ,^9000 for timber for building
ships, when actually only ;^4000 worth had been used in
her service. Where the balance of £s^oo had dis-
appeared to no one explained, though no doubt it had
gone to line the pockets of the voracious members of
the Board.

According to Hawkins every member was tarred with
the same brush, but one in particular stood out above
the rest in corruption and theft, and this was Sir William
Winter, the senior member. After roundly accusing
Sir William of dishonesty, Hawkins went into par-
ticulars to prove the charge. Under the heading
“ Matters that touch Sir William Winter particularly,”
he brought to light some very damning evidence.

First of all there was the case of the “ Mary Fortune,”
a ship which Winter built for himself, almost wholly
out of timber paid for by the Queen for the building of
the Royal ships. Another of Winter’s own ships, the
“ Edward ” was, he declared, built entirely of Royal
timber. One of the Queen’s ships, the “ Foresight,”
was built of timber which was sold to her Majesty, in
spite of it having been already bought by her only a little
while before.

THE TUDOR NAVY

161

Winter had also built private wharves as well as ships
with the Queen’s timber. Certain ships, decayed and
in need of repair, were charged for as having been re-
paired, although not a penny had been spent on them.
The “ Pelican,” the ship in which Francis Drake had
set out to the South Seas, was built of nothing but the
Queen’s timber, and for this Winter charged as if the
material had been his own. These are but a few of the
glaring instances of Winter’s dishonesty brought to the
notice of Burghley by the “ new broom.” Although
Winter was the arch-defrauder, the rot had spread right
through the service. Many of the minor posts were
held by relatives of his or of other senior officials ; and
some of the clerks were actually being paid their wages
twice over. Winter had in his gift the appointing of all
the boatswains, gunners and pursers in the Navy, a per-
quisite which “ all reduced to his profit.”

It is not certain if this report on the Navy scandals
was written by Hawkins and presented to Burghley just
after or just before his appointment as Treasurer. It
is possible, and quite likely, that the clever Hawkins,
having drawn up his report, gave it to Burghley at the
very moment when he knew another appointment to the
Board was to be made.

Whether the report was made before or after his
appointment is not a matter of great importance. What
is evident is that the Authorities believed Hawkins’
statements, because they not only gave him the appoint-
ment, but a year later placed in his hands powers far
exceeding those which his predecessor in the same office
had held. At the same time it is remarkable that neither
William Winter nor any other profiteer on the Board
was dismissed his office.

In Tudor times it was not considered a crime for a
Government official to make for himself what he could
out of his post. Out of all the more important members

i 62 sir JOHN HAWKINS

of the Board, only two escaped Hawkins’ accusation of
jobbery, and these were the two master shipwrights,
Peter Pett and Mathew Baker.

Under the new arrangement John Hawkins, with the
two honest shipwrights, was to carry out the ordinary
work of the dockyards for an agreed sum which was to
be paid annually. The rest of the Board were to receive
regular salaries for their work, and were, in future, to
have no finger in the financial pie. In this no un-
certain way did Burghley show his complete confidence
in the man he had chosen for the highest post in the
administration of the Navy.

Hawkins soon got to work to bring the Navy up to a
pitch of excellence previously unknown. After going
into all the accounts and estimates, Hawkins gave a
definite undertaking to save ,^4000 every year, and at
the same time to provide better ships, more efficiently
equipped, than his predecessors had done.

How he kept his promise was to be shown ten years
later when the Naval force of England set forth to oppose
the Invincible Armada of Spain.

As can well be imagined, the latest addition to the
Navy Board was far from being popular with his col-
leagues. The happy years were gone when pickings,
and handsome pickings too, could be made and no
questions asked. Now all was changed. The new
Treasurer saw to it that those in receipt of a salary, how-
ever highly placed they might be, gave full value for
their wage, and got from the State nothing more than
was rightly due to them. The member who showed
most discontent and gave most trouble was the one
hardest hit by the change, Sir William Winter. To
get him out of the way for a while he was sent off to sea
in 1 580, in command of a squadron to cruise off the Irish
coast. This proved to be an unprofitable post since it
offered no hope of prize-money, nor even of glory.

THE TUDOR NAVY

163

Probably the most striking result following the
appointment of Hawkins was the change brought about
in the type of warship. Instead of continuing to build
the old floating fortresses, vessels up to a thousand
tons, of vast depth and beam, made yet more unwieldy
by high turrets and forecastles, a new model was evolved.

This was a galleon-built ship of moderate size, between
three and four hundred tons. The new vessels were
longer, narrower and more shallow than the old ships
and were much faster sailors and more handy to
manoeuvre. It is true that several ships of the new
class had been built before Hawkins was ofiicially in
charge, but there is little doubt that he was largely
responsible for their design and building, through his
father-in-law, Benjamin ^nson. The finest of these
new ships was the “ Revenge ” of 450 tons, which was
completed in 1577 and which was considered by Drake
to be the finest man-of-war ever built ; indeed he chose
her for his own ship a few years later, when the Spanish
Armada invaded the narrow seas.

During the first few years of Hawkins’ treasurership,
there was not money enough to build many new ships,
so he had to content himself with adapting some of the
old ones to the new pattern.

Thus the “ Antelope,” the “ Golden Lion ” and the
“ Nonpareil ” were put through a process of “ new-
building.” This term was given a very wide meting ;
for, when a ship was broken up and her large timbers
used to build into a new ship, the latter was christened
with the old name and said to be “ new-built.”

Hawkins found much to occupy him in repairing the
old Government dockyards and in constructing new ones.
These were at Chatham, Weymouth, the Isle of Wight,
Dartmouth, Plymouth and Falmouth. There was no
branch of the naval service which escaped the attention
and unflagging energy of the new Treasurer.

i6+ SIR JOHN HAWKINS

The defences of Chatham he found on investigation
to be insufficient to keep out an invading enemy force,
so he built a new fort at Sheerness, which would protect
the shipyards and town from an enemy fleet coming up
the Medway.

Another, and very costly undertaking, was the making
of a great iron chain which could be drawn across the
river, from bank to bank, opposite the castle at Upnor.

The cost of this chain, including the carriage from
London, was ,^250. The lighters to support it, with
their moorings, cost another ;^36o. All these prepara-
tions, involving much money and labour, were made
with the one object of keeping out the Spaniards when
the time should come for their invasion of England, a
danger which became more apparent every year.

After the fortification of Chatham, the defence of
Dover was taken in hand. This port was the base for
the Channel fleet in time of war, but owing to the strong
drift of the shingle the entrance had become choked up.
The two master shipwrights, on the advice of the en-
gineers, contrived an ingenious plan to get rid of the silt.
They dammed up the little Dover stream in a reservoir
until a good head of water was collected, and then, by
suddenly emptying it, the rush of water from above
washed away the shingle that obstructed the entrance.
This engineering feat took both time and labour, but by
1584 it was completed and when put into use was found
to work satisfactorily.

The ingenuity of Hawkins was apparent in many
ways. Amongst his inventions, adapted by the Navy,
was a “ cunning stratagem of boarding nettings ” which
were used to protect ships when in action, from enemy
boarding parties. One of his most valuable novelties
was the chain pump. By this contrivance a ship could
be pumped dry of water in far less time than by the old
hand pump. He also invented the capstan, by which

THE TUDOR NAVY

165

an anchor would be drawn in-board more quickly and
easily than had been the case when the hawser was pulled
in by hand. In many ways Hawkins was in advance
of his time and in none more so than in his treatment of
his sailors. Even in his earlier voyages, it was recorded
as a matter of note that he fed his crews better than other
sea captains did ; also that he took fewer men with him
on his long voyages and brought home a larger propor-
tion than did other commanders. When Hawkins
became head of the Navy Board he brought his theories
into practice. In 1585, on his advice, the sailors had
their wages raised from six shillings and eightpence to
ten shillings a month, since he maintained that by paying
the sailors well the service would attract better and more
capable men, and thus smaller crews made up of efficient
men would do the work usually requiring less capable
but larger crews. Hawkins summed up the whole
argument in a nutshell by the terse remark that the
higher pay would attract “ Such as could make shift
for themselves and keep themselves clean without
vermin.”

These early years as Treasurer were without doubt
most difficult ones for John Hawkins, and called for all
his patience, diplomacy and courage. His duties were
numerous and varied, covering every detail of the
management and maintenance of the fleet. So greatly
did Hawkins win favour with the Queen that she ap-
pointed him Treasurer of Her Majesty’s Marine
Causes, and shortly afterwards he succeeded Holstocke
as Comptroller of the Navy. These marks of confidence
and trust were no mere empty honours, for they meant
more work and more responsibility on his shoulders.

Amongst his duties Hawkins had to assure himself
that the stores were neither wasted nor pilfered, and
were kept in good order. To him fell the responsibility
of examining and passing estimates for the building of

i66

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

new warships, and to see that the builders kept to the
contracts. He it was who paid the crews and dockyard
hands their wages.

It did not make his task any lighter to have to contend
with a Board of disgruntled and indignant fellow oiEcers,
all of whom were his seniors in the service and in age.
Instead of receiving their help in his reforms, he met with
nothing but opposition at every turn. In addition to
all his other troubles his health began to fail. In a letter
he wrote about this time he confessed : “ My sickness
doth continually abide with me, and every second day
I have a fit, if I look abroad in the air but one hour ;
I can hardly recover it in six days.”

The description of his symptoms suggests tertian
ague, or malaria contracted, as likely as not, on his
voyages to the West Coast of Africa.

One of the first results of the new Treasurer’s eflForts
at reformation was to give birth to various rumours,
casting doubt on his honesty. These innuendoes grew
so serious as to compel the attention of the Government,
who in 1583, by order of the Privy Council, appointed
a commission to inquire into the state of the Navy, and
into the truth, if any, of the alleged abuses.

The five members of the Board of Enquiry were Lord
Burghley, the Lord Admiral, the Lord Chamberlain,
Sir Francis Walsingham and the Lord High Chancellor.
To these principal commissioners was given a list of
well-known names, from which to select sub-commis-
sioners to assist them. Amongst these were many
well-known sea captains, such as Francis Drake, Martin
Frobisher, Fulke Greville and Walter Raleigh. Backed
up by such names as these, any decisions or recommen-
dations of the committee were bound to carry weight
with, and have the whole-hearted confidence of, the
nation at large.

The commissioners were instructed to make a careful

THE TUDOR NAVY 167

and full inquiry into the work done in the Navy since
Hawkins took over the administration in 1579.

Particularly close investigations were ordered to be
made into the rumour which had reached Her Majesty
as to “ frauds and deceits ” said to have been committed by
certain high officials in the Navy Board, in the handling
of the timber and plank contracts. Also special inquiry as
to the gross overcharging for repairs of the Royal ships.

The range of the inquiry was to be a wide one, and
every branch of the service was to be reported on, includ-
ing a survey of all storehouses, stores and wharves.

The real object of this searching inquisition was to
put John Hawkins on his trial. The commission had
to decide whether or not the “ new broom ” had proved
himself efficient and honest during his four years of
office as Administrator.

After a long and searching investigation, the com-
mission published its report, which must have been
gratifying reading to Hawkins.

The Navy was declared to be in an efficient state in
every way, and, although no direct references were made
to the charges of dishonesty, the fact that not only was
the Treasurer retained in office but was given increased
powers shows that their confidence in him was unshaken.

In spite of the findings of the Royal Commission,
the enemies of the Treasurer still continued to spread
rumours about him. So annoying did these become
that in April, 1 584, Hawkins wrote a long letter on the
subject to Burghley, which throws a strong light on
the relationship between himself and his accusers on the
Board. As the letter is a typical one from his pen, it
may be quoted at some length. It runs ;

“ My duty in right humble manner remembered
unto your good Lordship,

After it had pleased Her Majesty to commit

i68

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

this office of Treasurer of the Navy unto me, I have en-
deavoured -with all fidelity and painful travail to reduce
the whole course of this office into such order as the same
might be safe, sure, and bountifully provided, and per-
formed with an easy and convenient charge, so that Her
Majesty thereby should not be discouraged to maintain
so necessary a defence for her royal state and country,
... It pleased your Lordship about five years past to
take consideration for the reforming of the ordinary
which by your lordships’ singular judgement at the
second hearing was with great facility set in order, . . .
In the passing of these great things the adversaries of
the work have continually opposed themselves against
me and the service so far as they durst be seen in it, so
that among a number of trifling crossings and slanders,
the very walls of the realm have been brought in question,
and their slander hath gone very far and general, to the
encouragement of the enemies of God and our country,
only to be avenged of me and this service, which doth
discover the corruption and ignorance of the time past.
Considering, my very good lord,, what a forward and
untoward company I have been matched with (even as
a sheep among wolves) the business which I have brought
about hath been doubled in tediousness, and very
cumbersome for me to accomplish ... I have been
bold to be a little tedious to your lordship, for al-
though some of my adversaries have given out that
your lordship had an ill opinion of me I have always
seen the singular understanding wherewith God hath
indued your lordship, with your continual integrity
of life and your dexterity in justice, so that I was
always glad and ever desirous to come before such a
judge.”

It will be seen from the above letter that the findings
of the commission had not stopped the tongues of the

THE TUDOR NAVY

169

scandalmongers from wagging. A new witness now
came forward, who brought specific charges of gross
dishonesty against Hawkins.

This was William Borough, the Clerk to the Ships.
This officer received his appointment in 1580, and
therefore was not implicated in the scandals that took
place previously. Borough made his statement to
Burghley in the form of “ a dutiful declaration,” in
which he did not mince matters. To begin with, he
said that the Queen had made a bad bargain when she
placed so much power in the hands of one man. He
suggested, or rather declared, that it was open to grave
suspicions that, although the salary paid to Hawkins was
,^300 a year, yet he was known to live in a style far above
this sum, spending at least ,£800 a year on the upkeep
of his house alone.

Another complaint was that the Treasurer had, upon
his own and Peter Pett’s responsibility, and without the
assent of the other members of the Board, entirely
changed the design of the new ships. He complained
particularly that the high superstructures which had
from time immemorial been considered to be a neces-
sary feature of a fighting ship had been abolished, so
that the new men-of-war had more the appearance of
merchantmen, or in other words “ must be accounted a
transforming them to galleasses.”

This last was indeed true, and was one of the chief
advances made in ship design, brought about by
Hawkins, and one which was to prove itself only a few
years later.

To sum all up. Borough held that -the great mistake was
in allowing one man alone to decide questions of national
importance, which ought to be left to the judgment of
the whole Board.

Why Borough allowed himself to be used as a weapon
against Hawkins by the rest of the Board, it is difficult

170 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

to undertsand, since he and Hawkins were, and continued
afterwards to be, the best of friends.

William Borough seems to have been an honest but
rather stupid man, and quite unable to adjust himself
to the change in times and manners. Only two years
later he again failed to adapt himself to what he con-
sidered the unorthodox, and on that occasion his stu-
pidity got him into serious trouble with Francis Drake, a
ruthless opportunist who never brooked argument nor
opposition.

This occurred in 1587 when Drake was in command
of the English fleet which attacked the Spanish Armada
preparing in Cadiz harbour. Drake, without previously
calling a Council of War as was the custom, simply gave
orders for the fleet to enter the harbour and attack the
Spanish galleons which were anchored just inside.
Borough, who was Vice-Admiral, considered the risk
too great, and was offended that his opinion was not
invited, and so took his ship the “ Golden Lion ” out of
gun-shot range of the forts, and lay there until Drake
returned from his very successful exploit amongst the
crowded Spanish shipping. On top of this piece of
rank insubordination Borough, indignant and angry,
expostulated with Drake over his unorthodox conduct.
The Admiral’s only reply to this was to place his Vice-
Admiral under arrest, and send him back to England
to be tried for mutiny.

But to return to the intrigues of the Navy Board.

Both Winter and Borough continued to write secret
and slanderous letters to Burghley about the Treasurer.
In one of these, a long one from Winter, written in April,
1585, he made many serious reflections on Hawkins’
good faith, and complained that he, Hawkins, “ had
charmed the Queen . . . for he careth not to whom
he speaketh, nor what he saith ; blush he will not.”
Most of Winter’s accusations were merely the result of

THE TUDOR NAVY 171

jealousy, but one charge he brought appeared to be
founded on fact. After reminding Burghley that, in
his hearing, Hawkins had sworn that there were now
no rotten timbers in the “ Hope,” he declared that “ he
and others were at Deptford yesterday to confer with
Hawkins about the chain at Upnor, which chain, I think,
will be costly and useless. Whilst waiting for him I
went aboard the ‘ Hope,’ and found much rotten dust,
and made a carpenter pull off the covering he had put
over the bad place ; and there were three timbers
rotten, which were seen by Mr. Borough and others as
well. I do this, not of malice, but in discharge of my
duty to the Queen. I am tired of these quarrels, yet
but for me Her Majesty would have had few ships fit for
service at this day. Written from East Smithfield,
being not very well, the 8th day of April 1585. Your
honourable lordship’s to command, W. Wynter.”

If the above was not written in malice, the writer must
certainly have been feeling “ not very well ” when he
took up his pen to indite such charges, because, as Mr.
Williamson shrewdly observes, although “ Hawkins was
undoubtedly caught over the ‘ Hope’s ’ timbers, yet
three rotten timbers do not constitute a rotten fleet.”

I'his affair of the three crumbling timbers is almost
the sole concrete fact brought forward by any of the
accusers, who for the most part relied on slanderous
generalities for their attacks on Hawkins.

I .et iis see what had actually been done in the way of
“ new building ” and repairing ships since Hawkins’
advent to the Navy Board. On the back of a letter
written to Burghley, April 8th, 1585, the same day, be
it noted, that Winter wrote his letter to the Secretary,
is the following account of the “ extraordinary repara-
tions since anno 1579 : extraordinary services in dry
dock.”

Here were fiicts which Burghley or any one else

172

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

could verify, and which proved that Hawkins had kept
his promise to save the nation’s money and at the same
time provide a Navy both efficient and prepared for war.
Here is the list of expenses as it appears, giving the
exact details of cost of building, “ new-building,” or

repairing certain Royal ships :

The Bear finished with riders, &c. . . £'^40

The Mary Rose new built , . . , 660

The Bonaventure new built and sheathed . 1200

The Foresight new built . . . . • 600

The Galley Ellynor new made and sheathed . 600

The Golden Lion new built . . . 1 340

The Jenneth and the George repaired . . 1^0

Boats, pinnaces, cocks, and lighters, new . 480

The Nonpareil new built . . . , 1 600

Other extraordinary repairs “as in the books

are allowed ” . . . . .1 600

Total . . . C^4’]o

Annual average, for 5^ years . ;Ci540

CHAPTER IX'

HAWKINS IS JUSTIFIED

HE constant strain and anxiety of his
public and private life began to tell
on the health of Hawkins. In
January, 1586, he was suffering from
daily attacks of ague or malaria.
Through his hands passed vast sums
of public money, and at the same time
he had to watch over the many rami-
fications of his own rapidly growing mercantile trans-
actions. Needless to say his enemies, jealous of his
success, spread constant rumours that his wealth was ill-
gotten. These libels Hawkins treated with the con-
tempt they deserved, although once, when writing to
Ix)rd Burghley, he ends his letter on the following bitter
note : “ For mine own part I have lived in a very mean
estate since I came to be an officer (Treasurer), neither
have I vainly or superfluously consumed Her Majesty’s
treasure, or mine own substance, but ever have diligently
and carefully occupied to prepare for the danger to come,
and whatsoever hath been or is maliciously spoken of
me, I doubt not but your Lordship’s wisdome is such
that ye may discern and judge of my fidelity, of which
Ilcr Matic and your Lordships have had long trial and
hereafter I will speak little in mine own behalf.”

During these years, while he was working to reorp^anize
the Royal Navy, the Treasurer kept the Council well
informed of what he was doing and what was going on,
by reports and by frequent private letters. Evidently

17 + SIR JOHN HAWKINS

he enjoyed the full confidence and friendship of Lord
Burghley and he wrote to him with considerable freedom,
saying much that was obviously meant to go no further
than the Minister’s private ear. In one such letter,
written at Deptford in July, 1584, he harps on the one
subject which was always uppermost in his mind, the
means whereby the Queen can “ strongly annoy and
oflFend the King of Spain, the mortal enemy of our re-
ligion and the present government of our realm of
England.” Hawkins, like many another patriotic Eng-
lishman of his day, could think of little else but the
threatening danger from Spain. “ When I consider,”
he writes further in the same letter, “ whereunto we
are born, not for ourselves but for the defence of the
Church of God, our prince, and our Country.” He was
full of confidence as to the ultimate issue and points out,^ ;,
“ I do nothing at all doubt of our ability in wealth, for
that I am persuaded that the substance of this realm is
trebled in value since her Majesties reign. God be
glorified for it ! ” England had indeed risen from
poverty to riches within the last few years, wealth made
up largely from plunder captured by Elizabethan seamen
from Spanish galleons. Enclosed with this letter is a
long and minute plan suggesting the best means to
“ annoy the King of Spain without charge to her Majesty,
which shall also bring great profit to her Highness and
subjects.”

Elizabeth and her ministers were always willing to
lend a sympathetic ear to suggestions of this kind, which
cost nothing and yet held a hope of bringing in much
needed gold, without involving the official patronage of
the Government. This enclosure is too long to print
here in full but its chief points are these :

John Hawkins proposed that the King of Portugal,
as he always styled the pretender, Don Antonio, should
declare war on the King of Spain, and so become the

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HAWKINS IS JUSTIFIED 175

nominal Head of- the whole offensive. After this the
.King of Poirtug^ should grant letters of marque to
foreign sea caj>tains to “ annoy the King of Spain, upon
their own charge,” and out or their booty pay unto the
iting of^^^rtugal five or ten of the hundred.”

These privateers were to be allowed to bring their
captures ihto “ some part of the West Countrye,” where
her Majesty would grant them “ leave and allowance to
retire,' victual and sell.” As a West-countryman him-
self the writer felt certain that “ The Gentlemen and
owners m the west parts will enter deeply in this ” as
also 3 bubt would the Flushingers, and the French
^J^rotestants, while it was probable that the Portuguese in
the Canaries, Brazil and Guinea would rise in revolt in
fijWOur of l)on Antonio.

Amongst other advantages foreseen by Hawkins was
that “ our own people, as gunners (whereof we have few)
Would be made expert, and grow in number, and idle
men would grow to be good men of war both by land
and sea.” A shrewd foresight of what was to follow.
The wily Hawkins proposed that, by making the hos-
tilities nominally under the leadership of the claimant to
the throne of Portugal, they would thus prevent Spain
from declaring war on England ; since “ this party not
only consists of Englishmen, but rather of the French,
Flemings, Scotts and such like.”

In many of Hawkins’ letters to Burghley, we now
begin to observe references of a religious kind, and he
has many bitter things to say about papists, and is for
ever calling upon God to succour good Christians. He
ends one long letter to Sir Francis Walsingham, written
on board the “ Bonaventure ” on the ist of February,
1587, which is full of details for annoying the King of
S^ain, by remarking : ” In open and lawftill warrs God
will help us, for we defend the chief cause, our religion,
God’s own cause, for if we would leave our profession

176 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

and turn to serve Baal (as yet forbid, and rather die a
thousand deaths) we might have peace but not with
God.”

This Puritanical side of Hawkins increased with
time, and on one occasion, after his return .from an
unsuccessful voyage, drew from Elizabeth the famous
outburst, “ You went forth a soldier and came home a
divine.”

Never in the whole history of her Navy has England
had a more industrious administrator than John Hawkins.
He combined a broad outlook with imagination and
foresight, and yet he had a head for detail which was
amazing. In his accounts and estimates are to be found
details of cost down to the smallest item. There exists
a report dated December 28th, 1585, already referred to,
in which he gives at length his proposals for increasing
the wages of both officers and sailors in the Navy, and
proving that a much better type of man could be induced
to volunteer his services, and thus provide smaller but
more efficient crews in place of the bigger but poorly
paid crews, largely made up of pressed men. Hawkins’
reasoning was so unanswerable that in 1586 the sailors
had their pay raised to i os. a month. When Henry VIII
came to the throne the sailors’ wages were 5s. a month,
although he increased this to 6s. 8d. before the end of
his reign.

Towards the close of 1587 Hawkins felt that his her-
culean task was almost concluded. The Royal Navy
was now prepared. Its officers, both administrative and
combatant, were reliable and thoroughly trained ; the
ships in good order and repair ; the crews the best in
the world. In November the same year he wrote to
Burghley asking to be relieved of his treasurership, and
desiring that he might be given command of the Western
Squadron at Plymouth to meet the enemy “ in the danger
to come.” No sooner was it known that the Treasurer

HAWKINS IS JUSTIFIED 177

wished to resign his office, than his enemies began again
to spread rumours accusing him of having made a fortune
during his term of office.

The most serious of these accusations was written by
Thomas Allen, the Queen’s merchant for Naval stores.
The document is headed “ Articles wherein may appear
Her Majesty to be abused, and Mr. Hawkins greatly
enriched.” He brings eight specific charges of dis-
honesty against the Treasurer. First he says that
Hawkins wishes to resign his treasurership so as to get
out with his profits, “ before the bad state of her ships is
discovered which will call for great expenditure to put
right.” He accuses him of dishonesty in his own private
shipbuilding yards, using the Queen’s stores for his own
purposes. A second such letter, thought also to be by
Thomas Allen, reached Buighley, full of accusations
against the resigning Treasurer, but that the writer was
not wholly disinterested is suspected by his suggesting
at the end that he himself should be appointed to supply
the Navy with stores.

One of the last indictments of Hawkins is entitled
“Articles exhibited against Mr. John Hawkins 1587,”
and is identified as coming from some servant of the Earl
of Leicester. This proves to be merely a mass of tittle-
tattle picked up in the dockyards from clerks, store-
keepers, and shipwrights, and there is nothing in it which
could possibly shake the confidence of Burghley in his
honest prot^g6.

On December 9th, 1587, the Navy Board presented
their report on the work performed by Hawkins for the
maintenance of the Navy since 1585. They had nothing
but praise for the way the work had been done, and went
so far as to add that jfie had “ expended a far greater sum
in carpentry upon Her Majesty’s Ships than he hath
had any allowance for ” ; a pretty sound rebuke to the
slanderers, and corroborating the oft-repeated statement

178 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

of John Hawkins himself that he was vastly out of pocket
over his post of Treasurer to the Navy.

Let us consider for a moment the forces that were at
work on the Continent, for they had much bearing on
the political and national life of England. Since 1570
strife was ever taking place, or threatening, in the Nether-
lands, France, Scotland or Ireland. The Queen’s life
was never out of danger, and religious differences were
constantly present, all the more sinister because beneath
the surface. The war in Scotland, between Mary
and the supporters of her small son under Murray,
had been brought to a successful conclusion. In
Ireland, massacres, rebellion and famine brought ruin
and despair. The wild clans rose again and again
in the desperate but futile hope of winning back
their tribal independence, and not, as many ardent
English or Spanish Catholics believed or hoped, for the
Papacy.

In 1579 Sir James Fitzmaurice, under authority of
the Pope, landed with troops at Dingle, to meet with
prompt death. A year later a much larger force com-
posed of Spanish and Italian soldiers landed at Smerwick,
to be defeated and slaughtered by the Lord Deputy,
Lord Grey. This invasion caused great anxiety in
England, because the recent successes of Spain in the
Netherlands had freed whole armies for other fields of
conquest. Yet the spirit of Ireland refused to be
quelled, and Earl Desmond, the most powerful chieftain
in all Munster, caused his followers to rise and throw off
the oppressive yoke of England : only to meet with
defeat and death.

Once more famine followed, with a pestilence, which
swept away some 30,000 starving peasants.

In France the contest between the Protestants and
Catholics continued. The Massacre of St. Bartholomew
on August 14th, 1 57a, put the Catholics in power for a

HAWKINS IS JUSTIFIED 179

while, but scattered abroad hundreds of Huguenots who
clamoured loudly and persistently for revenge.

Two years later Charles IX died, to be succeeded by
his brother Henry of Aragon, between whom and Eliza-
beth diplomatic sparring had taken place with a view to
their marriage, a union which, as far as the Queen of
England was concerned, was never meant to eventuate,
but was a mere diplomatic device so popular in those
days in the political game of chess.

From 1580 until 1584 the power of Spain was on the
increase. Ever since the Duke of Parma had been sent
to the Netherlands to tackle the situation, the Spanish
armies had been victorious, and for several years peace
reigned in that racked state, and the conquerors had time
and opportunity to prepare for the inevitable struggle
with England.

The situation at home was becoming grave. Not
only was Spain more powerful, but King Philip had
added Portugal and her colonies to his possessions.
Elizabeth again played her favourite card which she
kept up her sleeve for use in those times of threatened
danger. Once again she put out diplomatic feelers
towards a matrimonial match with Alen9on, now become
the Duke of Anjou. With this in view, tibe Duke was
invited to the English Court, only to be despatched to
the Netherlands, where he was entertained with the
hope of being declared King. In 1584 he suddenly
became ill and died ; it was suspected, of poison.

Events of grave import followed quickly on each
other. In 1583, Parsons, one of the leaders of the Jesuit
party, escaped from England after the death of Campion,
and joined himself with Philip of Spain and the Duke of
Guise, to bring about the assassination of Elizabeth.
The Queen was to be killed, the Catholics of England
were to rise, and the Duke of Guise would immediately
invade England with an army which would join forces

i8o SIR JOHN HAWKINS

with yoting James of Scotland. But Philip of Spain,
ever dilatory and hesitating, refused to be hurried, and
before he had made up his mind news of the plot was
dragged out of Throgmorton on the rack. Young James
was seized by the Protestant lords, and Lennox driven
from the country. The veil was now torn aside, and
every Catholic in the country become suspect. Mendoza,
the Spanish Ambassador, was at once dismissed and sent
home. In the same year the ill-fated Prince of Orange
was assassinated by the fanatic priest, Balthazar Gerard.

One result, unlooked for by the arch-plotter of all this
scheming to bring about the death of Elizabeth, was
that the English people became united, both Protestants
and Catholics, as they never had before. In 1585 the
Association Bond was formed to defend the person of
the Sovereign, while all Jesuits and seminary priests were
forthwith banished from the country. On the Con-
tinent the pendulum of power still swung against Eng-
land. After the death of Alenfon in 1 5 8 4, the Huguenot
Prince, Henry of Navarre, came to ^e French throne,
and then yet another conspiracy to murder Elizabeth
was formed but frustrated.

The prime mover in this was Anthony Babington, an
ardent Catholic, who had been one of the pages to Mary
Queen of Scots. Later he had come to London, where
he made many friends of his own creed at Court, and
formed a secret society for the protection of Jesuits in
England. He then travelled on the Continent, where
he met many of the agents of Mary Stuart, one of the
thief being John Ballard, a Roman Catholic priest. The
Pope had given his sanction for a plot to be organized
to assassinate the English Queen, and Ballard found in
Babington a ready tool for this enterprise. In 1586
Babington was back in London, deeply involved in the
conspiracy which, if successful, was to lead to the death
of Elizabeth and the placing of the Queen of Scots on

HAWKINS IS JUSTIFIED i8r

the throne. However, Walsingham’s spies got wind
of the plot, and soon discovered who were the chief con-
spirators. Babington was .executed, with Ballard and
others who did not manage to escape from the country.
Mary Stuart, being found to be deeply involved in the
plot, was put on her trial, condemned to death, and in
February, 1587, beheaded at Fotheringay Castle.

CHAPTER X

THE LAST STRAW

FTER a dozen years and more of
diplomatic move and countermove
between the rulers of England and
Spain, King Philip played what seems
at first sight to have been a false
card. To us to-day it appears to be
an act of stark madness, yet it was
probably done deliberately to bring

matters to a head.

In the previous year the crops of Spain had been a
failure so complete that the country was threatened with
starvation. Gold from the American settlements there
was in plenty, but corn was lacking. To meet this
crisis, the Spanish Government invited foreign nations
to import their surplus stocks. England, one of the
chief wheat-growing countries of Europe, responded
by sending ships, deeply laden with grain, to the various
Spanish ports. Then suddenly, without hint or warning,
the blow fell. The port authorities seized the ships and
their cargoes, and imprisoned the English Captains and
crews.

Only one ship escaped ; this was the “ Primrose,” of
London, which was lying off the town of Bilbao when
the unexpected blow fell.

Hakluyt considered the epic worthy of inclusion in
his collection of English Voyages, and states his reasons

for so doing in the following preface :

182

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183

“It is not unknown to the world what danger our
English ships have lately escaped, how sharply they have
been intreated, and how hardly they have been assaulted ;
so that the valiance of those that managed them is worthy
remembrance. And therefore in respect of the courage-
ous attempt and valiant enterprise of the ship called die
Primrose of London, which hath obtained renown, I
have taken in hand to publish the truth thereof, to the
intent that it may be generally known to the rest of the
English ships, that by the good example of this the rest
may in time of extremity adventure to do the like, to the
honour of the Realm and the perpetual remembrance of
themselves.”

It was on a Wednesday, the 26th day of May, in the
year 1585, that the “ Primrose,” a tall ship of 150 tons,
with a crew of twenty-eight, lay at anchor outside the
Bay of Bilbao. She had brought a cargo of corn, and
two of the crew were on shore making arrangements for
this to be landed.

Presently there rowed alongside a pinnace with seven
Spaniards who brought a load of fresh cherries to sell.
These asked if they might come aboard and were made
welcome by Captain Foster, who “ made them the best
cheer that he could with beer, beef and biscuit, wherein
the ship was well furnished.”

Presently four of the visitors left the banquet and
rowed ashore, leaving their three friends to enjoy the
honest British cheer. But soon the Captain began to
be a little suspicious and “ misdoubting some danger,
secretly gave speech that he was doubtml of these men
what their intent was,” although he was careful not to
allow them to guess his suspicions. In a little while,
Master Foster became really alarmed when a large ship-
boat pulled alongside with some seventy Spaniards in
her, followed 'by the pinnace in which were now crowded

i 84 sir JOHN HAWKINS

twenty-four men. Up the side without asking leave,
came fomr men, headed by the Corrigidor or governor
of the town ; and a moment later the rest of the Spaniards,
armed with rapiers, and to the beating of a drum, came
swarming in, over the ship’s side. In a moment they
were all over the ship, some even entering the cabins
while others went down into the hold.

At the same time the Corrigidor, accompanied by his
chief officer bearing his white staff of office, called upon
the English Captain to surrender in the name of the
King of Spain, “ whereat the Master said to his men,
‘ we are betrayed ! ’ ” In an instant several daggers
were held over his heart, “whereat the Master was
amazed, and his men greatly discomfited, to see them-
selves ready to be conveyed even to the slaughter.” So
staggered were the English that for a few moments they
were in doubt what to do, when suddenly raising a shout,
they “ in a very bold and manly sort ” seized what arms
they had at hand, as javelinb, lances and boar-spears, and
attacked the invaders, at the same time firing off five
calivers which were ready loaded with small shot. These
guns were under the hatches, and to the consternation
of the Spaniards were suddenly fired off at them from
below, and played the very devil amongst them. The
tables were now turned on the Spaniards, who begged
the Captain to call off his sailors ; but Master Foster,
already risen to the occasion, “ answered that such was
the courage of the English Nation in defence of their
own lives, that they would slay them and him also, and
therefore it lay not in him to do it.”

The Spanish plot had indeed turned out a fiasco, for
already Ae “ blood did run about the ship in great
quantity, some of them being shot between the legs, the
bullets issuing forth at their breasts, some cut in the
head, some thrust into the body, and many of them sore
wounded.”

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185

The rout was complete, and while some scrambled
into the boats to escape, others, still clutching their
swords, leaped overboard into the sea rather than remain
to face the savage English sailors. All the boats having
beaten a hasty retreat to the shore, a number of Spaniards
were left swimming about round the ship, and four of
these begged piteously to be saved, and were hauled on
board.

When they were on deck, further proof of their
treachery was found, for on being attended by the ship’s
surgeon for their wounds, it was discovered that “ all the
Spaniards’ bosoms were stuft with paper, to defend them
from the shot.” But a greater surprise was to come,
for it turned out that one of the bedraggled prisoners was
none other than the Corrigidor himself, who was governor
of a hundred towns, and getting from his office more
than £,Soo a year.

No time now to stop to gloat over this unexpected
prize, for every moment was precious if the ship was to
escape. John Burrell and John Broadbank, the two
men who were ashore, had to be left to the none too
tender mercies of the Spaniards, and sails were hoisted
and away went the gallant little “ Primrose ” for England.

As soon as danger was over Captain Foster turned to
the Corrigidor and demanded to know why he had made
such a traitorous attack on his ship. He replied by
calling for his hose, which had been sent to dry by the
galley fire, and produced from them the King’s Com-
mission.

This Commission throws such a light on the policy
of the King of Spain that it will be well to give its con-
tents at some length ;

It is addressed to “ The Licentiat de Escober, my
Corrigidor of my Signorie of Biskay,” and goes on to
state, “ I have caused a great fleet to be put in readiness
in the haven of Lisbon, and the river of Sevile. There

i86 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

is required for the soldiers, armour, victuals, and muni-
tion, ... I do therefore require you, that presently
(immediately) upon the arrival of this carrier, and with
as much dissimulation as may be, you take order from
the staying and arresting with great foresight, of all the
shipping that may be found on the coast, . . . saving
those of France.”

The Corrigidor was to seize all armour, munitions,
tackles, sails and victuals, and to see that no ships or men
escaped.

Eventually the “ Primrose ” got safely back to London
on June 8th, with the prisoners, being the only ship to
esc^e this blatant act of Spanish treachery.

The immediate result of this breach of good faith was
that the whole nation was roused to anger. From one
end of England to the other the cry went up for instant
revenge.

To deal with this situation, Hawkins and Drake had
already laid before the Government a simple but bold
plan.

This was no other than to attack Spain at the source
of her riches, America. The great fleets which were
building were paid for with the gold that poured in a
steady stream from Mexico and Peru. If this stream
could be stemmed, even for a while, the Spanish King
would be compelled to postpone his preparations.

To Drake, quite naturally, fell the command, for if
ever there was an adventure exactly fitting his genius it
was this one.

By great good fortune a suitable fleet was ready at
hand, one which had been fitted out by Drake for a raid
on the Spice Islands, under the patronage of Elizabeth,
and in which she had taken a financial interest. Besides
the Queen, who was the largest adventurer, the Earl of
Leicester, Francis Drake, William and John Hawkins
and Sir Weaker Raleigh, were shareholders.

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187

On September 14th, Drake weighed and sailed
from Plymouth Sound directly to Vigo. Arrived
there, the English Admiral went ashore and held
polite conversation with the Gk)vernor, the Marquis
of Zerralbo.

During the stay of the fleet, a Spanish ship arrived oflF
the port, containing a rich cargo, which included a
valuable set of church plate. This prize fell to Drake,
who, although now an English Admiral, had not out-
lived his earlier buccaneering instincts. What the
Marquis thought of this high-handed conduct on the
part of his visitor, Drake did not stop to inquire, but
sailed away to the Canary Isles ; and thence to the Cape
Verde Islands, where heavy ransoms were extracted from
the terrified Inhabitants to save their towns from plunder
and fire. Time was not wasted, for it was vital to the
scheme to reach America before warning of the approach-
ing danger should come. Arriving at San Domingo,
1200 soldiers were put ashore under the command of
Christopher Carleill, and the city was captured. Next
Cartagena was attacked, but the amount of spoil taken
was disappointing, because warning had been received
of the English being in the neighbourhood, and the
bullion and treasure had been hurried into the Interior
and hidden. The last part of the plan, which was to
land troops at Nombre de Dios and march across the
Isthmus and sack the city of Panama, had to be aban-
doned owing to a severe outbreak of yellow fever
amongst the crews. So virulent was this that as many
as 570 men died, and when to these were added the
men killed in the fighting, it was discovered that the
whole force was reduced to less than half its original
strength.

Instead of returning straight home to England, Drake
chose the route usually taken by the Spanish galleons,
and sailed northwards through the Florida channel, stop-

i88 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

ping only to destroy the Spanish post at St. Augustine in
Florida.

Thence he sailed with his fleet to Virginia, and took
on board the starving English settlers, from Raleigh’s
colony.

It was late in the summer of 1586 that Drake returned
to England. The expedition, from a purely financial
aspect, had not been a success, but as a blow to Spain,
both financially and politically, it had succeeded beyond
all expectations.

The immediate effect on King Philip was to hold up
his Armada for at least another year, and at the same
time to prove beyond any doubt that the vulnerable
spot in the great Spanish Empire was her American
Colonies.

Not the least valuable part of the plunder brought
home by Drake were 240 cannons taken out of
Spanish forts and ships. Guns for the new English
warships were in great request, and thus Drake found
a ready means to supply this want. Two years later
these same guns were to be used with telling effect on
the Spaniards themselves.

About the time of Drake’s return, Hawkins got per-
mission to carry out himself one of his own pet schemes.
This was to take a squadron to patrol the coast of Spain,
in order to blockade the chief Spanish ports and dock-
yards, and at the same time watch between Spain and
the Azores, for any home-bound East or West Indian
treasure ships.

It was in August that Hawkins got away, but he found
himself much hampered in his movements by the usual
eleventh-hour orders, which restricted his scope of
activity.

But little is known about this expedition since the
usual and most valuable source of information, Hakluyt,
is strangely silent. It is more than likely that the

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189

account of the affair was edited by Hawkins himself, or
by some important member of the Government, for
fear that the full story might lead to difficulties with
Spain.

The ships which formed Hawkins’ fleet were the
“ Nonpareil,” a Queen’s ship of 500 tons, the “ Golden
Lion,” 500, the “ Hope,” 600, the “ Revenge,” 500,
and the small “ Tremontana,” 150, with the usual
accompaniment of pinnaces and armed merchantmen,
making, in all, about eighteen vessels.

Alas, just as the fleet was about to sail for Spain, the
Government became alarmed by rumours of an intended
raid on the English coast by the Guise party from Nor-
mandy, and ordered Hawkins “ to ply up and down ”
the Channel.

This false alarm wasted three precious weeks, so that
by the time Hawkins reached the Spanish coast, in the
latter part of September, he found he was too late, for
the valuable East India fleet had just before slipped into
port.

Practically anything that we know about this ex-
pedition we owe to foreign sources, and these are few
and meagre, for the strictest measures were in force in
all the English ports, to prevent leakage of any infor-
mation as to the movements of ships or troops. So
strict were these that Mendoza, the Spanish Ambassador,
reported to his Government “ that it was almost im-
possible to get information from English ports, for even
neutrals frequenting them thought it wise to keep their
mouths shut. As for the possibility of sending spies to
reconnoitre, it was out of the question, for the arrival of
a fly, much more of a man not belonging to ffie neigh-
bourhood, was instantly noticed, and the individual
seized and questioned.”

All travellers had to carry permits from the Justices of
their last place of residence, and even in London the

igo SIR JOHN HAWKINS

hosts reported strange lodgers without delay, which,
as Mr. J. A. Williamson observes, is all strangely re-
miniscent of the rules and regulations in force in Eng-
land from 1914 to 1918, to protect the State from the
activities of enemy spies.

In spite of all these precautions the news reached
Spain of Hawkins’ expedition, and it is mostly from
Spanish sources that we know anything at all about it.
Amongst other interesting facts to be found in the
Spanish Calendar, 1580-6, are the statements of certain
Spanish prisoners, who gave evidence after their release
from the English Admiral. Among them was the
master of a ship captured by the “ Nonpareil ” on
September 30th, some miles off the mouth of the
Tagus.

When the Spanish Captain was brought before
Hawkins, he was surprised by the kindness of his recep-
tion, for he was allowed to keep all his personal belong-
ings, and after the usual questioning the English Admiral
himself showed his guest over his flagship. The Spanish
Captain was much impressed by what he saw, the 44
polished bronze guns, and the smart crew of 300 English
seamen. He reported that all the four great galleons
were well found ; the hulls clean and sails new. What
particularly struck him was the way in which the crews
were fed, for, over and above the ordinary fare of a sailor,
he found supplied both fresh apples and pears, and each
ship carried live pigs and sheep. Without any doubt
these extras were furnished at the expense of Hawkins,
and this is one of the many examples we have, not
only of his kindness to his men, but of his shrewd-
ness, far ahead of his time, in discovering means to
keep his crews healthy and happy. Although Hawkins
had been a slave dealer, he had never been a slave
driver.

Hawkins returned to Plymouth at the end of October,

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191

and although, as had been the case with Drake’s previous
voyage, the results were disappointing from the point of
view of the adventurers who advanced the money, the
object was attained of further postponing the coming of
the Armada, now looked upon as inevitable. Indeed,
war with Spain was to be desired, as being the only way
out of the impossible situation which had arisen between
the two nations, and Hawkins’ cruise had given the
English Admiralty further time to complete their fleets
for defence.

This expedition would, in all probability, have met
with great success, if only Hawkins had been left to his
own devices, instead of being ordered at the moment of
his setting out to cruise in the English Channel. It is
quite possible, too, that his health hampered him, for he
was siiffering very severely this year from his old enemy,
the ague.

It must have been an experience of great interest and
value to the Admiral to make this cruise with the ships,
armaments and crews all brought to perfection on me
lines he himself had for years advised and planned. The
salary which Hawkins received while acting as Admiral
in command was thirty shillings a day — which compares
very favourably with the revised pay of the ordinary
seaman of ten shillings a month.

The policy so long urged by John Hawkins of
harrying the Spaniards at home and abroad had so far
justified itself as to cause a further expedition to be
de^atched under Drake in the following April.

Hawkins’ own plan he disclosed in a letter written to
Walsingham on board the “ Bonaventure ” dated ist
February, 1587.

After stating his belief that war with Spain is inevit-
able, although “ we are desirous to have peace, as it
becometh good Christians,” he says that it is no use
“ mammering ” or hesitating any longer, as delay only

192

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

means “ our Commonwealth doth utterly decay.” He
points out how all trade is stagnant, how unemplojunent
and poverty are on the increase, how the country’s
mercantile shipping is suffering and the sea trade going
to “ the French and Scots ” who'“ eat us up, and grow
in wealth and freights.” The time has come, he con-
tinues, for England “ to choose either a dishonourable
and uncertain peace,” or “a determined and resolute
war.

He is strongly against making any alliance with
foreign powers, “ for that breedeth great charge and
no profit at all.” He was a firm believer in the policy
of Splendid Isolation. He then goes into the details
of his plan for maintaining a squadron of powerful war-
ships continually cruising between Spain and the Azores,
so that any East or West India treasure ship would have
to run the English blockade before reaching a home
port.

He ends this letter : “ therefore I conclude with God’s
blessing and a lawful open war, the Lord shall bring us
a most honourable and quiet peace, to the glory of his
church and to the honour of her Majesty and this
realm of England ; which God for His mercy’s sake
grant.”

In spite of all these devices for delaying the inevitable
invasion, war was daily drawing nearer. In the whole
history of the world there has been no greater example
of the rulers of two hostile states endeavouring so long,
so patiently, and so skilfully to evade a final issue. But
all the political wiles and stratagems of Philip and Eliza-
beth were exhausted. Both nations, the Spanish and
the English, were eager to be at each other’s throats. It
was to be a Holy War, Spain, prompted by the Pope of
Rome, on the one side ; England, the heretic upstart,
on the other.

And still the patient Philip continued to build more

THE Last straw

193

huge ships which with difficulty and vast expense were
equipped and manned.

Yet one further raid was undertaken to delay the com-
pletion of the now openly talked of Invincible Armada ,
for one more precious year, which would give Hawkins
the opportunity to put the finishing touches to his ships,
and make his final preparations.

This was the famous “ Singeing of the King of Spain’s
beard ” when, in April, 1587, Francis Drake sailed out
from Plymouth in command of a fleet of thirty ships,
including four belonging to the Royal Navy, the “ Bona-
venture,” “ Lion,” “ Dreadnought ” and “ Rainbow.”

Sailing directly to Cadiz, where Don Alvaro de Bazan,
“ Admiral of the Ocean Sea,” had his headquarters, he
surprised a vast Spanish fleet of large but u n ma nned
ships-of-war which the English sailors attacked, plun-
dered and burnt in full sight of the powerless Spaniards.

After playing havoc at Cadiz, the English sailed
leisurely down the coast, stopping to land and plunder
at their own sweet will, as far as the mouth of the Tagus,
where the fleet anchored, and Drake sent to Lisbon a
defiant challenge to the Marquis of Santa Cruz, to come
out and fight in the open. The “ Iron Marquis,”
though only too eager to accept, was forced to swallow
the insult since, witiiout crews to man his fleet, he was
impotent.

After this thoroughly “ Drakian ” gesture the English
Admiral stretched to the Azores, there to await the
returning East India carracks.

Before long the “ St. Philip,” heavily armed, but with
a cargo of enormous value, fell into his hands and was
brought back to England together with the plunder
taken at Cadiz and other Spanish and Portuguese ports ;
all “ to their own profit and due commendation, and the
great admiration of the whole kingdom.”

For this brilliant piece of work Drake received an

194 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

official reprimand from his Sovereign, who still feared
that the patience of the long-suffering Philip might be
over-strained ; but, official reprimands or no, Drake had
yet further cemented his position as the idol of the people,
and no doubt received a very satisfactory share of the
plunder. This was the first East India prize ever
brought to England ; and the richness of the cargo did
much to turn the eyes of English merchants and adven-
turers towards the East, and to inflame their imaginations
towards the Far East as a centre for trade and possible
settlement.

As the definite danger to England grew larger and
more obvious to the common people, so did they unite
and their religious and political differences melt away ;
and by the opening of the fateful year of 1588 the Queen
found herself at the head of a warlike nation, ready to
fight to the last for their Queen and Country. In the
case of the English Catholics, all but the most fervid
decided, when the time came to choose between foreign
Pope and English Queen, to side with the latter, and
Catholic and Puritan were eager to stand shoulder to
shoulder in defence of England, either at sea or on
shore.

At last Hawkins was able to look at the results of his
labours of the last twenty years. What did he see but
an answer to his traducers and accusers ? Here was the
lie cast back into their teeth. He himself had known
all along that the fleet would be ready when the time
came. What did others think and say ?

Sir William Winter wrote ; “ Our ships doth show
themselves like gallants here. I assure you it will do a
man’s heart good to behold them ; and would to God
the Prince of Parma were upon the seas with all his
forces, and we in view of them.” Than which no higher
praise could come from the once jealous enemy of
John Hawkins. Another lettet, written by Howard to

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19s

Burghley on February 21st, runs as follows, and states
in no uncertain terms what the Lord Admiral himself
thought : “ I have been aboard of every ship that goeth
out with me, and in every place where any may creep,
and I do thank God that they be in the estate they be in ;
and there is never a one of them that knows what a leak
means. I have known when an Admiral of England
hath gone out, and two ships in the fleet could not say
so. . . . And therefore I do presume greatly that those
that have been made in Her Majestie’s time be very
good and serviceable and shall prove them arrant liars
that have reported the contrary.” Other testimonials
were not wanting.

Lord Howard, writing to Burghley on the 29th of
February, stated : “ I protest before God, and as my
soul shall answer for it, that I think there were never in
any place of the world worthier ships than these are, for
so many. And as few as we are, if the King of Spain's
forces be not hundreds, we will make good sport with
them.”

On March 9th Howard again wrote to Burghley,
giving an account of a personal experience in one of the
Royal ships for which Hawkins was entirely responsible:

“ The ‘ Elizabeth Bonaventure,’ in coming in, by the
fault of the pilot came aground on a sound. . . . The
next tide, by the goodness of God and great labour, was
brought off, and in all this time there never came a spoon-
ful of water into her well. My Lord, except a ship had
been made of iron, it were to be thought impossible to do
as she hath done. . . . And this is one of the ships
which they would have come into dry-dock, now before
she came out. My Lord, I have no doubt, but some
ships which have been ill reported of will deceive them
as this ship doth. . . • Well, My Lord, they will be
found good ships when they come to the sea.”

196 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

It is permissible while on this subject to quote at some
length from a letter written by Hawkins on March 3rdj
1 587, to Burghley, since it not only describes the point of
view of Hawkins, but also shows how well and clearly
he wrote. This letter begins :

“ My bounden duty humbly remembered unto your
good lordship, I have been very ill since I was with your
lordship, but am now better, I thank God. I do daily
hear good report of the good estate of the ships abroad,
as it may appear to your lordship by the letters I send
herewith enclosed ; So do I hear many a good judge-
ment that have served now in them report, wondering
how these lewd bruits could have been cast abroad, and
the ships in that efficient and strong estate. But not to
be troublesome to your lordship, when the shipwrights
saw I took a course to put the navy in such order as there
should be no great cause to use any extraordinary re-
parations upon them, then they saw the multitude of
their idle followers should lack their maintenance, and
so began to bruit out weakness in the state of the ships ;
but they knew not where ; and then every man tare up
that which was sufficient, and said thus : ‘We will
weary Hawkins of his bargain.’ And as this shall be a
thing most manifest to your lordship and the whole
world, that the navy is in good and strong estate, con-
trary to their hypercritical practice and vile reports, so
your lordship shall find the rest of their informations
much like unto this.”

So much for his accusers and slanderers ; but they
were of little account compared to the troubles the
Treasurer had in finding sufficient equipment for his
ships — “ I would to God Her Majesty were so well
provided of all furniture that belongeth to the ships,
which indeed is the least matter I fear. But the pro-

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197

visions that come from foreign countries, and such as
require long time to provide, do most trouble me — as
great cables, anchors, cordage, canvas, great masts, and
such like ; waste and spoil of boats and pinnaces by
this winter weather, as Sir William Winter doth well
note.”

After explaining how he means to deal with this short-
age of materials he goes on : “ There hath been great
service abroad these two years past and the ships mightily
supplied from time to time and with many provisions,
and we cull daily in such sort as I am botih. afraid and
sorry to present it to your lordship. Howbeit, it must
be done, and care had to do it in time.”

He harps on the unprecedented cost of the upkeep of
the Royal Navy, pointing out how “ The expenses extra-
ordinary have been great and such as before this time
have seldom come into use ; for the navy is great, and
men more unruly and more changeable than in time past,
so as it doth not only amaze me to answer everything,
but I do grieve at the charge as much as it were to pro-
ceed from myself. . . . The ships I found in weak
estate, and now they are as your lordship doth see ; and
this is done in effect upon the sparing out of the ordinary
warrant of ^£57 19, yet I am daily backbited and slan-
dered. But your lordship doth know what a place this
is to hold that I am in. Many are to receive out of this
office and among a multitude there are some bad and
unreasonable ; and although I endeavour myself to pay
and satisfy all men with order and equity, yet some be
displeased.

‘ Therefore, my good lord, consider in your wisdom
the burden I bear. My service to Her Majesty I grudge
not, but all my ability and life is ready to be employed in
her service. When it shall be your lordship’s pleasure
I will give mine attendance to inform your lordship sub-
stantiaJly what is to be done touching the provisions that

198 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

are to be provided for the navy, and the debt that the
office doth and will daily grow into. And so, wishing
your lordship health and prosperity, I humbly take my
leave. From London, the 3rd of March, 1 587.

“ Your lordship’s humbly to command,

“John Hawkyns.”

It was this burning question of provisions for the ships*
crews and the sufficient supply of powder and shot which
taxed the authorities on whose shoulders the responsi-
bility of supply rested. Although not the business of
the Navy Treasurer, yet John Hawkins was much con-
cerned in any matter which affected the fighting ability
of his Navy, and on which he foresaw the ultimate issue
might well depend.

The trouble was twofold. Firstly, the shortage of
money with which these most necessary supplies might
be purchased ; 'secondly, the fact that before the days of
cold storage or tinned or preserved food, fleets with large
crews to feed could not keep the seas for more than about
a month.

If fresh provisions were bought by the Navy con-
tractors, consisting of salt beef, salt codfish, bread and
beer, these, if not consumed soon, went bad.

To order them by a certain date when the fleet was
expected to sail, meant that, if for some unforeseen
reason, as often happened, the departure of the fleet had
to be postponed, the whole or greater part of the pro-
visions were wasted, money thrown away, and a further
supply not able to be collected for perhaps several
weeks.

A great saving in victuals was due to Hawkins’
reform, by which the number of seamen in every ship
was reduced, every vessel thus requiring but little more
than half the quantity of provisions that used to be
needed, when the ships carried much larger crews.

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199

In the case of gunpowder, the ingredients had to be
imported from foreign countries, and the facilities for
manufacturing it in any quantities were insufficient.

As to the personnel of the Navy, Hawkins had got
together the finest sailors afloat, both officers and men.
They had served their apprenticeship in a rough but
splendid school, aboard armed traders, privateers and
pirate ships. They knew the whole art of navigation ;
the sailors could reef and furl, were accustomed to sail in
all seas, while many of the seamen who manned the
Armada had never before sailed outside the Straits of
Gibraltar.

Between the ships of the two rival navies there was
little comparison. The Spanish ships of war were fine
craft of an obsolete pattern. These vessels, which had
been the latest and most perfect type nearly a century
earlier, were no match for the swifter, more handy and
smaller English ships as designed to the plans of
Hawkins. The Spaniards had not moved with the times,
and had refused to recognize the altered methods of sea-
fighting. They still persisted in looking upon a fight
at sea as being a conflict between soldiers, in floating
fortresses. They still believed in the mediaeval
manoeuvres, when two high clumsy ships, with towering
forecastles and poops, met broadside on, and, after lock-
ing together with grappling-irons, the trained soldiers
fought each other face to face. Hawkins had seen
ahead, and recognized that long-range artillery had
altered all this. The English ships not only carried
many more guns, but they shot further, and were worked
by skilfully trained gunners. When the two fleets at
last met, the English were able to bombard the enemy
at a range which made it impossible for the Spaniards
to reply. The English gunners could fire twice as
rapidfy as the Spanish, an advantage which helped the
English to win many other sea-battles in after years.

200

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

As was shown later on in the year, although the
Spaniards were defeated, they were highly trained and
skilful fighters, but their skill was that which was in
fashion eighty years earlier, and had helped to make
Spain the greatest military and naval power in the world,
and won for her the largest and richest Empire the world
had ever known.

CHAPTER XI

THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA

IIS Epic, probably the greatest in our
history, and the event which had the
most profound effect on the nation’s
destiny, has been so often recounted
that this is hardly the place to tell
that whole story over again.

But to ignore it, in what is an at-
tempt to portray the life of the great
Sir John Hawkins, would be impossible. The day on
which the Invincible Armada was reported to be in the
Channel, the iron test began of Hawkins’ whole life’s
work and ambition. For twenty years and more he had
toiled, day and night, month after month, to prepare for
“ the day,” had fought against opposition and long
established vested interests of office-holders, and had
spent largely of his own fortune to provide for necessary
equipment which the Government would not or could
not pay for. All this long while, the Treasurer had
been a victim of malaria, but nothing could daunt his
dogged courage and patient tenactiy of purpose.

Let us see what was happening in Spain. The wave
of anger which followed the outrage at Cadiz had appar-
ently died down, but in reality the “ Singeing of the
King’s beard ” had wounded the pride of Spain more than
any outr^e committed by “ El Draque,” “ Achines ” or
any other English corsair. The humiliation had been so
conmlete, that even the humble apology which was sent
by Queen Elizabeth, in December, could not wash away

202

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

the stain. Queen Elizabeth was in one of her most
dangerous moods, and even suggested to her Councillors
returning, or rather handing over to Spain, as a peace
offering, the towns in Flanders which had been entrusted
to her keeping by the Dutch. Luckily there were men
in England bold enough to prevent any such disastrous
surrender.

In the meanwhile the ever plodding, ever patient
King Philip was steadily working to repair the damage
done at Cadiz and to replace the lost galleons. So much
so, that early in February Alonzo de Bazan, Marquis of
Santa Cruz, the Lord High Admiral of Spain, reported
his fleets all ready for sea, and urged the departure of
the Armada before the end of March, when, as he
predicted, the northerly gales would set in and make
the intended voyage to England both difficult and
dangerous.

Then fell another blow : one which was to dash all
hopes of a successful invasion of England. After a few
days of illness, the Marquis of Santa Cruz died at Lisbon,
at the age of seventy-three, after serving for fifty years
in the Royal Navy. Some declared he died of a broken
heart at the King’s hesitation ; which he may well have
done, for the dream of his life had been the invasion and
conquest of England, and he had for years studied plans
for its successful execution and had even out of his own
pocket paid spies to keep him informed of any Naval or
Military activities in England and Ireland.

This sudden death of Santa Cruz was a tragedy indeed,
since he was Spain’s most able seaman ; for, although
she had other fine and capable sea officers, his loss would
be difficult to replace.

But this in no way daunted King Philip ; indeed, he
may have thought he saw in this the finger of Gfod ; for
now the Spanish King, the chosen upholder of the true
faith, could appoint some commander who would be

THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA 203

more amenable to advice than ever was the old “ Iron
Marquis,” and one who would be unlikely to take any
risks or do any more fighting than was absolutely
necessary.

The Invincible Armada lay at anchor awaiting the
King’s choice of a new Commander, who should lead
them to victory against the formidable Francis Drake
and his heretic fleet.

The Royal choice fell upon Don Alonzo Perez de
Guzman, el Bueno — ^the good — Senor de San Lucar de
Barrameda, and Duke of Medina Sidonia.

It is probable, amongst the whole of the grandees of
Spain, no more unsuitaWe Commander could have been
found. The only possible excuse for his appointment was
that he was of very high birth, a qualification considered
to be indispensable in a Commander-in-Chief. Yet there
were several other naval officers of high birth, who were
also efficient.

It is difficult to write of Medina Sidonia without
appearing to ridicule him. He had so little, so very
little, to justify his high and important office. We read
that he was aged thirty-eight, was enormously rich, was
fond of a quiet country life, hunting and shooting. He
liked riding, but was by no means a good horseman, in
spite of his famous bandy legs. He liked to lounge in
his orange groves at San Lucar, and was without am-
bition or vanity, but was good-natured. Of short
stature and swarthy complexion, he was often likened
to Sancho, the faithful squire of Don Quixote. He
suffered from sea-sickness when in a boat, and was liable
to catch colds on all and sundry occasions. He was
perfectly inc^able in any business or in any crisis, and
knew it and frankly confessed to the same.

In these days it would be said of the “ Golden Duke ”
— as unkind persons called him in comparison to his
predecessor, the “ Iron Marquis ” — ^that he suffered from

204 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

an inferiority complex. Naval commanders who suffered
from this disability had no business crossing swords
with English Admirals.

His wife, the Duchess, Doha Ana de Mendoza, who
ought to have known her Duke after sixteen years of
married life, declared that her good-natured but exceed-
ing stupid husband was well enough amongst people who
did know what he really was like, but that once he was
employed in business of State, then Spain would discover
to her cost his real character.

The whole of Spain was astounded by the King’s
choice, but in all honesty to Medina Sidonia it must be
admitted that no one was more surprised than himself.
No one could have been more diffident at receiving a
high honour from his Monarch than the Duke, in the
letter he wrote to the King’s secretary, Idiagnez, on
February i6th, 1588.

“ My health is bad,” he pleaded, “ and from my small
experience of the water I know that I am always sea-sick.
I have no money that I can spare. I owe a million ducats,
and 1 have not a real to spend on my outfit.” Following
this unmartial opening, he continued : “ The expedition
is on such a scale, and the object is of such high import-
ance that the person at the head of it ought to understand
navigation and sea fighting, and I know nothing of
either. I have not any of these essential qualifications.
I have no acquaintances among the officers who are to
serve under me. Santa Cruz had information about
the state of things in England ; I have none. Were I
competent otherwise I should have to act in the dark by
the opinion of others, and I cannot tell whom I may
trust. The Adelantado of Castile would do better than
I. Our Lord would help him, for he is a good Christian
and has fought in naval battles. If you send me, depend
upon it I shall have a bad account to render of my trust.”

THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA 205

Never probably did a Duke reply in such abject terms
to refuse an honour from his Sovereign ; but after read-
ing it we begin to feel that perhaps the embarrassed
Duke was, after all, not so great a simpleton as is gener-
ally supposed. However, Philip was never one to change
his opinions, and continued to insist on the Duke’s
accepting the command, until at last the reluctant covmtry
gentleman gave way and wrote : “ Since your Majesty
still desires it after my confession of incompetence, I
will try to deserve your confidence. As I shall be doing
God’s work I may hope that He will help me.” To this
agreeable note Philip replied that the Duke was sacri-
ficing himself in God’s service as well as His Majesty’s,
adding that “ If I was less occupied at home I would
accompany the fleet myself and I should be certain that
all would go well. Take heart : you have now an oppor-
tunity of showing the extraordinary qualities which God,
the author of all good, has been pleased to bestow upon
you. Happen what may, I charge myself with the care
of your children. If you fail, you fail ; but the cause
being the cause of God, you will not fail.”

Thus fortified and reassured, the Duke left his home
at San Lucar and repaired at once to Lisbon to take up
his important duties, and any lurking doubts that still
might have troubled his mind were dispersed by the
Prioress of the Annunciata, Maria de la Visitacion, who
had in a vision beheld Santiago and two angels smiting
Drake and his heretic companions ; to bear out which
she exhibited five wounds. Poor lady, when some
months afterwards scapegoats were being searched for,

■ this holy woman was tried and punished as an impostor.

Let us see, before returning to Plymouth, what sort of
fleet it was that Santa Cruz had left to the tender mercies
of Philip and the Golden Duke. Of ships, both great
and small, there were 150, navigated by 8000 Spanish
and Italian sailors.

2o6 sir JOHN HAWKINS

For purely fighting duties, the fleet carried 19,000
trained infantrymen, with their oflicers. These officers
with their servants, gentlemen volunteers, priests and
surgeons amounted to another 3000, which does not
take into account the galley slaves.

The ratio between the number of priests and surgeons
is interesting and significant in this holy crusade. Of
the former there were one hundred, of the latter to attend
their bodies and not their souls, but eighty-five, and this
figure includes the surgeons’ mates.

Provisions enough to last six months were stored away
in the holds, as well as great sums of money and plate.
Swords of honour also were taken to present to the
Catholic English noblemen who would be the first to
welcome the soldiers of the Pope, on their landing. It
was even reported, by some English sailors who escaped
from the Armada in the Channel, that large numbers of
halters were carried in one of the vessels which were to
be used to hang the heretics !

No chances were to be taken over the souls of the
departing. For three years a stream of prayer had risen
from every church in Spain, craving the Almighty’s aid
for the great “ English Enterprise.” It was to be a
sacred cause. The orders were strict that no impure
thing should be allowed to approach the ships, nor even
the wharves where they lay. Particularly did this apply
to women of a certain class. There was to be no swear-
ing, gambling nor quarrelling. Each galleon was
christened with the name of one of the Apostles. The
crews were confessed. Every morning at sunrise, the
ship-boys were to sing their Buenos Dias at the foot of
the mainmast, and at sunset the Ave Maria.

By the end of April everything was complete, and a
great and solemn procession took place, headed by the
Admiral-in-Chief and a large number of priests and
monks, for the blessing of the banners in the Cathedral.

THE INVINCIBLE ARMADA

207

Crowds lined the path, but were lukewarm, for they
were Portuguese and recently become vassals of Spain.

Philip issued his final orders ; battle was on no
account to be sought for. If the Duke should happen
to encounter Drake and the English fleet on his way to
meet the Duke of Parma at Dunkirk, he was, if possible,
to pass him by without fighting.

It was discovered too late that the provisions were
all rotting and that most of the guns had far too short a
range.

On May 20th the vast Armada set sail, and once
outside the mouth of the Tagus, met the north trade wind
which Santa Cruz had foretold, and their troubles began.

As they beat up against the rising gale, the fleet
became broken up and had to put into Corunna to refit,
and to land the sailors and soldiers who were already
suffering from dysentery, due to the putrefying victuals.
It was not until July 22nd that the Armada finally left
the coast of Spain.

The continued dallying and exasperating delays had
told on the morale of officers and men. These knew
only too well, both from personal experience and from
popular hearsay, the kind of enemy they were to meet.
No higher testimonial to the English sailors was ever
made than that by the Venetian Ambassador at t±ie Court
of Madrid, in April, when he wrote : “ Surely the King
of Spain will not risk everything for the sake of revenge,
when he must know as all the world does, the high
quality and number of English ships, and that the Eng-
lishmen are of a different quality from the Spaniards,
bearing a name above all the West for being expert and
enterprising in all maritime affairs, and the finest fighters
upon the sea. . . . The battle, as we may well believe,
seeing they are fighting for country, faith and children,
will b^e fought with so much obstinacy as is their wont
and as they openly declare is their meaning, that the

208

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

survivors of the battle will be so few, as in any event that
may be pleasing to God, they have no fear their enemy
will be able to come near the English shores, so well are
they provided against any evil fortune that may befall.”
To this the Ambassador adds : “ The battle will in any
case be very bloody ; for the English never yield ; and
although they be put to flight and broken, they ever
return for revenge, to renew the attack, as long as they
have a breath of life.”

Thus, after five years of feverish and spasmodic pre-
paration, the Invincible Armada at last set forth from
Spain on the “ English Enterprise,” foredoomed to
failure.

CHAPTER XII

THE ARMADA ARRIVES

UCH has been written about the de-
fence of England by sea, but the fact
is liable to be overlooked or for-
gotten that, in these years of fear
of invasion, elaborate and thorough
steps were taken to deal effectively
with any force that succeeded in get-
ting a footing on land.

Catholic Spain were, in the latter half
of the sixteenth century, the finest fighting men in the
world. The English army was but small, and consisted
of certain regiments of veterans who had fought in the
wars in Flanders. The rest of the army was composed
of local troops, called up in time of national emergency
and, at the best, but half-trained.

Two years before the Armada came, all the male in-
habitants over the age of sixteen of the coast towns in
the West country were warned to be in readiness to be
enlisted and armed. A year later they had been fully
armed and accoutred and were being trained. The only
men excused service were those in the household service
of peers.

Taking the county of Devon, which of all English
counties was the most maritime, five regiments were
raised, each of 500 men commanded by a General Captain,
for the defence of the sea coast.

All places where an enemy was likely to land were
sought for, and defences built. For the manufacture of

The soldiers of

210

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

gunpowder, factories were erected and the ingredients
hurriedly imported from abroad.. Beacons were con-
structed on all the highest hill-tops, ready to give warn-
ing of the first appearance of an enemy fleet in the
Channel.

Not only were the counties on the South Coast affected
by these orders. For example, Lincolnshire was parti-
cularly warned to be ready to resist a possible landing
on the coast by Parma’s army.

For purposes of war, the whole country was divided
into maritime and inland counties. Amongst the former
it is surprising to find included both Berkshire and
Huntingdonshire. To Sir John Norris fell the command
of the sea coast from Norfolk to Dorset, while Lord
Huntingdon was made responsible for the defence of
the East Coast ; and he complained to Sir Francis Wal-
singham that he met with considerable opposition from
the gentry of the North of England, who were unwilling
to serve anywhere but on the Scottish frontier.

Every parish in the whole country had to contribute
its quota of foot or horsemen. The most detailed orders
were issued in case of an enemy landing. Should the
beacon on Bubdowne be fired, the whole of the armed
forces in Somerset were immediately to march on Dor-
chester, and there to await further orders.

The lighting of a beacon was not merely to warn the
neighbourhood of danger, but to give the order for
certain definite pre-arranged movements of troops.

Beacons erected at Sutton Poyntz, Rydgeway and
Blagdon in Dorset, on being fired meant that all troops
were to assemble at Weymouth and Melcombe Regis.

No civilian was then, on pain of death, to leave his
town or village, except by order of the Lord-Lieutenant
or Justice of the county. In the case of a retreat, minute
instructions were issued for the evacuation of the civil
population, the removal of cattle and destruction of

THE ARMADA ARRIVES

211

bridges and buildings, with the cutting of the roads to
retard the advance of the enemy.

Across the Thames, opposite Upnor Castle, the great
iron chain was fixed to prevent ships from coming up
the river.

Frantic efforts were being made to give the last
finishing touches to the battleships.

In a letter to his brother William, the Mayor of
Plymouth, written in February 1588, “at 7 of the clock
at night ” John Hawkins says :

“ The ‘ Hope ’ and ‘ Nonpareil ’ are both graved,
tallowed and this tide into the road again ; and the
‘ Revenge,’ now aground, I hope she shall likewise go
into the road also to-morrow.- We have, and do trim one
side of every ship by night and the other side by day, so
that we end the three great ships in three days this spring.
The ships sit aground so strongly, and are so staunch as
if they were made of a whole tree. The doing of it is
very chargeable, for that it is done by torchlight and
cressets, and in an extreme gale of wind, which consumes
pitch, tallows and firs abundantly.”

As the summer of 1 588 drew on, a great military camp
was formed at Tilbury, where on July 27th the Queen,
dressed in a military uniform, reviewed her army. With
that genius and courage which never failed her on all
great occasions, she addressed her soldiers in words
which no doubt went straight to the heart of every
man. Sitting there erect on her charger, she spoke as
follows :

“ My loving people, we have been persuaded by some,
that are careful of our safety, to take heed how we com-
mit ourselves to armed multitudes, for fear of treachery ;
but I assure you I do not desire to live to distrust my

2X2

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

faithful and loving people. Let tyrants fear ; I have
always so behaved myself that, under God, I have placed
my chiefest strength and safeguard in the loyal hearts
and good will of my subjects. And therefore I am come
amongst you at this time, not as for my recreation or
sport, but being resolved, in the midst and heat of battle,
to live or die amongst you all : to lay down, for my
God, and for my Kingdom, and for my people, my
honour and my blood, even in the dust. I know I have
but the body of a weak and feeble woman ; but I have
the heart of a king and of a king of England too, and
think foul scorn that Parma or Spain, or any Prince of
Europe, should dare to invade the borders of my realms ;
to which rather than any dishonour should grow by me,
I myself will take up arms, I myself will be your general,
judge and rewarder of your victories in the field . . .
and we do assure you on the word of a Prince, they shall
be duly paid you . . . not doubting, by your concord
in the camp, and your valour in the field, we shall shortly
have a famous victory, over those enemies of my God,
of my kingdom, and of my people.”

How those English soldiers must have cheered and
cheered again.

In the end, as we know, these soldiers were never
called upon to show their valour, but there is no doubt
that, had Parma ever succeeded in landing his army,
they would not have made the straight and unopposed
march on London which had been promised by the wise-
acres at Madrid.

July came, but still no definite news of the approach
of the Armada ; nothing but rumours and counter rumours
of the Spaniards having left Corunna. All through the
early part of July the English were on the look out, with
the fleet spread out fan-like between Ushant and the
Scilly Isles. This fleet, like all Gaul, was divided into

THE ARMADA ARRIVES

213

three parts : Lord Howard of Effingham, the Lord
Admiral, commanded the largest division and took the
middle station ; between him and the French coast was
the Vice-Admiral, Sir Francis Drake ; while between
the Admiral and the Scilly Isles was the squadron of the
Rear-Admiral, Captain John Hawkins. On July 12th,
owing to hard gales, the whole fleet was forced to return
to Plymouth harbour.

On going ashore Hawkins heard that his enemies in
London were still busy. It had happened that the
“ Hope,” a vessel of 600 tons, had sprung a small leak
and gone into port for repair. This was too good an
opportunity to be let pass and the gossips and dis-
appointed ofiice-holders had not hesitated to make much
of it.

The matter naturally came to the ears of the Lord
Admiral who, on July 17th, wrote to Walsingham
from Plymouth : “I have heard that there is in
London some hard speeches against Mr. Hawkins
because the ‘ Hope ' came in to mend a leak she^ had.
Sir, I think there were never so many of the Prince’s
ships so long abroad and in such seas with such weather
as these have had with so few leaks and the greatest fault
of the ‘ Hope ’ came with ill grounding before our coming
hither, and yet it is nothing to be spoken of ; it was such
a leak that I would have gone with it to Venice.”

Such was the reply of the Lord High Admiral ; and it
must have proved as sweet to the ears of Hawkins as it
was bitter to those of his slanderers.

At the risk of being tedious, a letter from Hawkins
will be inserted here, addressed to Burghley. It was
written only two days before the Armada was reported
in the Channel. It is of special interest since it is the
very last report on the condition of the fleet before it was
to undergo its crucial test. It is significant, also, because
it shows that the authorities still believed the Armada

214

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

was lying in the harbour at Corunna and that the plan of
Hawkins and Drake to counter the invasion, by sending
the English fleet to fight them off the Spanish coast, was
still under serious consideration.

This letter is dated from Plymouth, July 17th, 1588,
and runs as follows ;

“ My bounden duty remembered unto your good
lordship : By the letter and estimate enclosed, your
Lordship may see how charges doth grow here daily.
My Lord Admiral doth endeavour by all means to shorten
it, and yet to keep the navy in strength.

“ The four great ships — ^the ‘ Triumph,’ the ‘ Eliza-
beth Jonas,’ the ‘ Bear,’ and the ‘ Victory ’ — are in most
royal and perfect state ; and it is not seen by them,
neither do they feel that they have been at sea, more than
if they had ridden at Chatham. Yet there be some in
them that have no good will to see the coast of Spain with
them, but cast many doubts how they will do in that seas.
But, my good Lord, I see no more danger in them, I
thank God, than in others. The ‘ Bear ’ one day had a
leak upon which there grew much ado ; and when it was
determined that she should be lighted of ordnance, her
ballast taken out, and so grounded and searched, and
that my Lord Admiral would not consent to send her
home, the leak was presently stopped of itself ; and so
the ship proceedeth with her fellows, in good and royal
estate, ^d be thanked. I was bold to trouble your
Lordship with these few words touching these four
ships, because I know there will be reports as men are
affected : but this is the truth.

“ The strength of the ships generally is well tried ; for
they stick not to ground often to tallow, to wash, or any
such small cause, which is a most sure trial of the good-
ness of the ships when they are able to abide the ground.
Mj^ Lord Admiral doth not ground with his ship, but

THE ARMADA ARRIVES 215

showeth a good example, and doth shun changes as much
as his Lordship may possible. And so I leave to trouble
your good Lordship.

“ From Plymouth, the 17th of July, 1 588.

“ Your honourable Lordship’s humbly to command,

“John Hawkyns.”

Enclosed with this letter, he sent a detailed account
of the total costs of expenses incurred by the fleet under
the Lord High Admiral since February nth, previously.

At last, on July 19th, the first definite news arrived
of the enemy’s approach. This was brought by one
Captain Thomas Flemming, in his vessel the “ Golden
Hind,” which was often referred to as the “ bark
Flemyng,” in accordance with the custom of the time
to name a ship after her owner.

If we are to believe Sir William Monson, this Flemming
was no better than a “ pirrate late at sea a-pilfering,” and
the popular idea has always been that there was a price
on his head, but that for love of Country and Queen he
gave himself up in order to give warning of the approach
of the Armada. Pleasing as this is, yet it seems unlikely
that he was a pirate, since he was a close relation of the
Hawkins family, and was afterwards given the command
of a Queen’s ship, and also served under the Earl of
Cumberland.

The long expected news set the whole country astir.
Unfortunately, the gale which brought the Armada up
Channel made it extremely difficult to get the English
fleet out of Plymouth harbour, where it was bottled up
by the south-westerly wind.

The force which Howard commanded consisted of
eleven great ships and eight pinnaces, all of the Royal
Navy, and a splendidly equipped squadron of sixteen
great ships and four pinnaces furnished by the city of
London. In addition was a small squadron, under the

2i6 sir JOHN HAWKINS

command of Lord Charles Howard, made up of private
men-of-war, lent by him and other owners to the Queen,
and which was regarded as part of the Royal Navy. To
augment this powerful force, every port on the South
Coast had sent its quota of armed ships as well as many
more from the west of England and the Bristol Channel,
making in all a formidable fleet of over forty galleons and
ships, as well as numerous smaller vessels. In addition
to these Sir Francis Drake had brought into Plymouth
sixty sail “ very well appointed.” Although contem-
porary accounts differ, the total English fleet at Ply-
mouth must have amounted in all to at least one hundred
sail, which included sixty-nine galleons and great ships,
with crews totalling about ten thousand men.

Owing to the various misfortunes that had befallen
Sidonia since he left Lisbon, there can have been but
little difference between the numbers of ships in the
two hostile fleets, which were so soon to meet in
combat.

As far as crews, seamanship, guns and proximity to
his base went, all was in favour of Howard, while Sidonia
could boast a large majority in the number of soldiers and
tonnage ; and this was all, except for the one chance
factor which was offered him, but which he missed, of
surprising the English fleet bottled up in Plymouth
harbour. Had Santa Cruz been alive and in command,
he would never have missed such a golden opportunity
to attack. But Sidonia, a confessed landsman, hesitated,
ordered his fleet to anchor, and signalled for the council-
of-war to come aboard his flagship to discuss the situation.
Half through the night they wrangled, and when day
dawned the chance was lost. By almost superhuman
efforts of strength, perseverance and discipline, the whole
of the English battleships had been warped out, leaving
only the smaller vessels to follow later, as best they could.
Before the astonished eyes of the Spanish Admirals,

THE ARMADA ARRIVES

217

there lay drawn up fifty-four great English men-of-war,
ready to attack.

Now began the final struggle between the two Navies,
the two greatest fleets that the world had ever known.
It was the popular belief, until lately, that the elements
or bad luck, rather than the English Navy, defeated the
Armada. This view was partly due to the modesty of
the Elizabethan sailors who, when all was over proclaimed
that “ God blew, and they were scattered.’*

The Navy was then, as now, the silent service, and the
war correspondent was not born. It has been clearly
shown by Sir Julian Corbett that the Spanish Armada
was beaten, fairly and squarely, by the English fleet,
through superior seamanship, superior ships and crews,
and better guns and gunnery. The winds of heaven
which the English declared blew for them did nothing
of the sort. If anything they blew in favour of the
enemy. But the English Admirals, particularly Drake,
knew how to use every wind and change of wind for
their own benefit, and time and again outwitted and out-
manoeuvred the slower Spaniards. But it must not be
supposed that the Armada was merely a lumbering
company of unwieldy hulks, blown hither and thither
before the wind. Although they could not compare in
swiftness nor handiness to the English, they were fine
ships of an already old-fashioned type, commanded by
some of the most skilful and wise navigators in the world.

Sidonia, having missed his chance at Plymouth,
decided to attempt a landing on the Isle of Wight, to use
as a base for his fleet during the embarkation of the Duke
of Parma’s army. But again he was frustrated by the
manoeuvres of the English and their cursed artillery,
which never gave him a chance to grapple with his
elusive enemy, but merely made cannon fodder of his
packed musketeers drawn up in ranks pn the decks of
his great ships.

2^8 , SIR JOHN HAWKINS

It was duriiig this night, when Drake had the honour
of leading the fleet, that a curious incident took place.
High up on the poop of the “ Revenge ” burned the
great lamp which gave direction to the following fleet.
Suddenly the light disappeared, and no one knew what
had happened. Some of the Captains immediately
hove-to, others shortened sail, while Howard and a few

others pressed on after the enemy. ,,

Shortly afterwards dawn broke and the English fleet
was in confusion, and the “ Revenge ” nowhere to be
seen. What had happened was that, in the night, Drake
had observed four strange craft stealing past to seaward,
and he had immediately followed them to ascertain if
they were enemy ships attempting to weather him.

On overhauling them, they turned out to be German
merchantmen and were allowed to go.

On his way back to rejoin the fleet, in company with
the “ Roebuck,” Drake fell in with Don Pedro de
Valdes’ ship, “ Our I.ady of the Rosary,” disabled on
the previous day in an engagement between several
Portuguese galleons, and Hawkins, Drake and Frobisher.
The Spaniard was at once called upon to surrender ; but
he reftised, until informed that the renowned Drake
was on board the English ship, when he struck without
more ado. Don Pedro, with his forty officers and all
his treasure, was transferred to the “ Revenge,” while
the ” Roebuck ” was ordered to escort the prize to
Torbay. Later on in the same day, another prize fell
to the English. This was the “ San Salvador,” which
was captured by I.ord Charles Howard and Hawkins
and carried to Weymouth.

When Hawkins boarded the prize, he found that a
fearful explosion had taken place, which had driven the
survivors to take to their boats ; but he did not remain
long because “ the stink in the ship was so unsavoury
and the sight within board so ugly.”

THE ARMAI^A arrives 219

During the hight the i^nd dropped, and the two
fleets lay becalmed between Portland and St. Alban’s
Head, scarcely a cannon shot apart.

When the moon rose it was seen that a group of
English ships had becbme separated from the rest of the
fleet, and owing to the calm it was impossible to render
them any help. Now, if ever, was the opportunity for
the Spanish galleases. These craft, which proved so
useless to the Spaniards, were propelled by banks of oars,
to which slaves or criminals were chained. In smooth
seas, particularly in a calm, they had the great advantage
over sailing ships of being able to move quickly.

Had the Spaniards attacked with them immediately,
the separated English ships would have been at their
mercy. The moment the situation became apparent,
the Spanish Admirals, Recalde and Leyva, sent urgent
messages to Sidonia to waste not one moment in attacking
with his galleases, and forcing a close action by boarding.
Sidonia for once was persuaded to act promptly, but
alas for Spanish discipline and Spanish grandees ! It
had happened only a few hours earlier that Don Hugo
de Monfada, who commanded the galleases, had received
an order from the Commander-in-Chief, which he con-
sidered to be an insult to one of his high birth and rank.

The result was that, instead of obeying, he and his
galleases withdrew in high dudgeon and refused to move
against the enemy. Thus the Spaniards missed the
second and, as it proved, the last golden opportunity
offered them to get the better of their enemies.

At five o’clock in the morning the wind rose, and
Sidonia gave the signal to renew the fight ; a sharp
general action followed, in which Hawkins in the
“ Victory ” took a prominent part. This action ended
for want of gunpowder, as did several other engagements.
Although owing to their rapid gunfire the English used
Up more powder than the Spaniards, they had the great

220

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

advantage, from being near their own coasts, of receiving
fresh supplies, as well as reinforcements of men, from
the various ports in the neighbourhood. In fact, the
eager volunteers who kept coming out to join the fleet
as it proceeded up the Channel proved not a little em-
barrassing to the English Admiral, for most of the ships
they came out in were small, while their captains and
crews, although bursting with military ardour, were more
apt to get in the way than to be of use.

It was on Friday, July 26th, following this battle,
which each side proclaimed to be a victory, that Lord
Howard summoned on board his flagship Hawkins and
Frobisher, and there knighted them.

Hawkins was in his fifty-seventh year when he re-
ceived this crowning honour to his years of service, and
one can well imagine, as Mr. Williamson points out,
that the Admiral would much prefer to receive his knight-
hood kneeling on the deck of the flagship, in the presence
of the enemy and his men, rather than at Court, even at
the hand of his Monarch.

Two days later, on July 28th, the Armada, with the
English in constant and close attendance, anchored off
Calais, and Medina Sidonia immediately despatched
couriers by land to inform the Prince of Parma of his
arrival, and urging him to embark his army and put to
sea without delay. Sidonia knew only too well the des-
perate situation he was in, and his anxiety had not been
alleviated by the warning he received from the Governor
of Calais, that he was in great danger of disaster in his
present anchorage, since at any moment the wind might
change and he would then find himself and his fleet
trapped. Parma replied that he was not yet ready to
embark, and would not be for at least a fortnight, and
that in any case the Dutch were watching his ports.
Further, he told Sidonia that he must first conquer and
destroy the English fleet, and then seize a port of

THE ARMADA ARRIVES 221

disembarkation before any thought of transporting his
army to England could be entertained.

In the meantime, the English fleet was further streng-
thened by the arrival of Lord Henry Seymour and his
squadron. Seeing there was nothing else to be done for
the present, Sidonia anchored, waiting in the hope that
the English fleet would be starved out and have to return
to their home ports to revictual, for he saw no other way
out of the situation. However, this policy of inaction
was the last thing likely to appeal either to Howard,
Drake or Hawkins, who saw clearly enough that they
had the enemy in their grasp. That very night a plot
was hatched which, when put into action, met with over-
whelming success. In the middle of Sunday night, the
terrified Spaniards suddenly beheld bearing straight down
on them eight ships in flames ; “ spurting fire ” as one
of the Spaniards described it, “ and their ordnance
shooting, which was a horror to see in the night."

Pandemonium broke out ; ships collided and fouled
one another. By morning most of the Spanish fleet,
having cut their cables, had got outside the harbour,
but were in no sort of order or arrangement

One of the great galleons was seen to be in diffi-
culties, and Howard himself went in and attacked and
plundered her.

Alas for poor Sidonia, the heretic dogs gave him no
peace nor time to recover ! Before he could collect and
reorganize his bewildered and scattered forces, the
English were at his throat. This was on Monday,
July 29th — “ a day of onsets and despair " the Spaniards
called it — when the English attacked with all their fleet
and for eight hours kept up a terrific and unheard of
bombardment, which only ceased when the powder
ran out.

The gale was rapidly driving the defeated Armada on
to the sand-banks, and the victorious English fleet lay

222

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

to and watched for the final catastrophe, when all of a
sudden the wind veered round a few points, and the
Spaniards managed to wriggle out from the very jaws of
death. But the battle of Gravelines had been won and
lost, the greatest sea battle that had ever been fought ;
and the turning point in the history of Spain and Eng-
land, as naval powers, had arrived. The “ English
Enterprise ” was over.

Before a fair gale, Sidonia and his wounded galleons
were thankful to escape northwards, into the German
Ocean. Howard and his fleet followed them as far as
the Firth of Forth. After that they knew all danger
was past, and the enemy might be left to find their way
home as best they could.

Then disappeared into the Northern mists the miser-
able Armada, once the pride of a conquering race, now
the shameful survival of man’s ambition. Even now
the tragedy was not complete. In storm and sleet, the
crippled galleons ran blindly on, some to be piled up on
the rock-bound coast of Scotland, others, twelve great
ships, to be cast up and broken on the barren Irish shore.
There thousands of gallant Spaniards were washed
ashore, only to be slaughtered by the wild Irish, or else
to escape to be hanged by the English garrisons.

Of me brave and much blessed company which left
Corunna on July 22nd, but sixty worn and battered
ships returned to Spain.

Out of the thirty thousand men who left their homes
to punish the heretics of the North, scarcely ten thousand
starving, broken men returned to tell the tale.

Of the survivors who reached home, Recalde died at
Corunna of grief and misery two days after his arrival,
while Oquendo, another gallant Spanish Admiral, refused
to see even his wife and child, but shut himself up in a
solitary room, and turning his face to the wall, died of
shame.

THE ARMADA ARRIVES 223

As to the Duke of Medina Sidonia, a howl of rage rose
all over Spain when he returned, but King Philip, re-
membering perhaps that it was he rather than the Duke
who was to blame, forgave him, and another was found
to be a scapegoat in his stead.

CHAPTER XIII

AFTERMATH

B “]EF0RE following the enemy northward,
j/ the indefatigable Hawkins found time
^ to write and send to Sir Francis Wal-
singham a long and detailed report,
giving an account of the Armada from
i the day it departed from Spain until the
g defeat at Gravelines. It is a sober
I I document, offering much thanks to God

for his favours and blessings. As usual the Rear-
Admiral’s chief concern, now that the fighting was over,
was for the men who had fought so bravely for their
country. “ The men,” he writes, “ have been long
unpaid and need relief. I pray your lordship that the
money that should have gone to Plymouth may now be
sent to Dover. August now cometh in and this coast
will spend ground tackle, cordage, cannons and victuals,
all which should be sent to Dover in good plenty.” The
business-like Treasurer was not to lose his caution,
because the nation was wild with rejoicings over victory.
“ I write to your lordship briefly and plainly. Your
wisdom and experience is great, but this is a matter far
passing all that hath been seen in our time or long before.
So praying God for a happy deliverance from the mali-
cious and dangerous practice of our enemies, I humbly
take my leave. From the sea, aboard the ‘ Victory,’ the
last of July, 1588. The Spaniards take their course for
Scotland : my lord doth follow them. I doubt not,
with God’s favour, we shall impeach their landing.

AFTERMATH

225

There must be order for victual and money, powder
and shot, to be sent after us.

“ Your lordship’s humbly to command,

“John Hawkyns.”

After escorting, or rather driving, the Armada beyond
the Firth of Forth, when danger of a Spanish landing
was over, Howard signalled his fleet to put about
and return South. He was glad to be able to do this:
the wind had risen to a gale, he was short of victuals
and powder, and his crews were exhausted. Had the
Spaniards but known it, the manoeuvre in the North Sea
was a bold piece of bluff, keeping “a brag countenance”
the Admiral called it, for the English had spent all their
gunpowder, and if the Spaniards had decided to turn
and sail back to the Channel nothing could have pre-
vented them. On board the English ships the tired
sailors were existing on bad beer and starvation rations
of salt beef and fish. Little wonder that sickness had
broken out, and that each day numbers of sailors went
down with dysentery. Fighting their way South in a
violent gale the fleet became separated. Howard with
his ships reached Margate, Hawkins was fortunate to
get into Harwich, while the rest of the fleet found shelter
in the Downs. By this time the condition of the crews
had become desperate. Boat-load after boat-load of
sick and dying men were rowed ashore from the fleet,
and landed at Margate and Harwich. Soon every barn
and shed was full and overflowing, and the sick were
laid down in the streets and alleys to fend for them-
selves.

Howard and Hawkins did all in their power to find
shelter, food and medicines to succour their men. But
little could be done. The authorities at London were
either callous or indifferent. " It would grieve any
man’s heart,” wrote Howard in a letter to Burghley, on

226 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

August 20thj “ to see men who had served so valiantly
die so miserably.” Still no food was sent to feed th«
starving sailors. Two days later Howard wrote again, tt
implore the Council to do something, and, if they di<
not send food, at least to send money to pay the sailors ;
little of their well-earned wages, wherewith to buy foo<
and clothing.

At the battle of Gravelines, scarcely sixty Englishme]
had been killed, yet now, but one month later, whol
crews were sick and dying with hardly enough men lef
in most ships to weigh the anchor.

The meanness of the Government seems almost beyon<
belief. Rather than pay up what they owed, they de
liberately delayed with the idea that by so doing mor
men would die and so leave fewer to pay. Hawkins
indignant at the niggardly way the men were beinj
treated, wrote boldly to Lord Burghley ; “ Your lord
ship may think that by death, discharging of sick, etc.
something may be spared in the general pay. Thos
that die tiieir friends require their pay. For those whid
are discharged we take on fresh men, which breeds a fa
greater charge.”

The men were not only starving, but they had littl
else than rags to cover themselves with. Howard
seeing the desperate situation, wrote again to Burghley
“ It were marvellous good a thousand pounds’ worth o
hose, doublets, shoes, shirts and such-like were sent dowi
with all expedition, else in a very short time I look to se
most of the mariners go naked.”

Howard and Hawkins did what they could with thei:
own money to help their men ; but this fell far short o
what was needed. At last Howard, driven to distraction
took 3000 Spanish pistoles out of the ” Capitana ” t(
meet the more urgent expenses of the fleet. For thi;
act of common sense and common duty he was actually
charged with theft. To defend himself he wrote tc

AFTERMATH

227

Walsingham : “ I did take them as I told you I would :
for, by Jesus, I had not ,^3. o. o. left in the world, and
have not anything that could get money in London —
my plate was gone before. But I will repay it within
ten days of my coming home. I pray you let Her
Majesty know so : and by the Lord God of Heaven,
I had not one crown more and had it not been of
mere necessity, I would not have touched one : but
if I had not some to have bestowed upon some poor,
miserable man, I should have wished myself out of the
world.”

There seems to have been no device too mean by
which the Queen, or her councillors, endeavoured to
escape paying their debts of honour. Amongst the
items of expenditure for which the Lord Admiral was
called to account was one of ^^620, for “ extraordinary
kinds of victuals, wine etc., distributed among the ships
for the relief of the sick and wounded men.” But even
this the Queen refused to pass, so that Howard in disgust
finally struck the item out of his account, adding, “ I will
myself make satisfaction as well as I may, so that Her
Majesty shall not be charged withal.”

Leaving this unedifying subject for the present, let
us return to Harwich, where Hawkins was doing his
utmost to deal with a most harrowing situation. It was
on August 8 th that he brought in his fleet from the
North Sea. This consisted of thirty-five vessels, nine
of which were Queen’s ships, nine London privateers,
the remaining seventeen being private ships from Ply-
mouth, Dartmouth and the Western ports.

When they cast anchor at the Essex port, the crews
were literally starving. For eight days they had sub-
sisted on rations issued in Scotland and meant to last
three. By great good fortune they found at Harwich
some hoys containing beer and bread, and this saved
them for a while.

228 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Leaving his sick at Harwich, Hawkins sailed in wild
weather to join the Admiral at Margate, carrying with
him the provisions taken out of the hoys.

Arrived at Margate, the seas were so high that the
ships were unable to communicate with the shore.

Then suddenly a rumour began to spread that the
Spanish Armada was returning. No one had certain
nor direct news, but almost everybody appeared to know
of some one else who had. And so the story spread with
all the fulsome detail which such fables gather. Like
the story of the snow-sprinkled Russian soldiers who
were reported to have been seen travelling hither and
thither in railway carriages all over Scotland and Eng-
land in August, 1914, so the story of the progress of
the Spanish fleet southwards was passed from mouth to
mouth. It was not only the common folk who believed
it, for those in high places thought it might be true.
Panic ensued. If the enemy had returned, the English
would be at their mercy ; crews dead and dying or on
the verge of mutiny ; no victuals, no gunpowder.
Howard himself had confessed to bluffing the enemy
when he said he was putting on a “ brag countenance ”
in chasing the flying foe, being even then without powder
and with but a pitiml supply of victuals.

Drake, no scaremonger, believed the reports might be
true, and begged to be allowed to take a small fleet to
watch for Parma, in case he should make an attempt to
ferry his army across the Channel. But fortunately the
rumour proved a myth, for by this time the Invincible
Armada was struggling desperately to weather the North
of Scotland in the worst summer gales in the memory
of living man.

In the meantime England rejoiced. On August 12th
the victory was proclaimed. The Queen commanded
public prayer and thanksgiving to be made in every
church in the land. Later she went in triumphal pro-

AFTERMATH

229

cession from Somerset House, through Temple Bar to
St. Paul’s, to return thanks to ^d, where, after listening
to a sermon, she ordered the Spanish colours, taken in
the war, to be set up and shown to the people. All the
greatest in the land walked in that procession, except
the sailors. Noblemen, followed by Schools of Clerks
of Chancery, Star Chamber and the Signet, moved
proudly along with quantities of Chaplains, Judges,
Barons, and Ambassadors. Masters of the great Ward-
robe and the Jewel House marched cheek by jowl with
Doctors of Physic and Masters of the Revels. Alto-
gether it was a brave and inspiring spectacle.

God had given the victory to His chosen, although
the seamen, who with God’s aid had fought and won
the fight, were conspicuous by their absence, they were
afterwards remembered, and the survivors were at last
paid their wages and the wounded and maimed awarded
pensions.

These same sailors were modest men. They did not
boast nor brag that their superior skill or bravery had
defeated the Spaniards ; they wished it to be known
that “ God blew, and they were scattered,” and so it was
believed for many a year afterwards.

As soon as the first flush of victory was over, the Queen
and her councillors became alarmed over the confused
state of the naval accounts. So complete was the muddle
that no one could disentangle it, and so as usual they
turned to the only man in the country who could be
relied on to put matters straight. Needless to say
this was John Hawkins. Owing to the vacillation and
unreadiness of the Government, ships put into com-
mission one day were ordered to be dismantled the next.
Crews having been suddenly disbanded, a panic arose
and fresh crews had to be found and enlisted. While
the Armada was in the Channel, and Hawkins was at
sea, all method went by the board. As ever, Hawkins

230 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

was looked to to right things and put the accounts in
shipshape order.

Burghley had been harrying Hawkins, while he was
still with the fleet off Margate, to send him full returns
of the crews on the pay list.

It fell to the duty of Hawkins, as Navy Treasurer, to
pay off the crews, while Burghley as Lord Treasurer had
to find the money.

The long-suffering Admiral at last, on receipt of a more
than usually unfriendly letter from Burghley, replied on
August 28 th as follows :

“ My Honourable good Lord,

“ I am sorry I do live so long to receive
so sharp a letter from your lordship considering how
carefully I take care to do all for the best and to ease
charge.” After reminding him that he had already sent
full particulars of the ships’ crews and numbers, he
points out that he ” had but one day to travail in, and
then I discharged many after the rate that I thought
my money would reach but after that day I could hardly
row from ship to ship, the weather hath been continually
so frightful. ... I am in gathering of a book of all
those that have served, and the quality and time of their
service, as_ I can overcome it. . . . Some I have dis-
charged with fair words (i.e. without money), some are
so miserable and needy that they are holpen with tickets
to the victuallers for some victuals to help them home ;
and some with a portion of money, such as my Lord
Admiral will appoint to relieve their sick men and to
relieve some of the needy sort, to avoid exclamation.”
After further details of the measures by which he pro-
posed to deal with the discharging of all soldiers and
sailors not required to look after the ships, he goes on in
a more bitter vein : “ It shall hereafter be more offence
to your lordship that I do so much alone ; for with

AFTERMATH

231

God’s favour I will and must leave all {i.e. resign) I pray
God I may end this account to Her Majesty’s and your
liking and avoid my own undoing ; and I trust God
will so provide for me as I shall never meddle with such
intricate matters more, for they be importable for any
man to please and overcome it.” In a voice of despair,
unusual to the stolid and unemotional Hawkins he ends
his letter : “ If I had an enemy, I would wish him no
more harm than the course of my troublesome and pain-
ful life ; but hereunto, and to God’s good providence
we are born.”

Try as he would Hawkins could not satisfy the Lord
Treasurer.

So bullied was he by the stream of letters of complaint
from Burghley, that he was driven to write to Walsing-
ham : “I know I shall never please his lordship two
months together, for which I am very sorry. . . . My
pain and misery in this service is infinite. Every man
would have his turn served, though very unreasonable ;
yet if he refused, then adieu friendship.” And then in
all bitterness of his soul he adds: “God, I trust will
deliver me of it ere it be long, for there is no other hell.”

Finding at last that even his never flagging industry
could not cope with the management of the fleet, the
repairs, paying off and discharging the sailors, and yet
do his accounts, on December 14th he applied to the
Privy Council to be granted a year’s leave in which to
devote his whole time and energy to the ordering of the
accounts ; on January ist, 1589, his request was granted,
and on his recommendation his brother-in-law Edward
Fenton was appointed to superintend the affairs of the
Navy Board.

If Sir John Hawkins believed that he was to have a
year undisturbed in which to disentangle the muddled
accounts, he was sorely disappointed. Early in the year

232 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

his two old colleagues on the Navy Board, Sir William
Winter and William Holstocke, both died. The former,
although a very old man, had fought at Gravelines in
command of the “Vanguard,” where he received a
wound. The loss of these two threw much adminis-
tration work on the shoulders of Hawkins.

To show how highly the Government thought of their
Treasurer, they promptly appointed him to the post of
Comptroller in the place of Holstocke. This post,
although it entailed more work, gave Hawkins the in-
crease in salary which he badly needed. In spite of all
the slanderous rumours which gave out that the Treasurer
had feathered his nest during his years of office, this was
far from being the case. Time and again, owing to the
niggardly way the Queen wriggled out of her just debts,
Hawkins had to dip deeply into his own pockets to make
the accounts tally. To raise this money he had to work
hard to keep his own private business as a merchant
adventurer in a prosperous state. In October of this
year his brother William died, at the age of seventy. His
body was interred in the church of St, Nicholas at Dept-
ford, where John erected a monument to his memory.
The inscription was in Latin and the translation into
English runs as follows ;

“ To the ever living memory of William Hawkyns of
Plymouth esquire ; who was a worshipper of the true
religion ; a munificent benefactor to poor mariners ;
skilled in navigation ; oftentimes undertaking long
voyages ; a just arbiter in difficult cases ; and a man of
singular faith, probity and providence. He had two
wives, four children by one, and seven by the other.
John Hawkyns, Knight, Treasurer of the Queen's Navy,
his brother, most sorrowfully erected this. He died in
the sure and certain hope of resurrection on the 7th day
of October, in the year of our Loi'd, 1589.”

AFTERMATH

233

These were the words with which John paid his
last tribute and testimonial to his elder brother, and he
could have chosen no better words to describe his own
character.

While Hawkins was toiling to get straight the Navy
accounts, he never forgot the seamen. For the benefit
of the sailors who had been wounded or incapacitated in
the Armada, or otherwise suffered for the State, he and
Drake founded the “ Chest of Chatham,” which became
in after years the Greenwich Hospital Fund. To pro-
vide the money to pay the pensions, every able seaman
had to contribute sixpence a month of his wages to the
fund.

Not content with this, John Hawkins himself in-
augurated another charity which exists to this day.
This was the Sir John Hawkins Hospital, which he
founded in 1594 for the accommodation of ten poor
decayed mariners and shipwrights at Chatham. Two
years later the Queen granted the charity a charter which
is still preserved in an oak chest on which are engraved
the arms of John Hawkins. Twenty-six governors were
nominated with the Archbishop of Canterbury at the
head, followed by the Bishop of Rochester, the Lord
High Admiral, the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports,
and other important persons, as well as by six principal
master mariners, and two principal shipwrights. To
endow the hospital the founder conveyed land and titles.
During his lifetime Hawkins retained the right to appoint
his beneficiaries, which after his death passed to the
governors.

No person was eligible to be received into the hospital
who had not been “ maimed, disabled or brought to
poverty ” while in the naval service of England. Each
of the ten pensioners received a gratuity of two shillings
a week. No doubt this haven of rest for broken seamen
was to John Hawkins a source of genuine pleasure.

234 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Once the Annada was defeated, and the country had
recovered from its orgy of rejoicing, it began to be ap-
parent to the Government that no time should be lost in
talfi’ng advantage of the crushed and demoralized state
of Spain to establish yet further the recent English
advantage.

A convenient stick with which to beat the enemy
was found in the inert and somewhat inconsequential
claimant to the throne of Portugal, Don Antonio.

On the advice of Drake, the Government agreed to
send out a strong expedition to Portugal under Drake,
who was to land an army, commanded by Sir John
Norris, who had already won renown for himself in the
wars in Ireland and the I.ow Countries. The plan was
to land the troops some miles below Lisbon and to march
on the city, while a simultaneous attack was carried out
by the fleet.

But, like so many of Elizabeth’s plans, this one went
awry through ill-preparation and hesitation. Delay after
\lelay kept the fleet from departing until April, 1589,
when Plymouth was relieved to see the last of the drunken
and disorderly soldiers who had idled there for weeks.
Even when at last they sailed they left short of victuals.
This was one of the outstanding differences between
the two great sailors, Drake and Hawkins. Drake, ever
a brilliant and successful opportunist, was apt to leave
the question of victuals and supplies more or less to
chance, while the less dashing but more careful Hawkins
never once undertook any expedition without calculating,
down to the last ounce of food or dram of powder, what
his ships and crews would need.

On his way to Lisbon Drake called at Corunna, where
he landed his troops, seized the lower town, but
failed to take the fortress, owing to the soldiers becoming
drunk on the wine they found in the Spanish houses.
The army was already becoming weak and demoralized

1 HE Sir John Hawkins From a drawing by Donald Maxwell

Hospital at Chatham

AFTER MAlTH

235

by disease and want of discipline, so that by the time they
were landed at Peniche, on the banks of the Tagus, they
were more an armed rabble than an army of trained
soldiers.

From now onwards things went from bad to worse.
The English Government had been assured by those
who were supposed to know, that the people of Portugal,
crushed beneath the Spanish yoke, would rise to a man
to welcome the English deliverers, and to restore Don
Antonio to the throne. But when the time and the
English came they did nothing of the sort. Then, again,
it was expected that the weak Spanish garrison in Lisbon
would capitulate at the first attack, but once more the
prophets were wrong, for the Spanish soldiers stood their
ground most gallantly.

It had been arranged that when Norris reached the
walls of Lisbon and was ready to attack, Drake with his
fleet should simultaneously attack the city from the river
front. But no Drake and no fleet arrived ; instead they
lay, for some unknown reason, at anchor far below the
city. At last Norris, at the head of a mob of sick and
dying men, had to beat an inglorious retreat and re-
embark as best he could.

This disastrous expedition ended by its return to
England at the end of June, with nothing to show for
their pains but the loss of large numbers of men, and
much money. But it taught, or should have taught,
the Government several lessons. One was that, although
Drake was a brilliant navigator and fighter on a purely
naval adventure, he was not a success in military en-
gagements on land, nor when he had to share the
command. Another was that the English army was in
no way to be compared to the English navy, nor the
English soldier, as a fighting man, to the English sailor.
Of army officers, England could boast of men of the
highest ability, but the rank and file were of very inferior

236 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

quality compared to the Continental armies, particularly
to the well-trained and disciplined Spanish veterans.

The Queen, who never forgave ill success, made no
effort to hide her disgust at Drake’s failure at Lisbon, and
for several years he ceased to bask in the sunshine of
Gloriana’s countenance.

John Hawkins had remained at home during the
Portuguese expedition, and the only part in it that he or
his brother took was to become subscribers towards the
cost. Had he taken an active part, there is no doubt that
the victualling and other arrangements would have been
properly and thoroughly carried out. Hawkins was all
for “ good order,” as he says in a letter to Burghley
within a month after the return of Drake, “ by good
order good effects will follow.” It was in this same
letter that Hawkins harped back to a plan which he
had drawn up while lying at Queenborough with the
Lord Admiral in December, 1587. In this document,
after advising against any attempt at invasions of foreign
countries, but rather keeping to the sea, he urged the
Queen to keep a fleet of six big and six small warships,
constantly plying between Spain and the Azores. This
fleet was to be victualled for four months, and at the
expiration of that time be relieved by another fleet.
With his usual business-like regard for detail, he worked
it out that 1800 men would be required to man each
squadron, and that the monthly cost would be ;^2730,
“ and it will be a very bad and unlucky month that they
will not bring in treble that charge, for they can see
nothing but it will hardly escape them.”

Had this plan of permanent blockade been carried
out it would have been difficult for Spain to hold out for
long. By this means, every carrick or galleon from the
East or West Indies would have had to run the gauntlet
of the English squadron, before reaching safety in a
Spanish port.

'hest at the Sir John Hawkins Hospital, From a dratvtug by Donald Maxwell

Ihatham, which contained the original Charter

AFTERMATH 237

Not only was Hawkins ready with hi,s plan, but he was
prepared to go himself in command of the first squadron
which should be sent out.

In a fourth letter to Burghley on the same subject, he
reveals himself in many ways. One thing he shows is
that any animosity he had felt towards the Lord High
Treasurer was now a thing of the past. This letter,
written in Hawkins’ fifty-seventh year, is couched in
the following fine Elizabethan style :

“ And forasmuch as I shall never be able to end my
days in a more godly cause for the church of God, a more
dutiful service to her Majesty, or a more profitable ser-
vice for our country, I did desire this way chiefly for that
I know this thing executed to order will work great effect
and fit best for the ability of this commonwealth to
maintain ; and thereupon offer myself and my ability to
execute it. By which example I doubt not but other
more able than myself in ability and knowledge will for
the like good endeavour to continue their good purpose.”

Harping back to the old treachery at San Juan de
Ulua he shows that he no longer feels the sting :

“ The revenge which I desired long since for the
injuries I received of the Spaniards, time hath made me
forget it and refer it to God, who is the avenger of
wrongs.”

The next paragraph gives a hint of his sense of ap-
proaching old age :

“ My years requireth rest from enterprising matters
of importance. I am out of debt, and no children to
care for ; and although not rich yet contented with mine
estate. I can within this month satisfy your lordship

238 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

plainly in what estate I stand with Her Majesty in mine
accompts, which I am sure will be found that I shall
not be in debt. And touching mine own contentation,
in my wife, my friends, or any other worldly matter, I
am as well pleased and contented as I desire ; all which
I lay aside and forego if it shall be thought meet by Her
Majesty that I shall proceed in this service, which I
doubt not but our good God shall bless with a happy
success, being intended chiefly for his glory ; and so
humbly take my leave of your lordship, from Deptford,
the vjth of July, 1 589.”

At first this scheme of Hawkins, by which a permanent
blockade should be made on die Spanish ports, was
looked upon with some favour. But, as ever, the Queen
and Bui^hley preferred their old principle of living,
politically, from hand to mouth. Instead of undertaking
a set policy of steady pressure on Spain, they fell back
upon the old system of sending out, haphazard, isolated
squadrons, half privateer, half filibuster, with vague
orders to cruise about between the Spanish coast and the
Azores, on the chance of picking up a rich prize or two
on its way home from America or the East Indies.
Such a cruise was made under that gallant courtier and
freebooter, the Earl of Cumberland, in June, 1589,
when he sailed with the Queen’s ship the “ Victory ”
and some private ships of his own and others. On the
whole he made a sorry mess of the affair until he
stumbled by chance on a rich prize with upwards of
,^100,000, which he took and was bringing home when,
by ill fortune, she was wrecked on the English coast.

The same year, Sir Martin Frobisher, with some
Queen’s ships, set out and plied on and off the coast of
Portugal, hoping to intercept any Spanish ships that
might escape Cumberland. He succeeded in capturing
four prizes, but lost two of these by shipwreck afterwards.

AFTERMATH

239

Had these two expeditions been managed so as to work
together on the lines Hawkins had advised, the result
might have been very much better.

In the meanwhile, John Hawkins was busily preparing
six fighting ships of his own at Chatham. When he had
his fleet almost ready to sail for the Azores, the Privy
Council met to decide “ Whether it be convenient that
Sir John Hawkins shall proceed in his voyage ? ” But
after the usual vacillation decided they “ thought unmeet
for him to go,” so an order came to Hawkins to keep his
ships where they were, and for Drake to busy himself in
fortifying Plymouth and Scilly, just when all danger of
another Spanish invasion was at its lowest.

Poor Hawkins 1 Was ever a man more sorely tried ?
Allowed and even encouraged to spend large sums of
his own money in fitting out a fleet for a set purpose and
one admitted by the Government to be justified, all his
plans were suddenly overthrown because of some idle
rumour that Spanish warships were being assembled at
Corunna for the conquest of Brittany. Every serious
sailor knew the utter impossibility of the thing, but no
report or hearsay was too grotesque to fling Elizabeth
and her Privy Council into a panic.

In despair Hawkins wrote to Burghley :

“lam many ways burdened and brought behind hand
and especially by the overthrow of this journey which I
had with great care and cost brought to pass, hoping,
as your lordship did sec an orderley and sparing begin-
ning, so if it had pleased God that it should have pro-
ceeded there should have been seen with God’s favour
a rare example of government ; but seeing it is thus I
can but say the will of God be done. But now, being
out of hope that ever I shall perform any royal thing, I
do put on a mean mind and humbly pray your lordship
to be a good lord to me.”

240 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

The full bitterness of the gall of disappointment
followed very shortly, when news reached England that
the “ Flota ” with five million ducats on board had
reached Spain. This was the “Royal thing” that
Hawkins had been after, and which in all probability he
could have had or in any case a large part of it. It was
not only for himself that Hawkins desired the prize
money, but he saw, as the Queen and Burghley failed to
see, that without this money from Ainerica Philip could
never rebuild his fleets or ever regain her former sea
power for Spain.

After a while the English Government began to recog-
nize that their alarm of a Spanish invasion was without
foundation, and granted Plawkins belated permission to
carry out his expedition. Even then they spoiled his
plan by insisting that two squadrons should go out
together, one under the command of Frobisher to the
Azores, the other under Hawkins to blockade the Spanish
coast to watch for the sailing of the Brittany expedition,
which nothing could convince them was a mere bogey.

Hawkins sailed in the “ Mary Rose,” which became
his flagship, while his Vice-Admiral was George Fenner
in the “ Hope,” The four other ships were the “ Non-
pareil ” commanded by his son, Richard, and the
“ Swiftsure,” “ Foresight ” and “ Rainbow.”

Frobisher reached the Azores towards the end of July,
just too late to meet a consignment of treasure which had
left a few days previously in a squadron of “ gallizabras,”
a new type of fast sailing, heavily armed vessel designed
to take the place of the former slow sailing clumsy mer-
chantmen that made up the “ flotas.”

Frobisher, although he captured only a few small prizes,
not enough to pay the expenses of the expedition, yet suc-
ceeded in creating a panic in the Spanish maritime world.

Hawkins, owing to the eleventh hour orders to watch
the Brittany fleet, also failed to carry out what he had

AFTERMATH

241

intended. True, he brought home some prizes to
Plymouth, after he was called home by the Privy Council
in all haste, because fresh rumours were abroad of the
Brittany scare.

Even if his voyage was not satisfactory from the point
of view of the shareholders, he had proved that it was
possible by careful and generous victualling to keep a
fleet at sea for five months without any heavy death-roll
from hunger and disease.

On his return Hawkins once more took up his pen
to write a report to Lord Burghley. He was acutely
conscious that his voyage had been a failure, or anyhow
would be considered so by the Queen and her advisers,
although he knew only too well that the blame was theirs
not his. It was in this spirit that he wrote :

“ And thus God’s infallible word is performed, in that
the Holy Ghost said, Paul doth plant, Apollos doth
water, but God givcth the increase . . . but seeing this
hath been the good pleasure of God, I do content myself
and hold all to come for the best.”

Elizabeth, who was ever apt to judge such expeditions
purely from the narrow view of immediate results in
plunder, rather than from the wider view of policy, on
being shown Hawkins’ letter, snapped out, in a rage,
“ God’s death ! This fool went out a soldier and is
come home a divine.”

The following years — ^until 1594 — ^were chiefly taken
up, as far as naval activities against Spain were concerned,
with the sending out to the Azores of private or semi-
private ventures which, although they harassed the
enemy and occasionally brought home a prize, did not
prevent most of the treasure ships from reaching Spain,
nor hinder the building of new ships of war.

One of these expeditions was that which Lord Thomas

242

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Howard commanded, with Sir Richard Grenville as his
Vice-Admiral. It was on this occasion that he was sur-
prised while changing ballast at one of the Islands of the
Flores by Admiral Alonzo de Bazan with fifty-five sail,
and seven thousand men. Surprised and completely
outnumbered, Howard gave the order to retreat, which
his fleet did, with the exception of his brave but obstinate
Vice-Admiral, who remained alone to fight and perish
and so give birth to one of the greatest epics in our naval
history and literature.

While the King of Spain continued to build new
warships, Elizabeth did nothing, officially, to prevent
him. All she did was to lend a Royal ship to some
recognized privateer who took a squadron of ships to
lurk about the Azores, prize-hunting. The Earl of
Cumberland went out with his own fleet strengthened
by one of the Queen's, while other dashing freebooter
Captains did the same with varying success.

The neighbourhood of the Azores became a veritable
happy hunting-ground for the adventurers during the
next few years. Every West-of-England squire who
could collect together a few ships armed and manned
them and sailed to the West. If they could borrow or
hire a Royal Navy ship, so much the better, luitil it came
to the share-out of the plunder, for then the Queen
demanded her very full share.

No press-gang was needed to man the ships when
Martin Fromsher, Captain Robert Crosse, Sir John
Burgh or the Earl of Cumberland were known to be off
to the Islands, while there were hosts of lesser fry who
were ready to try their luck at the game.

John Hawkins sent out his new ship, the “ Dainty,”
which bore the brunt in a fierce attack on the “ Madre
de Dios,” a great East India carrack, which fell to the
fierce onslaught. The English got her safely home with
her vast and unparalleled cargo worth, by values of to-day.

AFTERMATH

243

more than five million pounds, the greatest prize ever
taken from the Spaniards.

This bringing home to England of the “ Madre de
Dios ” caused more than a flutter in the Government
dovecotes ; it led to mutinies and riots among the seamen
both at Dartmouth and Plymouth. The trouble was
that the crews of the privateer ships had plundered and
pillaged the great prize, in spite of their officers. The
officers might have succeeded better had they at least
set a better example, but they, or most of them, were so
engaged in collecting souvenirs for themselves that every
man, from bos’n’s mate to cabin boy, seized the oppor-
tunity to fill his chest with Spanish doubloons, lace or
jewels.

Thus it happened that when the carrack was brought
into Dartmouth early in September, 1592, it was found
that she had already been stripped of almost all the port-
able and less bulky part of her cargo, which was safely
hidden away in the warships. No sooner were the latter
docked at Plymouth than swarms of London Jews came
down to the Western port and began haggling for ropes
of pearls, gold nuggets and diamond ornaments, with
half-drunken tars at the waterside taverns. Sir Robert
Cecil, the son of I^rd Burghley, hurried down from
l4ondon to claim for the Queen her share of the plunder.
On the road he met men, some mariners, others dealers,
who passed by with bundles on their shoulders, leaving
behind them a stream of scent of musk and amber, stolen
from the great Spanish prize.

'Phe seamen defied the authorities who were sent to
make them disgorge their ill-gotten gains. The situa-
tion became serious, for the men were become thoroughly
out of hand, and nobody could do anything with them.
As a last resource Sir Walter Raleigh was released from
the Tower and despatched to Plymouth to talk the
seamen back to reason.

244

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

The same trouble, but to a far less degree, was going
on at London, and here Hawkins did his best to restore
some order and discipline amongst the out-of-hand crews.

By the cruelty of fate Hawkins’ ship, the “ Dainty,”
which deserved most, got nothing but hard knocks, for
she had been so battered and hammered by the guns of
the “ Madre de Dios ” that she was too crippled to be
in at the death, and the plundering.

She, unlike the rest of the fleet, sailed under jury rig
direct to Gravesend. Hawkins, on hearing of her ap-
proach, sent out searchers to board her and look for
hidden treasure before he consented to go aboard himself.

Long and most unseemly wrangling followed between
the Queen and the owners of the privateers, over the
division of what plunder was saved from the crews ; and
in the end the Queen got the lion’s share.

A year later, in 1593, the irrepressible Cumberland
was on the war-path once again, this time on his own
account and without any Royal patronage, harrying the
Spanish shipping off the Azores. By now the English
Government had ceased to take more than a casual interest
in these sea-rovers, and was more absorbed in the Spanish
occupation in Brittany, where, in the following autumn,
Martin Frobisher fell mortally wounded while leading
an attack at Brest.

Thus it happened that, in the six vital years immedi-
ately following the victory over the Armada, the English
allowed to slip from their grasp almost everything that
had been won for them by their Navy in 1588, all of
which would have been saved and much more won^ and
Spain for ever beaten, if only the wise and bold policy
of John Hawkins had been followed.

Ever since the end of 1588 Hawkins had been trying
his utmost to be free of all the administrative work of the
Navy Board. “ I have now gathered together my
receipts and payments for eleven years ended the last

AFTERMATH

245

of December, 1588,” he wrote to Burghley, and finished
his letter by pressing for leave to carry out his scheme
for blockading the Spanish ports, adding, “ I shall go
forward the better with ability and courage to furnish
this enterprise I have in hand, which shall be a rare
example of order and benefit for Her Majesty’s service.
... I hope within eight or ten days to be able to wait
upon your lordship that I may at large declare the
manner of my proceeding which your lordship will easily
conceive to be substantially done and with easy charge ;
although many make mountains of molehills.”

Plead as he might for a chance to be up and doing
what was so obviously the right thing, still the Govern-
ment demurred.

By the spring of 1590 this most tenacious of men
began to despair. He described his life as being “ care-
ful, miserable, unfortunate and dangerous.”

h'or two more years he endeavoured to rouse the Queen
and Ix>rd Burghley to the danger of leaving Spain to
recover her power at sea. On July 8th, 1592, he wrote
again to the I>ord High Treasurer, once more offering
to resigti if by doing so a younger and a fitter man might
be employed to take, command of his long cherished
project of' a«t Atlantic Cruise. It was a long letter
beginning : “ When the ‘ Swiftsurc ’ was launched at
Deptford, the ship sitting very hard we were forced to
use great violence upon the tackles, whereof one gave
way anti l^rake, so as one cml of a cable ran by my leg
and hurt me in six places.” 1 1c felt conscious of his
fiiiling health ami vitality and added : “ I would to God
the ability of my body and the strength were such as I
could thereby promise better, but as it is I will not fail
to do the liest 1 can. With me I do confess it is at the
best, for I am not able to perform that which I desire to
do. 'I'herefore 1 ilo njf>st humbly pray your good lord-
ship tt) be a mean to 1 Icr Majesty that some discreet and

2+6 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

able man may be thought upon to supply my place,
which to instruct I will abide such a convenient time as
shall seem good unto your lordship and I will never-
theless ever during my life attend Her Majesty’s service
any other way that I shall be appointed where in my
experience and skill will serve ; for with good favour
of Her Majesty’s and your lordship’s I shall ever acknow-
ledge myself more bounden than if I had received in gift
great treasure.”

But all wag in vain, even such a gracefully worded
resignation as this was without avail. The Queen and
Burghley knew only too well that the faithful John
Hawkins was indispensable. He might plead, cajole or
threaten, but nothing he could do would alter the situation.
Most men would have despaired after such continual
discouragement, but not so the stubborn Hawkins, who
continued to pester Burghley to let him have his own way.

As late as February, 1594, he wrote his final letter on
the same subject. It was addressed to “ My most
honourable and especial good lord,” and ran :

“ I do send herewith unto your lordship the estate of
fifteen years of mine accompts of which nine years are
past before your lordship by duplicates, the books of four
years are with the auditors, and have been long, and ten
years are ready lying by me confirmed by the officers,
so as, as much as is in me to do there is no time neglected,
yet I am troubled with presses out of the exchequer,
the business is very great that is to be performed, my
wife is in that wetness yet that I cannot remove her
from Deptford, and by that occasion I remain there with
my household, this dead time of the year with passing
in and out by water I do hardly escape sickness, where-
fore I humbly pray your lordship I may have the favour
to attend upon my lord chief baron and Mr. Fanshaw,
the next term. Her Majesty’s service shall be the better

AFTERMATH

347

furthered and receive less damage, and so your lordship’
may have me with God’s favour to do Her Majesty’s
service some longer time.

“ After I had served one year in this office I was ever
desirous to be delivered from it, Mr. Gonson told me
the office was of great care, trouble and charge, and of
no benefit, but I would not believe him, when he said I
shall pluck a thorn out of my foot and put it into yours,
which now I find too true, for I may justly say that beside
my ordinary fee and diet, there is not any fees or vayles
in all my ' ‘.me worth twenty shillings to me.

“ All that I get for my travail and industry otherwise
I consume in the attendance in this office, therefore I
humbly pray your lordship to favour me to be delivered
from this continual thraldom which I mind to procure
by all the means I can, and so praying to God for your
lordship’s health, do humbly take my leave from Dept-
ford the — of February, 1593.

“ Your lordship’s ever most bounden,

“ John Hawkyns.”

At last, after persistent pleading, the Treasurer found
himself free of office cares and once again preparing for
a voyage, one object of which was to look for and rescue
his only son Richard.

This son, the only child of Katherine Hawkins, was
born at Plymouth in 1 562, and was, like every true
Hawkins, brought up to the sea life. In his father’s
and uncle’s ships and shipyards the boy had learned the
whole art of seamanship.

It was not until he was twenty years old diat Richard
made his first long voyage, when he sailed with his uncle,
William Hawkins, to the West Indies, and showed great
courage and ability. From this time onwards he seems
to have spent most of his life at sea, having little taste
for the counting-house or other employment on shore

348 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Three years later, Richard Hawkins sailed under Drake
and Frobisher in command of his own vessel, the “ Duck.”
The fleet was a large one for a filibustering affair, con-
sisting as it did of 25 ships, with 2300 soldiers and
mariners, of whom 750 ultimately died of disease on the
coast of Central America.

After the return of this expedition young Hawki n s
was admitted to the freedom of Plymouth, when, in
honour of the occasion, he contributed towards the fond
raised to reimburse Francis Drake for the conduit he
had made to bring water to the town.

Against the Armada, in command of one of his father’s
ships, the “ Swallow,” he fought in every engagement,
while his ship suffered more severely than any other from
the Spanish gunfire.

No sooner was he back in England, after the final
defeat of the Armada, than Richard Hawkins had built
for himself a new ship in which to attempt a voyage
around the world, in the footsteps of Francis Drake.

She was between three and four hundred tons, and
“ was finished in that perfection as could be required for
she was pleasing to the eye, profitable for storage, good
of sail, and well conditioned.” Thus it was the proud
young owner described the ship he had himself designed
and built, in a book he wrote called “ The Observations
of Sir Richard Hawkins in his voyage into the South
Sea.” In this book he recounts how his ship came to
receive her name. “ The day of her launching being
appointed, the Lady Hawkins (my step-mother) named
her the ‘ Repentance ’ ; and although many times I
expostulated with her, to declare the reason for giving
her that uncouth name, I could never have any satis-
faction, than that repentance was the safest ship we could
sail in to purchase the haven of Heaven. . , . The
‘ Repentance ’ being put into perfection, and riding at
Deptford, the Queen’s majesty passing by her to her

AFTERMATH 249

palace at Greenwich, commanded her bargemen to row
round about her, and viewing her from port to stern,
disliked nothing but her name, and said she would
christen her anew, and that henceforth she should be
called the ‘ Dainty ’ ; which name she brooked well,
having taken (for her Majesty) a great Byscen of 500
tons, under the conduct of Sir Martin Frobisher ; a
caracke bound for the East Indies, under my father’s
charge ; and the principal cause of taking the great
caracke, the ‘ Madre de Dios,’ brought to Dartmouth
by Sir John Borrough and the Earl of Cumberland’s
ships, anno^ 1592, with others of moment in other
voyages. To us she never brought but loss, trouble
and care. Therefore my father resolved to sell her,
though with some loss, which he imparted to me ; and
for that I had ever a particular love unto her, and a desire
she .should continue ours, I offered to ease him of the
charge and carc of her and to take her with all her fur-
niture at the price he had before taken her of me with
the resolution to put into execution for which she was
first buildcd.”

At length the great adventure which Richard Hawkins
had so long dreamed of began to take definite shape.
By the end of March, with the help of his father, all was
ready for the start, and “ having taken my unhappy last
leave of my father. Sir John Hawkins, and coming to
Barking we might sec my ship at an anchor.” Arriving
at Plymouth on April a 6th, the small fleet was victualled
and all was ready for the final departure, when a sudden
westerly gale sprang up, which dismasted the “ Dainty.”
Richard then went ashore, and “ coming to my house to
shift me, being wet to the skin, I had not well changed
my clothes when a servant of mine enters almost out of
breath with news, that the pinnace was beating upon
the rocks, which though I knew to be remediless, I put
myself in place where I might see her, and in a little time

250 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

after she sank downright.” True Hawkins that he was,
he faced this further misfortune with the same fortitude
his father would have shown. “ These losses and mis-
chances troubled and grieved, but nothing daunted me ;
Sifortuna me tormenta ; Esperanca me contenta." Richard
Hawkins was not to be discouraged, for he writes “ the
storm ceasing, I began to get in the ‘ Dainty ’ to mast
her anew, and to recover the ‘ Fancy ’ my pinnace, which
with the help and furtherance of my wire’s father who
supplied all my wants, together with my credit (which
I thank God was unspotted) in ten days put all in former
state, or better.”

The story of this famous voyage may be read in the
pages of Richard Hawkins’ own book.

After sailing for several months, with fortune some-
times for, but more often against them, they got through
the Straits of Magellan and reached the South Pacific
Ocean.

After various adventures, the English filibusters met
with a powerful Spanish fleet, sent out to search for them
by the Viceroy of Peru.

For three days an unequal battle raged, the English
fighting stubbornly in spite of heavy odds, until Hawkins
was wounded and his ship smashed to pieces. At last,
when it was evident that the fight was lost, and his ship
on the point of foundering, the English Admiral accepted
the terms of surrender offered by the Spanish Admiral,
Don Beltran de Castro, who swore that the prisoners
should be sent back to England as speedily as possible,
and gave Hawkins, as a token of good faith, his glove.
But, alas, for Spanish promises and honour, the prisoners
were not released, and for many years they remained in
captivity. In all fairness to de Castro, it must be re-
corded that he did everything in his power to persuade
the King of Spain to liberate Hawkins, but nevertheless
the English commander was sent to Spain, and there

AFTERMATH

251

cast into prison, where he languished until the end of
1 602, when he was at last set free on the payment of a
huge ransom of 2,000.

It was in the January following after an absence of
ten years that Richard Hawkins returned to England,
to find himself a ruined man. But no Hawkins ever
admitted himself defeated for long, and Richard was no
exception. The Queen made him a knight, and ap-
pointed him Vice-Admiral of Devon, while the electors
of Plymouth returned him as member for their borough
in Parliament.

At the age of sixty, when giving evidence before the
Privy Council, Sir Richard Hawkins dropped dead, and
so ended the earthly career of the “ Compleat Seaman.”

CHAPTER XIV

THE LAST VOYAGE

HE Azores, after being for several years
the happy hunting-ground of the Eng-
lish privateers, began to grow barren
of spoils. The Spaniards had learned
their lesson, and instead of giving up
the struggle, had adapted themselves
to the new and altered circumstances.
As has already been mentioned, they
no longer sent home to Europe their treasure from the
Spanish Main in the bulky old galleons, but in the new
fast-sailing gallizabras. The result of this policy was
that fewer and fewer prizes fell to those English ships
that lay in wait off the Islands. But the Spanish had
done more than improve their ships. When Hawkins
made his three famous slaving voyages, the Spanish
settlements were in a state of helplessness. They might
withstand the sudden attack of a French pirate, but were
at the mercy of any small but well-armed and well-
disciplined English fleet. When the English first
found their way into the Pacific, they met ships laden
with valuables of almost untold wealth, sailing from port
to port, unarmed and helpless, which surrendered to a
few boat-loads of armed sailors. Such to a less extent
had been the state of things in the West Indies and on
the Spanish Main, up to the time of the Armada, in 1588.

The last eight years had not been wasted by King
Philip, though the English Government had not fully
appreciated Ae change which had taken place.

252

THE LAST VOYAGE 253

The new expedition of 1595 had been talked of for
three years ; talked of too loudly, as was proved later on.

The original plan had been for a small armed party
to land at Nombre de Dios, march quickly across the
Isthmus and then attack the city of Panama. This was
to be plundered and the booty got away as soon as
possible. The idea is supposed to have been suggested
by Drake, and would have been one quite after his own
heart and adapted to his genius. At the last moment,
just as the expedition was about to start, news reached
England of an abandoned galleon with a huge treasure
on board, at Porto Rico, and the original plan was altered
to go after this instead of carrying out the rather wild
project of sacking Panama.

The ^ueen chose, or agreed to the choice of, a dual
command. Sir John Hawkins and Sir Francis Drake.
'Phis was mistake number one, and the cause of the
ultimate fiasco. IVue, she had nominated the two most
famous, successful and skilful seamen in Europe, but it
was like yoking together a thoroughbred Clydesd^e with
a race-horse to draw a plough, as to expect these two men
to pull successfully together. Had either gone alone
anything might have happened, while with a dual com-
mand only one thing could result, and this was disaster.

The two Commanders were so utterly diflFerent.
1 lawkins, nine years the older, was a plodding, careful,
painstaking man, who saw to every detail himself, who
took no unnecessary risks, and who never sailed nor
sent out any expedition without seeing that even the
smallest detail was complete. In the words of one who
knew him, he was all for “ good order.” He might have
a slow brain, but he was methodical and thorough to the
last degree.

The younger man was the opposite. Quick of mind,
prompt to sum up a new situation, never hesitating for
a moment on his line of action, never brooking any inter-

254 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

ference and scornful of the advice of others, he would
have no patience with his old friend, relation and teacher.
As to detail, he hated the very word. When Drake went
on the warpath he left such matters as supplies and victuals
to others, or to take care of themselves. Hawkins, though
the kindest Commander to his crews that ever sailed a
ship, maintained strict discipline ; Drake, born Com-
mander that he was, was no disciplinarian, although he
could quell a mutiny, or a threat of one, with the utmost
severity.

These characteristics of the two Admirals were ob-
served and commented on by one Captain Thomas
Maynarde, a military officer who accompanied the fleet
and kept a journal. In writing of the dual command,
he points out that although the very name of Sir Francis
Drake would strike terror to the Spaniards in the West
Indies, yet he was a child of fortune and so very self-
willed and peremptory “ as to cause Her Majesty to join
Sir John Hawkins in equal commission — a. man old and
wary, entering into matters with so laden a foot, that the
other’s meat would be eaten before his spit could come
to the fire. Men of so different natures and dispositions
that what one desireth the other would commonly
oppose against.” He goes on to add that although the
two attempted to hide their differences while at Plymouth,
yet it was common knowledge that they were continually
at loggerheads.

The agreement of terms for the venture was drawn up
between the Queen and Hawkins. Doubtless Drake
did not want to be bothered with such dull details and
knew he could safely leave this necessary business to his
wise old relative.

Sir Thomas Gorges, reporting from Plymouth to
Cecil about the agreement, remarked : “ Sir John

Hawkins is an excellent man in these things ; he sees all
things done orderly.”

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2S5

As to the cost of the expedition, the chief subscriber
was Sir John, to the tune of ,^18,662, while Drake in-
vested ,^12,842, both very large sums of money in the
sixteenth century.

The Queen’s share was to contribute six of her Royal
ships, in good order and repair, for which she was to
receive one-third of any or all the booty brought home ;
which goes to show that she was every bit as shrewd
at business as was her Admiral. Added to the ships
supplied by the Queen, Hawkins and Drake, were a
number of private vessels lent on a profit-sharing basis
by various sea captains and ship owners.

The fleet, when assembled at Plymouth, amounted to
twenty-seven ships. Six of these were the Royal ships
lent by the Queen, the remainder being private vessels
provided by various adventurers.

The Queen’s ships included the “ Defiance,”
“ Hope,” “ Bonaventure,” “ Garland,” “ Adventure,”
and ‘^Foresight.” ^

Hawkins sailed in the ” Garland,” while Drake chose
for himself the “ Defiance,” both of them new galleons,
built after the model of the “ Revenge.”

Of seamen and soldiers there were in all some 2 500.

The soldier in command of the land forces was
Sir Thomas Baskerville, an officer of the highest
reputation.

While the fleet was receiving its final touches before
departure, great excitement was caused by a sudden
raid on the Cornish coast by four Spanish galleys, which
had unexpectedly come over from Brittany. They
landed a party of four hundred soldiers near Penzance,
attacked and set on fire the town, stole what they
could, and with a few prisoners hurriedly re-embarked
and disappeared, and no great damage resulted.

Shortly, before the fleet sailed, Drake and Hawkins
wrote a letter to Lord Burghley, referring to the loss of

256 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

some small English vessels off the Spanish coast. It
runs :

“ Our duty in most humble manner remembered, it
may please your Lordship, we have answered her
Majestie’s letter we hope to her Highness’ contentment
whom we would not willingly displease.

“ We humbly thank your Lordship for your manifold
favours which we have always found never variable, but
with all favour, love and constancy, for which we can
never be sufficiently thankful, but with our prayers to
Gkid long to bless your good lordship with honour and
wealth.

“ We think it be true, that some small men-of-war be
taken upon the coast of Spain, but they are of very small
moment ; they be for the most part such small carvels
as was before this taken from the Spaniards. Some
small number of our men are yet in Spain, which is the
only loss, but as we learn, there be not above one hundred
left in Spain of them, but many returned already unto
England. And so looking daily for a good wind, we
humbly take our leave.

“ From Plymouth, the i8th of August, 1^95.

“ Your Lordship’s ever most bounden,

“ Fra. Drake.

“John Hawkins.”

After the usual vicissitudes which seemed bound to
delay any of Elizabeth’s enterprises, the fleet weighed
on August 28th, 1595, and sailed out of Plymouth
harbour. Before stepping on board his flagship, the
“ Garland,” Hawkins bade farewell to his daughter-in-
law, Mistress Judith, and his little grandchild.

Probably the principal reason that urged John
Hawkins to imdertake so hazardous a voyage was to
search for his son Richard, and if possible rescue him

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2S7

from some Spanish prison and restore him to his home,
his wife and little son ; and nothing, not even his foiling
health, would prevent him from embarking on his quest.

One of his last acts had been to make a codicil to his
will, by which he ilirected that “ forasmuch as the said
Richard Ilawkins is supposed to be taken and detained
prisoner in thc Indies, therefore my mind and will is if
the said Richard shall not return unto this Realme of
hingland within the space of three years, . . . that then
the said Dame Margaret shall be my whole and sole
Executrix . , . and shall pay for and towards his re-
demption and ransom in the sum of ,^3000.”

He alst> added a few more legacies for friends and
relatives and directed that “ all the legacies before given
to my servants be doubled.”

At the very start of the voyage there was almost a
disaster, when the “ Hope ” ran aground on the Eddy-
stone Reef, but she was with some difficulty got off
without sustaining any serious damage. Sailing south-
west, the fleet bade farewell to the Devonshire coast, and
as the hills of Dartmoor grew distant and at last sank
below the horizon, for the last time in their lives,
Hawkins and Drake gazed upon their native land.

There was now no time to be lost ; already they were
several months behind their time-table, and each day
the danger became greater that the Spanish Government
would learn the object of the expedition, and be warned
in time. This indeed was what had already happened.
As long ago as April past, news had reached the West
Indies that they were in danger of a raid. In June,
Lord Burghley had been informed by an English spy in
Lisbon that the Azores and the Canaries were being
fortified, and that a strongfleet of twenty-five vessels was
being prepared for sea. The significance of all this news
was only too apparent to Drake and Hawkins. Obvi-
ously the success of the venture depended on surprise,

258 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

and at all costs the English fleet must reach Porto Rico
before the Spanish one.

When four days out from Plymouth, Hawkins sig-
nalled for a council to be held aboard the “ Garland.”
This was the usual procedure, and was done so that no
news of the intended plan should leak out before leaving
port.

When the officers forming the council were assembled
on board and gathered round the table in the great cabin.
Sir Francis Drake revealed a fact of the gravest import-
ance. Apparently he had embarked in his ships three
hundred more men than his proper complement, and
he foresaw all too late that he had not nearly enough
rations to feed so many men during the long journey
to Porto Rico. This act of criminal folly, for it was
nothing else, was one which Hawkins would never have
been guilty of. Drake coolly proposed that Hawkins
should take on board his ships the greater number of
his surplus men. This Hawkins absolutely refused to
. do, and did not mince his words, but “ gave no other
hearing to this motion, but seemed to dislike that he
(Drake) should bring more than was concluded betwixt
them and this drew them to some choleric speeches.
But Sir John would not receive any (men) unless he were
entreated, and to this Sir Francis’ stout heart could never
be driven.” This was how Thomas Maynarde described
the scene at the council meeting, which is confirmed by
another witness. Captain John Troughton, who recoxints
" there passed many unkind speeches and such as Sir
John Hawkins never put off till death.” For the time
being, however, the peace was made, and other matters
discussed, such as suitable rendezvous in the case of the
fleet being dispersed in stormy weather, and what allow-
ances the men should be put on.

As the officers came up on deck to return to their
various ships the quarrel broke out again as hot as ever.

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259

and old John Hawkins lost his temper altogether and
talked at the top of his loud voice “ revealing the places
whiter we were bound in the hearing of the basest
mariner, observing therein no warlike or provident
advice, nor was it ever amended till the time of their
deaths.”

However, the only thing now was to hurry on, to be
in time at Porto Rico, but only a few days later a signal
for another council was seen flying, this time from the
“ Defiance.” On coming aboard the ship, the officers
were told by Drake that matters were even more serious
than had appeared at the previous council.

Bluntly he informed his brother ofiBcers that he found
it impossible to proceed to Porto Rico without first calling
somewhere for more provisions for his men. His pro-
posal was to land at Madeira or Grand Canary, and sei25e
by force of arms what was required.

The council was far from being unanimous over the
question ; some, including the soldier, Baskerville, being
for Drake, the rest siding with Hawkins for an unin-
terrupted voyage to the West Indies. Hawkins again
laid the blame on Drake for his carelessness in coming
unprovided, and he refused to be a party to any alteration
of their prearranged plans or to take over part of Drake’s
superfluous men, unless Drake would acknowledge his
fault. Apparently another childish scene took place, on
the one side old Hawkins, refusing to help unless Drake
confessed to having made a stupid blunder, on the other
Drake, pig-headedly refusing to acknowledge his offence.

“ Now,’’ writes Maynarde, “ the fire which lay hid in
their stomachs began to break forth and had not the
coronell (Baskerville) pacified them would have grown
farther ; but their heat somewhat abated and they con-
cluded to dine next day aboard the ‘ Garland ’ with Sir
John.”

Hawkins, knowing the Canary Islands well, felt

26o sir JOHN HAWKINS

strongly, and said so in no uncertain terms, that a hostile
landing on the Islands would be a very big undertaking
and even if successful might let slip the opportunity of
getting to Porto Rico in time. This sensible advice
would have carried the day, had not Baskerville rashly
boasted that with his soldiers he would be able to capture
Las Palmas in four hours, and that within four days he
would collect all the victuals they needed as well as
ransom, and that on the fifth day they would be ready to
continue their voyage.

Still the two commanders refused to be reconciled,
Drake threatening to go off to the Canaries on his own
account with any ships which would follow him, while
Hawkins, already a sick man, declared he would continue
by himself with his ships to the Indies without Drake.

In the end a peace was patched up at the dinner on
Hawkins’ ship, “ when it was resolved that we should
put for the Grand Canary though, in my conscience,
whatsoever his tongue said. Sir John’s heart was against.”
So in the end the headstrong Drake got his own way as
he usually did, and on September 27th the fleet came in
sight of Las Palmas.

No sooner were the anchors down than Drake was
off to reconnoitre a suitable spot for the storming troops
to land, while Baskerville got his 1400 soldiers into the
boats.

The place chosen by Drake was a stretch of sandy
beach which ran between the town and the fort, and where
if the sea had only been calm the troops could probably
have got a footing on shore. But as it chanced the sea
was rough, with great breakers which threatened to over-
turn the small boats. While the General and the
Admirals discussed the chances of being able to land the
boats in the wild surf, the Spaniards, already warned,
were working furiously digging trenches for their 900
soldiers and emplacements for the field pieces.

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261

The more Drake examined the situation the less he
liked it, and in the end the troops were taken back to the
ships. Maynarde, who always had some advice ready
for all occasions, said that if instead of wasting time
making observations “ we had landed under the fort at
our first coming to anchor, we had put fair to be pos-
sessors of the town, for the delays gave the enemy great
stomachs and daunted our own, it being the first service
our new men were brought into, and it was to be
doubted they would prove the worse the whole journey
following.”

Once the soldiers were back aboard the ships the fleet
weighed and ignominiously sailed away and stood along
to the western end of Grand Canary, where the parties
were landed to get water.

Others went ashore “ for pleasure ” and amongst
them was Captain Grimston, a soldier, who with several
other officers and men climbed a neighbouring hill.
Suddenly the party was attacked by a troop of herdsmen
armed with staves, and by their savage dogs. The un-
fortunate Grimston with several men was killed, and the
rest of his companions wounded and taken prisoner.
Amongst these was the surgeon of the “ Solomon.”

In the end the fleet had to leave without procuring any
provisions, and yet reached the West Indies without any
difficulty through want of victuals ; a strong point in
favour of the policy of John Hawkins for sailing direct
and for not stopping at the Canaries.

Not only had valuable time been lost over Drake's
piratical enterprise, but the troops had become
thoroughly demoralized. Even worse had happened,
for in the night of September 27th, without their know-
ledge, the Governor of the Island had despatched a
swift-sailing caravel to Porto Rico to give warning of
the coming danger, which was believed to have been
wrung out of the ship’s surgeon who was captured with

262

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Grimston, and who, under pressure, had disclosed the
plans and destinations of the English fleet.

The voyage across the Atlantic was uneventful except
for a severe storm which scattered the fleet just before it
reached Guadeloupe, on October 28 th. This was the
pre-arranged rendezvous, but by the 30th two of the
smallest craft, the “ Dainty ” and the “ Francis,” had
not arrived. Then the “ Dainty ” arrived with the
news that when the storm rose she and the “ Francis ”
were sailing several miles behind the rest of the fleet.
As the weather cleared the sailors on the English vessels
saw five large ships which they took to be their consorts
and closed up to them. Too late it was discovered that
these tall ships were five heavily armed gallizabras sent
out by the King of Spain on purpose to bring home the
treasure from Porto Rico. Taken by surprise, the little
“ Francis ” after a gallant but hopeless fight was cap-
tured, though the “Dainty” managed to escape and
brought the bad news to the Admirals at Guadeloupe.
Bad news indeed, for it meant that when the Spanish
ships reached Porto Rico all hope of a surprise would be
gone for ever. This last blow to their hopes appears to
have broken the spirit of Hawkins, who henceforth took
but little active part in the voyage and spent much of his
time in his cabin.

Drake was all for pursuing the Spaniards, either with
the whole or part of the fleet, but the more cautious and
now dying Hawkins would not consent, for, he pointed
out, it would be a practical impossibility to capture all
the Spanish fleet, for it was probable there were more
than the five ships reported by the “ Dainty,” and if only
one of these escaped to reach Porto Rico with the news,
the result would be the same as if the whole fleet had got
through. Drake gave way for once to Hawkins, partly
because Sir Nicholas Clifibrde sided with the elder
Admiral, and partly, according to Maynarde, because

THE LAST VOYAGE 263

Hawkins “ was sickly, Sir Francis being loath to breed
his further disquiet.”

Instead of giving chase to the five Spanish ships,
Hawkins stopped at Guadeloupe “ to trim his ships,
mount his ordnance, take in water, set by some new
pinnaces, and to make things in that readiness that he
cared not to meet the King’s whole fleet.”

Had they but known it, the despatch-boat sent by the
Governor of Grand Canary had arrived at Porto Rico
with the warning on the same day that the English fleet
anchored at Guadeloupe.

Since all hope of surprise had been lost, there was now
no reason to hurry, and it was not until November 4th
that the fleet sailed from Guadeloupe and anchored four
days later at the Virgin Islands, lying to the westward of
Porto Rico. For three days the soldiers were drilled
and exercised on land by their officers so that “ every
man might know his colours.”

Each day Sir John became more ill and was by now
so weak that he had to remain in his cabin and leave
everything to Sir Francis.

On the afternoon of the nth the fleet sailed, and at
three o’clock the next afternoon dropped anchor oflF
Porto Rico. At the same hour the brave but broken
old Admiral gave his soul to God.

With his death our story ends. The ill-fated ex-
pedition attacked the town, which fell after great losses
on both sides. Instead of doubloons and pieces of eight,
they received little but hard knocks and cannon balls, for
the treasure had been removed into safe hiding. Officers
and men had lost heart with the death of Hawkins, and
none more than Drake himself. In spite of all their
differences, Hawkins and Drake had a deep respect and
affection for each other.

After leaving Porto Rico Drake led his fleet to the
scene of his and his old master’s successes in years gone

264 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

by, the Spanish Main. They took La Hacha and other
towns, but got little plunder. At Nombre de Dios
they did better, and from here Baskerville led his troops
across the Isthmus to attack and plunder Panama, but
the enterprise ended in dismal failure ; the soldiers were
ambushed from all sides, and after suffering heavy
casualties struggled back beaten and demoralized. This
last blow completed Drake’s misery ; although he kept a
stiff upper lip when he informed his Captains that the
next move would be to the harbour of Trujillo, on the
coast of Honduras, a place famous for its stores of gold.

On the way thither, after battling against contrary
winds, the fleet put in at the island of Escudo de Veragua,
to clean and water. At this fever-stricken spot the wind
kept them prisoner until dysentery broke out and swept
through the worn-out crews. At length Drake himself
became infected with the disease, and by January 23 rd
he was too weak to leave his cabin. Four days later the
fleet managed to get away from this land of pestilence
and ran before the wind for Porto Bello, but before
reaching that port Francis Drake was dead. Thus,
within a short space of time, England’s two greatest sea-
men perished, far away from home, in the Gk)lden West,
where in earlier years they both had won glory for them-
selves and their country.

Hawkins died at the age of 63, worn out with years
of toil. For years also, he had been a constant sufferer
from malaria, before the secret of quinine had been
wrung from the Peruvian Indians. Just before leaving
England on his last voyage, news had reached him of
the capture and disappearance of his only son, Richard.
From its very commencement the voyage had been a
series of troubles and quarrels, bickerings and mis-
understandings with his kinsman, Francis jDrake.

Details of the last scene in the cabin of the “ Garland ”
where the sick old Admiral lay, are all too scanty. May-

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265

narde, for once, is brief, the entry in his diary simply
stating, “ we came to anchor before Porterrico on the
twelfth, about three of the clock in the afternoon, at
what time Sir John Hawkins died.” Another witness,
who was by the Admiral’s side when he died. Captain
Troughton, was given a message to the Queen, which he
delivered in the following letter on his return to England:

“ Sir John Hawkins on his deathbed, willed me to use
the best means I could to acquaint Your Highness with
his loyal service and good meaning towards Your
Majesty, even to his last breathing ; as foreasmuch as,
through the perverse and cross dealings of some in that
journey, who, preferring their own fancy before his skill,
would never yield but rather overrule him, whereby he
was so discouraged, and as himself then said his heart
even broken, that he saw no other but danger of ruin of
the whole voyage, wherein in some sort he had been a
persuader of Your Majesty to hazard as well some of
your good ships- as also a good quantity of treasure, in
regard of the good opinion he thought to be held of his
sufficiency, judgement and experience in such actions ;
willingly to make Your Majesty the best amends his poor
ability could then stretch unto, in a codicil as a piece of
his last will and testament did bequeath unto Your High-
ness two thousand pounds, if Your Majesty will take it j
for that, as he said. Your Highness had in your possession
a far greater sum of his, which he then did also release ;
which ;^2000, if Your Majesty should accept thereof, his
will is, should be deducted out of his lady’s portion and
out of all such legacies and bequests as he left to any of
his servants and friends or kinsfolk whosoever, as by the
said codicil appeareth.”

Looking back to-day, after a space of more than three
hundred years, we cannot but rejoice that John Hawkins

266 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

did not survive to return to England, to find himself a
disgraced and broken man. How much better it was
that he should end his splendid career in the American
Indies, where as a young man he cut such a gallant and
brilliant figure.

Within sound and sight of the Spanish guns, the old
Admiral was committed to the sea, and no more fitting
grave could have been chosen.

An epitaph was afterwards written by Richard Barn-
field, the poet, to describe this scene, which contained
the following stanza of well-meaning if ill-executed
verse :

“ The waters were his Winding sheet.

The sea was made his tomb ;

Yet for his fame the ocean sea
Was not sufl5cient room.” ^

Two other monuments were raised by his widow and
second wife, Margaret, daughter of Charles Vaughan of
Hergest. This lady was bedchamber woman to the
Queen, and survived her husband twenty-six years,
dying in 1621.

One of these was a handsome monument erected to
her husband in the chancel of St. Dunstan’s-in-the-East,
where he had been a worshipper for a great number of
years. This church perished in the great fire of 1666
and the monument no longer exists ; but the following
was the wording of the inscription :

“Johannes Hawkins, Eques Auratis, clariss. Reginse
Marinarum causarum Thesaurarius. Qui cum xliii
annos muniis bellicis et longis periculosisque navigatibus,
detegendis novis regionibus, ad Patrise utilitatem, et
suam ipsius gloriam, strenuam et egregiam operam
navasset, in expeditione, cui Generalis praefit ad Indiam
occidentalem dum in anchoris ad portum S. Joannis in

^ In reference to the old naval term “ sea-room.”

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267

insula Beriquena staret, placide in Domino ad coelestem
patriam emigravit, 12 die Novembris anno salutis 1595.
In cujus memoriam ob virtutem et res gestas Domina
Margareta Hawkins^ Uxor moestissima hoc monumen-
tum cum lachrymis posuit.”

According to the indefatigable Stow, Lady Hawkins,
not content with this, “ hung a fair table ’’ by the tomb,
fastened in the wall, with these verses in English/’

The authorship of these verses is not known, but it
is possible they were written by the widow herself, in
any case they possess a certain straightforwardness which
has a fascination of its own. Apparently the fair table ”
was made yet fairer by the portraits of the two relicts, but
these, alas, also perished in the fire ;

** Dame Margaret,

A widow well affected,

This monument

Of memory erected,

Deciphering

Unto the viewer’s right

The life and death

Of Sir John Hawkins, Knight ;

One fearing God

And loyal to his <^uecn,

True to the State,

By trial ever seen,

Kind to his wives,

Both gentlewomen born,
Whose counterfeits
With grace this work adorn.
Dame Katln^rine,

The first, of rare report,

Dame Margaret

'The last, of Court consort,

Attendant on

I'he chamber and the bed
Of England’s Queen
Elizabetli our head,

Next unto Christ
Of whom all princes hold
Their sceptres, states.

And diadems of gold.

Free to their friends
On either .side his kin
Careful to keep
The credit he was in.

Unto the seamen
Beneficial.

As lestifieth
Chatham Hospital.

The poor of Plymouth
And of Deptford Town
Have had, now have,

And shall have, many a crown.
Proceeding from
His liberality
By way of great
And gracious legacy,

This Parish of
St. Dunstan standing east
(Wherein he dwelt
Full thirty years at least)

268 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

HatH of the springs
Of his good will a part.
Derived from
The fountain of his heart,

AH which bequests.

With many more unsaid.
Dame Margaret
Hath bountifully paid.

Deep of conceit.

In speaking grave and wise,

Endighting swift

And pregnant to devise.

In conference
Revealing haughty skill,

In all affairs

Having a worthie’s -will ;

On sea and land.

Spending his course and time,
By steps of years
As to age did climb.

God hath his soul,

The sea his body keeps,
Where, (for a while)

As Jonas now he sleeps ;

Till He which said
To Lazarus, Come forth.
Awakes this Knight,

And gives to him his worth.

In Christian faith
And faithful penitence,

In quickening hope
And constant patience.

He running ran
A faithful pilgrim’s race.

God giving him
The guidance of His Grace,
Ending his life
With his experience
By deep decree
Of God’s high providence.
His years to six times
Ten and three amounting
The ninth the seventh
Climacterick by counting.
Dame Katherine,

His first religious wife.

Saw years thrice ten
And two of mortal life.
Leaving the world the sixth.
The seventh ascending.
Thus he and she
Alike their compass ending.
Asunder both
By death and flesh alone.
Together both in soul.

Two making one,

Among the saints above.
From troubles free.

Where two in one shall meet
And make up three.

The Christian Knight
And his good ladies twain.
Flesh, soul and spirit
United once again ;
Beholding Christ,

Who comfortably saith,
Come, mine elect.

Receive the crown of faith.

L’Envoy

Give God, saith Christ, Save love, which made

Give Caesar lawful right. This chaste memoriall

Owe no man, saith St. Paul, Subscribed with

Ne mire, ne mite Truths testimonial!.

The “ great and gracious ” legacies referred to so

THE LAST VOYAGE

269

gracefully by his widow were contained in a long and
elaborate will drawn up and witnessed by John Hawkins
on March 3rd, 1594.

In this his first thoughts were for the poor of Plymouth,
“ St. Dunstans in the East London where I dwell,” and
Deptford. A handsome jointure was left to his wife.
Dame Margaret, while to the Queen he gave “ as a testi-
mony of my true zeal and loyalty, a jewel of the value of
200 marks.” “ To my very good Lord William Lord
Burghlie High Treasurer of England ” was left the sum
of one hundred pounds. Not a friend, high or low, was
forgotten. To Lord Howard of Effingham, High
Admiral of England, he bequeathed “ my best diamond.”
To his “ very good cousin, Sir Francis Drake, Knight,
my best jewel which is a cross of emeralds.” His
brother-in-law, Benjamin Gonson, was to receive his
best basin and ewer of silver and gilt. Every friend,
relative and servant was remembered by this gracious
man ; and the residue estate was left in trust of

his widow for his sqr^il^chara’. ^

BIBLIOGRAPHY

Worthies of England. Fuller, 1662.

Lives of British Admirals. J. Campbell, 1779.

Report on the Spanish Armada. J. Bruce. 1798.

Worthies of Devon. J. Prince. i8io.

Naval Chronicle. 1817.

Naval Worthies of Queen EUxahetEs Reign. J. Barrow. 1845.

Sir Francis Drake, his Voyage (i 595). Hakluyt Society. 1 848.

The Hawkins’ Voyages. Sir Clements Markham. Hakluyt Society. 1877,
Plymouth Armada Heroes. Mary W. S. Hawkins. 1888.

Spanish Story of the Armada. J. A. Froude. 1892.

State Papers relating to the Defeat of the Spanish Armada. Anno
1588, Edited by Sir John Laughton. Navy Records Society. 1894.
English Seamen in the Sixteenth Century. J. A. Froude. 1895.
Administration of the Royal Navy. M. Oppenheim. 1896.

Short History of the Royal Navy, 1217-1688. D. Hannay. 1 898.

S tow’s Survey of London.

Drake and the Tudor Navy. J. S. Corbett. 1898.

Sir J. Hawkins and Frobisher, 1 590. Navy Records Society. 1902.
Hawkins’ First Voyage to the West Indies, 1 562-3. R. Hakluyt, 1903.
Voyages and Travels. Arber’s English Gamer. 2 vols. C. R. Beazley.
1903.

The Principal Navigations, Voyages, and Discoveries of the English
Nation. R. Hakluyt. 1904.

Sir John Hawkins, the Time and the Man. J. A. Williamson. 1 927.
An Englishman and the Mexican Inquisition, 1556-60. G. R. G,
Conway. Mexico City. 1927.

Spanish Documents concerning English Voyages to the Caribbean, 1527-68.

I. A. Wright. Hakluyt Society. 1929.

Naval Tracts. Sir William Monson. Navy Records Society.

State Papers. Domestic. Colonial.

270

INDEX

Acapulco, Drake at, 131-2
Achines, Juan, Spanish name for
Hawkins, 16, 22, 141
Adders, a tale of, 39
“ Adventure,” royal ship, 255
Africa, Portuguese wealth from, 156
Alcantraz, Island, 18
Aldrete, Lazaro de Vallejo, on Haw-
kins's doings at Rio de la
Hacha, 74^9^.

Alenfon, Duke of, see Anjou, Duke
of (2)

Alexander, David, sentence on, 129
Allen, Thomas, accusation by, of
Hawkins, 177

“ Almirata,” Spanish ship, 94
Alum, a Papal monopoly, 144
Alva, Duke of, 104 j and the Beggars
of the Sea, 105-7 ; difficulties
of, 106-7 5 loss of his treasure
vessels, 107 sqq. 5 and the
Ridolfi plot, 137, 139, 140
America, on the map of Jean Rotz, i
Central, see Central America
Spanish, see Spanish America
Ancona, Agustin de, 29
Andelot, < — , d', 105
“Angel,” ship owned by Hawkins,
47, seizure of, 144

Anjou, Duke of (1) (Henry III), and
the siege of La Rochelle, ri6 5
and Elizabeth, marriage affair
of, 179

Anjou, Duke of (2), and Elizabeth,
sudden death of, 179, 180
“ Antelope,” royal ship, new-built,
163

Antonio, Don, Portuguese pretender,
Hawkins's scheme to utilize

against Spain, 174-5 5
Drake’s Lisbon expedition,
234x99.

Armada, the Invincible, see Spanish
Armada, the

Arrows, poisoned, of various Indians,

Arundel, Horseley's treasure landed
at, 148

Association Bond, The, object of, 180
Atinas, Marline, pilot, 40
Atlantic Ocean, voyages across of the
Hawkins family and of Horse-
ley, 3>/» SX99., 101, 146, 159
et -passim

Atlas, the, of Jean Rotz, i
Auto-da-ff, the first in Mexico, 129 ;

one at Seville, 118, 135
Aviles, Pero Menendez de, Spanish
flotilla under, 42

Azores, the {see also Flores), privateer-
ing at, 193, 242 \ checks to,
25^? 2157 5 Drake’s prize at,
193 ; Cumberland at, 242,
244 ; Frobisher at, 240 5
Hawkins’s scheme for meeting
the Spanish plate fleet at, 113,
23^^ 237> 239, 240-1 ; forti-
fication of, by Spain, 257

Babington, Anthony, and the Bab-
ington plot, 180-1

Bacan, Admi^ Alvarez de, at San
Juan de Ulua, 90, 91, 92, 138
Bahama Channel, the, 134
Baker, Mathew, master shipwright,
an honest man, 162
Ballard, John, 180, fate of, 18 1
Baltic Sea, the, 159

271

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

272

Barbary Coast, Horseley’s exploit on,
146-7

Barnfield, Robert, epitaph by, on
Hawkins, 266 i

Barrett, Robert, Master on the ** Jesus
of Lubeck,” 47 ; at Cape
Roxo, 56-7 5 at Cacheo, 57 ;
at Conga, 58 j at Valencia,
66 5 at San Juan de Ulua, im-
prisonment, escape, and fate of,
92, 117-18, 129, 130, i 34» 135
Barton, Sir Andrew, authorized piracy
of, 154

Baskerville, Sir Thomas, 255, 259 ;
at Las Palmas, 260 ; at
Panama, 264

Bazan, Admird Alonzo de, and the
** I^venge at Flores, 242
Bazan, Alvaro de, Admiral of the
Ocean Sea, at Cadiz, 193
Beacons, lighting of, object of, 210
“Bear,” the, royal ship, new-built,
172, 214
Beare, John, 134

Beggars of the Sea, the, 111 sqq.;
English ships of, and ports
used by, iii, 112, 143 5 pri- !
soners of, sold by auction at
Dover, in 5 trade ruined by,

1 1 3-14 j Captains of, capture
of, 1 15 5 checked but not
exterminated, 116

Bernaldez, Alonso, Governor of Vene-
zuela, and Hawkins, z 6 sqq,f
report by, on Hawkins’s doings,
28

Bilbao, the “ Primrose ” affair at, 182,
183 sqq.

Black Friars in Mexico, 124, 130
Bland, Captain, French pirate taken
by Hawkins and serving under
him, 55, 83, 96, 119
Board of Admiralty, the, formation of,
155, officials of in 155S, 155,
157 ; Hawkins, made Deputy-
I'reasurer and full Treasurer of
the Navy, difficulties of, in
tackling corruption and facing

enmities so roused, 157 J99.,
16s ; Hawkins’s report on,
i$9sqq,^ work done by him
at the Board, 162 sqq. 5 report
of, on Hawkins’s work since
1585, and praise, 177 5 Haw-
kins appointed Comptroller of,
84, 165, 232 ; Fenton ap-
pointed to superintend, 231
Board of Enquiry on Hawkins as
Treasurer of the Navy, findings
of, 166-7

Boarding nettings invented by Haw-
kins, 164

Bolon, Captain Thomas, of the
“ William and Johb,” 47
“ Bonaventure,” the, royal ship, *iii,
new-built, 172
Bone, John, sentence of, 135
Bontemps, Captain, French corsair, 30
Borburata, Hawkins’s first visit to,
23 sqq., second visit to, 62 sqq,

I Bordeaux, Hawkins’s early voyage
to, 2

Borough, William, accusation by, of
Hawkins, 169, 171 5 trouble
of, with Drake, 99, 170
Brazil, and Don Antonio, 175 5 Por-
tuguese wealth from, 156; voy-
ages to, of the Hawkinses, i,
6 , 7 > 8

Brazilian Chief, brought to England
by William Hawkins, death of,
6-7 ^

Brest, Frobisher killed at, 244
Bristol Channel ports, vessels of, with
the fleet, July 1588, 216
Brittany, Spanish conquest of,
planned, 239, 240, 241, 244,

Broadbank, John, of the “ Primrose,”
185

Bromley, Sir Thomas, Lord High
Chancellor, 166
Buccaneers, the, ii
“ Bull,” the, royal ship, 113
Burchet, Peter, Hawkins stabbed by,
141 sqq.

INDEX

Burgh (Borrough), Sir John, and
the Azores adventurers, 242,
249

Burghley, Lord (Sir William Cecil),
243, 257 ; member of the
Board of Enquiry, 166 5 fore-
sight of, as afiecting the Navy,
*55 ; choice by, of Haw-
kins, to remake the Navy, 1595
Hawkins’s bequest to, 269 5
Hawkins’s letters and reports
to, on the return from the
Troublesome Voyage, 103-4 >
on the relations between him-
self and his colleagues, 167-8 ;
on naval aflfairs, 173 sqq . ; on
being relieved of the Naval
Treasurership, 176-7 ; on the
Navy, and its need of pro- j
visions and munitions in 1587,
196 sqq.j the state of the fleet on
July 17, 15S8, zi'^sqq., of
reports on his work and on the
Don Antonio scheme, 173
sqq.^ on relief for the sailors,
and letters on the same to the
same, from Howard, 225 jyy.,
on paying off the seamen, and
on his wish to resign, 230,
on “ good order,” on his plan
for permanent blockading of
Spain, &c., and on his present
condition, 236, 237-8, on the
overthrow of his blockading
scheme 239, and on its failure,
241, on blockading the Spanish
ports, and on his wish to resign,
245-6, 246-7, with Drake, on
the loss of some small warships,
255-6 } and the hostages, 138 ;
letters from, to Hawkins, of
constant complaint, 230-1 j
letters to, of accusation against
Hawkins, 177 ; policy of, see
Elizabeth, policy and schemes,
of 5 and the Ridolfi plot, 136,
*37> *39 5 Spanish

embargo on foreign trade, 12

273

Burrell, John, of the ” Primrose,” 185
Bymba, Hawkins’s reverse at, 19

Cabo de la Vela, 31
Cacheo, Hawkins at, 56-7
Cadiz, II, 133 5 Drue’s famous ex-
ploit at, 170, 193

Calais, siege of (1558), 153 ; the
Armada off, 220, 221
Callowsa river, negroes from, 19
Camden, William, on English raiders
in the Spanish Main, 145
Camel, the, described by Sparkes, 17
Campache, 85

Campion, Edmund, death of, 179
Canary Islands, the, and Don Antonio,
*75 5 voyages to, and trade
with, I, 2, 15, 78, 135, 1595
Drake at (1585), 187, and
later visit to, 259 sqq. 5 Haw-
kins’s voyages to, and friends
in, 3, 4, 8, 10, the Spanish
fleet near, 134 5 fortified by
Spain, 257

Cannibalism, 21, 23, 59
Cape Blanco, 18, 54, 55, 82
Cape Finisterre, gale off, 49
Cape Roxo, Hawkins’s doings at,
various accounts of, 56 sqq.
Cape San Antonio, Cuba, 36 ; hurri-
cane off, 83

Cape Verde, 18 ; privateers taken off,

55^ S3

Cape Verde Islands, Drake’s extortions
at, 187 ; negroes of, poisoned
arrows of, 53, 55-6
” Capitana,” the, Howard’s “ theft ”
from, 227

” Capitena,” Spanish ship, 94
Capstans, invented by Hawkins, 153,
164-5

Caribbean Sea, the, and its navigation
and storms, 36, 37, 59, 80, 83,
84 “ 5 > * 4 *

Caribs of Borburata, attack by, 30 5
of Tortuga Island, 23 ; of the
West Indies, extermmation of,
slaves needed to replace, 8, 9

274 SIR JOHN

Carleill, Christopher, and the attack
on San Domingo, 187
Carlet, Captain, of the “ Minion,”
capture of, 30

Cartagena, 147 5 the Governor of, and
Godard, 123 ; Hawkins’s non-
success at, 80-1, 82
Casseroes river, 20

Castellanos, Miguel de. Treasurer of
Rio de la Hacha, and Drake,
67 5 Hawkins’s letter to, and
dealings with, 68 sqq.^ 75 sqq. 5
admission by, of Hawkins’s
charm and character, 4, 73
" Castle of Comfort,” the, privateer,
with the Sea Beggars, 111-12
Castro, Admiral Beltran de, and
Richard Hawkins, 250
Castros, King of, 58
Cause, William, 134
Cavallos, 132

Cecil, Sir William, see Burghley,
Lord

Cecil, Sir Robert, 243
Censorship of news and persons in
England (1586), 189-90
Central America, raid on, of Frobisher
and Drake, 248

Chain pump, the, invented by Haw-
hins, 153^ 164

Challoner, Sir Thomas, English am-
bassador to Madrid, and Haw- i
kins, 12, 13 5 and Stukeley, 3
Chamberlayne, John, 92
Champernowne, Sir Arthur, Vice-
Admiral of Devon, 106, 116
Channel fleet, Dover the base of,
164

Charles V, licences issued by, for
slave importation to the West
Indies, 9

Charles IX, death of, 179
Chatham, the “ Chest of,” founded by
Hawkins, 233 5 defences of,
164 5 Hawkins’s shipbuilding
at, 139 ; the Sir John Haw-
kins Hospital at, 233, 267
Chatham Dockyard, 163

HAWKINS

Chatillon, Cardinal, 105
“ Chest of Chatham,” the, founded by
Hawkins, 233
Chester, John, 15
Chester, Sir William, 15
Chichimici Indians, the, and the men
from the “ Minion,” 120 j
other Indians met by these
men, 121

Chinese giant, skeleton of, 134
Clerk of the Ships, office of, 155
Clifforde, Sir Nicholas, 262
Cockeram, Martin, hostage, 6, 7
Coligny, Admiral, 105
Colombia, Republic of, 78
Comaroon Indians, the, 146, 147
Cond6, the Prince of, and his privateer-
ing fleet, 105 sqq.

Conga, Hawkins’s fight at, 58-9
Cooks, Robert, sentence on, 129
Copstow, — 9 torture of, and escape,
118

Corbett, Sir Julian, on the defeat of
the Spanish Armada, 217
Cornelius, the Irishman, burnt by the
Inquisition, 129
Cornish, John, 12 1
Cornish coast, a Spanish raid on
(i595)>

Corunna, the Armada at, 207, 212,
214, 222, rumour on, 239 5
Drake’s failure at, 234
CostiUo, Hernando, on Hawkins’s
doings at Rio de la Hacha,
74 sqq-

Cottonian MSS., account in, of
the Troublesome Voyage, un-
earthed by J. A. Williamson,
46

Crocodiles, Sparke on, 33, 39
Crosse, Captain Robert, and the
Azores expeditions, 242
Cuba, Island of, 35, 36
Cumana, 22

Cumberland, George, Earl of, pri-
vateering cruises of, 215, 238,
242, 244

Curasao, Hawkins’s visits to, 30, 67

INDEX

“Dainty,” the, Hawkins’s ship, 249 ;
and the attack on the ** Madre
de Dios,” 242, 244 5 escape of,
262

“ Dainty,” the, Richard Hawkins’s
ship, 249-50

Darien, Isthmus of, Horseley at, 146-7
Dartmoor, 267

Dartmouth, and the “Madre de Dios,”
^43

Dartmouth Dockyard, 163
“ Defiance,” royal ship, 255, 259 ;

Drake’s death on board, 264
de la Marck, Count, Admiral of the
Beggars of the Sea, in
Delgadillo, Captain of San Juan de
Ulua, 88, 90, 96

Deptford, 171, 232, 248 5 poor of,
Hawkins’s legacy for, 267, 269
Deptford Dockyard, 15 1
Derelicts, appropriation of, by Haw-
kins, 14

Desmond, Earl, revolt of, 178
Devon, regiments raised in, 209
Devon coast, last sight of, by Drake
and Hawkins, 257

Devon men, in the Beggars of the Sea,
106

Dieppe, a pilot from, 40
Dingle, the Fitzmaurice landing at,
178

Dockyards made by Henry VIII, 151 ;
management of, ib , ; Hawkins’s
work on old, and construction
of new, 163

Dominica, 60 ; catastrophes at, 21
Douai, sedition taught at, 156
Dover, defence of, 164 ; headquarters
of the Sea Beggars, i n
Dover harbour, clearing of, 164
Downs, the, 225 5 French pirates in,
144

** Dragon,” Drake’s ship (i57z)> 145
Drake, Sir Francis, characteristics of,
and methods of, 14, 67, 145,
^ 187, 234, 235, 253-4, 258, 259 5

in the “ Troublesome Voyage,”
47 ? 55 > ^ 7 ? at San Juan de

275

Ulua, his return thence, 96,
98-9, 109-10, 170 ; voyage of
circumnavigation of the world
by, 1 16, 148, an attempt to
rival, 248 sgq^ 5 expedition of,
with Frobisher to Central
America, 248 5 at Acapulco,
13 1 j raids of, in the West
Indies making him the people’s
hero, 145, 146, 148, 156, 194 ;
member of the Board of
Enquiry on Hawkins, 166 ;
“ singeing the King of Spain’s
beard ” at Cadiz, 170, 193 5
arid the Spice Islands raid,
186 sqq, 5 raids of, on America,
results of, 188, 191 5 Lisbon
Expedition of, failure of, 234
sqq . ; and the Spanish Ar-
mada, 203, 213, 216, 218
Fortification work of, 239
Hawkins’s bequest to, 269
and Hawkins, change in naval
ships* crews made by, 153 5
joint letter from, to Burghley
on the loss of small warships
off Spain, 255-6 j joint com-
manders of the Porto Rico ex-
pedition, dissensions between,
253 sqq. 5 deaths of, 263, 264,
265, 266

Seamanship of, 140, 159, 217, 235,
^53

Water brought by, to Plymouth,
24^

“ Duck,” the, Richard Hawkins’s
ship, 248

Ducket, Sir Lionel, 5

Dudley, Captain Edward, quarrel of,
at Tenerife, 50 sqq.^ 56

Dudley, Lord Rotet, see Leicester,
Earl of

Dutch War of Independence, the, 105,
1 14, 1 15, 155-6

Dysentery in the Spanish Armada, 207

East, the, Portuguese wealth from,
156

276 SIR JOHN

East India prize, the first ever brought
to England, 193, 194
Eddystone Reef, the, 257
** Edward,” the, Winter’s ship, 160
Edward VI, navy of, 152
Elizabeth, Queen, ii, 24, 27, 48, 61,
62, 78, 192 5 accession of, 4 ;
attitude of, to the Dutch and
Protestants (see also La Roch-
elle), 106, 1 14, ii^; and the
captured Spanish treasure,
108-9, no 5 declared heretic
by the Pope, 156 ; Drake rep-
rimanded by, 104 ; disgust of,
at Drake’s failure at Lisbon,
236 5 gift from, to the Beggars
of the Sea, 106 ; and La Roch-
elle, 106, 1 14

Lady Hawkins a bed-chamber
woman to, 266, 267
Matrimonial diplomacy of, 179
Navy of, at her accession, 152,

153

Patronage of, secured by Hawkins,
13 {see also ** Jesus of Lubeck),
Hawkins’s report to, on the
first slaving voyage, 43-4 j
Hawkin’s message to, on reach-
ing home after the Trouble-
some Voyage, 103-4 ; faith of,
in Hawkins, 140 5 and Haw-
kins’s scheme for intercepting
the Spanish treasure fleet,
1 1 3- 14 5 and Burchet, 1425
advancement by, of Hawkins,
165 ; and the Don Antonio
scheme, 174-5 5 charter granted
by, to the Sir John Hawkins
Hospital, Chatham, 233 5 Haw-
kins’s resignation refused by,
246 ; and the raid planned
on the Spice Islands, 186 5 and
the Porto Rico expedition,
^ 53 > ^^55 ; Hawkins’s

dying message to, 265, and
legacy to, 269
Plots to kill, 136, 178-9, iSo
Policy and schemes of, opportunist

HAWKINS

and vacillating, 114, 115, 234,
^38? 2^39, 256

Privateering patronised by, 3, 156,
238, 242, 244 et passim
Richard Hawkins’s ship renamed
by, 248-9, and honours con-
ferred on him by, 251
and the Spanish Armada, the Til-
bury speech, 211-12, mean
cruelty of, to her victorious
seamen, 227, 232, thanksgiving
of, at St. Paul’s, 228-9
and the Spanish embargo on foreign
trade, 12

Swindling of, by the Navy Board,
160

on Hawkins’s religious phrases, 176,
241

“ Elizabeth Bonaventure,” royal ship,
soundness of, Howard on, 195

“ Elizabeth Jonas,” royal ship, 214

Elven, Thomas, sentence on, 129

Enfield, 44

England, changes in, of official re-
ligion, 64 5 defensive measures
in, against a Spanish invasion,
205 sqq , ; Spain and Portugal,
relations between (1567-9), and
propaganda given in Hawkins’s
Narrative of the ” Trouble-
some Voyage,” 46 ; unifica-
tion of, by definite danger, 180,
194

English adventurers and ships among
the Beggars of the Sea, 105,

III-IZ

English army, the, in 1588, 209, 210,
235-6

English captives from the ” Minion,”
adventures and fates of, 118
, ^37? J:39?

English Channel, Hawkins’s fleet
wasted in, 189, 19 1

“ English Enterprise,” the, the end
of, 222

English fleet {see also Royal Navy)
under Howard against the
Armada, composition, crews.

INDEX

equipment and disposition of,
ai2-i3, 215-16, reinforce-

ments of, 220, 221, victory of,
221-2, 224 ; seamen of, dis-
graceful treatment of, after
Gravelines, 224, 225 sqq.^ Haw-
kins’s letters on, 230-1, How-
ard’s letters on, 194-5, 213
English hatred of Spain, how in-
flamed, and its results, 91, 117,

133

English hostages, Spanish treachery i
concerning, 91, irS, 138, i
fates of, 126-7

English prisoners of Spain, miseries
of, III

English sailors, tribute to, of a
Venetian Ambassador, 207-8
Enriquez, Martin, Viceroy of Mexico,
treachery (and courage) of, at
San Juan de Ulua, 90 sqq,y 117 5
at Mexico City, 125 5 and the
English prisoners, 126, 127 j
alarm of, concerning Drake,

Escober, the Licentiat de, Philip IFs
commission to, 185-6
Escudo de Veragua, Drake’s last port,
264

Europe, events in, during the Trouble-
some Voyage, 103 sqq. 5 forces
at work on, in 1585 and since
1570, 178577.

Falcon story, a, 39
Falmouth, Spanish treasure landed at,
107

Falmouth Dockyard, 163
“ Fancy,” pinnace, 250
Fanshaw, Mr., 246
Fenner, Captain Edward, 116
Fenner, Captain George, n6, 240
Fenners, the, 159

Fenton, Edward, at the Navy Board,
231

Feria, the Duchess of, and Fitzwillkm,

13S? 139

Ferrol, Hawkins’s stay at, 15

277

Field, Captain, of the “ Solomon,” 15,
killed at Bymba, 19
Filibustering expeditions of English
seamen, 145577.

Firth of Forth, the Spanish Armada
at, 222, 225

Fitzmaurice, Sir James, Irish incursion
of, 178

Fitzwilliam, George, 15, quarrel of,
with Dudley, 50 sqq, 5 a host-
age taken prisoner, 118 ; and
Hawkins’s counter-plot, 138-9
Flamingo, the, described by Sparke,
39

Flanders, wars in, 234, veterans of, 209
Flemish prisoners, escape of, off
Spanish ships, 48

Flemish refugees, at Plymouth, 48
Flemming, Captain Thomas, news
brought by, of the approach
of the Armada, 215
Flores, and the epic of the ” Revenge,”
242

Florida, coast of, discovery of, 44 \
search for a port on, 83
French colonists in, 37 577., 42 5
Hawkins at (1565), 36577.5
natural history of, Sparke on,
38-9 5 proposed English col-
ony in, 3

Florida Channel, the, 83, 10 1 5

Drake’s use of, 187
“ Flota,” the, Spanish treasure ship,
let slip, 240

“ Foresight,” royal ship, 160, 240,
255 5 new-built, 172
Foster, Captain, of the ” Primrose,”
and his escape, 183 577.
Fotheringay Castle, 18 1
FowUer, — , a hostage, 118
France, Hawkins’s stay in, on law
business, 5 5 religious contest
in, 178-9

” Francis,” ship, captured, 262
French corsairs or pirates, see under
Pirates

French privateer joining Hawkins, 60
Frenchman rescued by Hawkins, i8

278 SIR JOHN

Frobisher, Sir Martin, and the Beg-
gars of the Sea, io6 5 member
of the Board of Enquiry on
Hawkins, 166 5 knighted by
Howard of Effingham, 220 ;
privateering cruises of, 238-9,
242, 248, 249 ; seamanship of,
159 5 and the Spanish Ar-
mada, 21 8 ; killed at Brest, 244
Froude, J. A., on Hawkins as having
opened the road to the West
Indies, 12-13

“ Furicano,” season of storms, 80

“ Galeon Dudley,** the, 135
Galley Ellynor,’* royal ship, new-
built, 172

“ Galli2abras,’* missed by Frobisher,
240 5 a fight with, near Guade-
loupe, 262

“ Garland,** royal ship, 255 Haw-
kins’s death on board, 263,
264-5

Garrett, John, Masterofthe “ Minion,”
Raleigh’s estimate of, 47
Genoa, alum trade of, with London,
144

Gentlemen-adventurers in the second
slaving voyage, 15

“ George,” the, naval vessel, repaired,
172

Gerard, Balthazar, murder by, of
William of Orange, 180
Gibraltar^ Straits of, 199
Gilbert, John, burnt by the Inquisi-
tion, 135

Gilbert, Sir Humphrey, attempt of,
on the Spanish plate-fleet, 148 5
seamanship of, 159
Ginger plants, 134

Godard, Anthony, and the men of the
“ Minion,” 121, 123
Gold Coast, the, 58
“ Golden Hind,” the, Flemming’s
ship, 215

” Golden Lion,” naval ship, at Cadiz,
170 ; in Hawkins’s fleet, 189 5
jaew-built, 163

HAWKINS

Gonsalves, Antam, first importer of
West African negroes, 9
Gonson, Benjamin (father-in-law).
Treasurer of the Navy, 4, 5,
I5S» 157. 163, 247

Gonson, Benjamin (brother-in-law),
Hawkins’s bequest to, 269
Gonson, Katherine, see Hawkins,
Mrs. John

Gonson, William, last Clerk of the
Ships, 155

Goodal, Thomas, severe sentence of,
129

Gorges, Sir Thomas, on Hawkins’s
love of order, *255

Governors of Spanish Colonies, Haw-
kins’s letters to, 60 sqq.

Grand Canary, Island of, 16
“ Grande Huguenotte, La,” ship, 112
“ Gratia dei,” pirate ship so re-named,
55 ? ^3 5 San Juan de Ulua,

Gravelines, the battle of, 221-2, 224 5
I Sir William Winter at, 232

Gravesend, the ” Dainty ” at, 244
Gray Friar, a kind, 132
” Great boats,” towed, losses of, off
Finisterre, 49

“ Great Galley,” the, royal ship, 6
” Green Dragon,” ship, of Havre, 30
” Green Dragon,” ship, of Newhaven,
21

Greenwich Hospital Fund, the, origin
of, 233

Grenville, Sir Richard, and the epic of
Flores, 242

Greville, Captain Sir Fulke, 166
Grey, Lord Deputy, in Ireland, 178
Grimston, Captain, death of, 261, 262
Guadeloupe, rendez-^ota at, 262, 263
Guatemala, 132

Guinea, and Don Antonio, 175
Guinea Coast, the, trading voyages to,
of William Hawkins and others,
I, 2, 6, 7, 85 gold of, 155
slaves from, 5, 6, 7, Z sqq,,
Hawkins’s slaving-voyages to,
57 > 62

INDEX

279

Guise, Duke of, siege of Calais by,
153 5 and the Parsons plot,
179

Guise party, menaced raid by (1586),
X89

Gulf Stream, the, 41
Guns, big, and breech-loading, in
Henry VIIFs navy, 152
Guzman, Admiral Pedro de, 132

Hakluyt’s English Voyages, cited on
Hawkins’s Voyages to the
Canaries, 5 j on Hawkins’s
gift for making friends, 5 ; on
the seizure of the “ Primrose,”
XS2-3 ; silence of, on Haw-
kins’s Spanish expedition, 188 5
Sparke’s story of the second
slaving voyage in, 15
Hamburg, 144

Hampton, Captain John, of the
“ Minion,” 47, 92

Hampton, Captain Thomas, 1 5 ; and
the cargo of hides, 11-12 ;
escape of, from the Inquisition,
12

Hanseatic League, the, 14
Harwich, Hawkins’s fleet at, 225, con-
dition of the crews, 227-8
Hatton, Sir Christopher, 141-2
Havana, 25, 36, 132
Hawkins family, the, seafarers and
civic functionaries, i, 2, 47,
106, 131, 140, 141, 251 5

Drake related to, 47, 108, 269 5
Flemming related to, 215 5
Prince cited on, 7

Hawkins, John, 131 5 attire of, loi,
142 5 birth, education and
early years of, the scrape over
White, a business set up by,
time in France, voyages of, to
the Canaries and elsewhere, i,
2, 3, 4, 3 ; business occupations
of, 2, 7, 148-9

Character and characteristics of,
52-3> 93> ^32-3 ; care of, for
, the health and feeding of his

crews, i4-i5> 43? 165, 190,
332-3, 334, 336, 254, urgency
on, after Gravelines, 224, 225-6,
230, 231, 232-3 5 courage of,
a French tribute to, 97-8 ;
foresight of, 13, 14 5 gift of,
for making friends, 4, 6, 10,
72-3, a Spanish tribute to, 4,
72-3 ; honesty of, 3, 73, 81,
84, 244 ; industry of, 176 5
love of, for orderliness, 236,
253? 254 5 diplomacy of, 137
sqq , ; methods of, in dealing
with Spanish colonial oflScials,
&c., 23 sqq,, 27, 31, 60 sqq,, 79,
145, compared with Drake’s,
14, 67, 145, 234, 258, 2595
serenity of, in “ a tight place,”
20, 49-50, 95

Civic activities of, 2, 4, 140, 141

Company formed by, to deal in
slaves, 5, 9-10, fleet of, 10 5
first marriage, share of in the
Canary and Guinea trade Com-
pany, and life in London,
4-5 5 first and second wives
of, see Hawldns, Lady, and
Hawkins, Mrs. John ; freedom
of Plymouth conferred on, 4

Letters and reports from, see under
Burghley, Elizabeth, Gover-
nors, Walsingham, and William
Hawkins

Manners of, lo-ii

Religion of, 52-3, 63-4, 138, 175-6,
241

and Queen Elizabeth, 13, 43x77.,
62, 74, 78, 84, 89, 104, no,
113, 114, 116, 142, 174, 176,
241, 245-6, 253, his legacy to
her, 265, 269

Slaving voyages of, 5, 7, the first
two, 8 sqq,, visit during, to the
French Colony in Florida, 37,
39177., call of, at Tenerife,
50 X77., the Troublesome
Voyage, 46, and the disaster
at San Juan de Ulua, 86 sqq,.

28 o

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Hawkins, John — continued

Drake’s desertion, 98-9 5 the
setting ashore of part of the
“ Minion’s ” crew, 100, the
revictualling in Spain, loi,
and arrival home, 10 1 sqq.,
no 5 efforts of, to secure the
return of the men set ashore,
III, 137, and success, 139, 140 j
Portuguese accusations against,
58 ; scheme of, for intercept-
ing the Spanish treasure fleet,
113-14 ; not at the attempted
relief of La Rochelle, 116
and the Ridolfi plot, 137^77.5
stabbing of, by Burchet, 141
sqq. 5 filibustering expeditions
sent out by, 148

Monument erected by, to his brother
William, epitaph on, 232-3
and the Royal Navy, inventions of,
for use on ships, 153, 164 5
appointment of, as Assistant
Treasurer of the Navy, 157,
and as Sole Treasurer, 158 sqq. 5
appointment to the Comp-
trollership of the Navy, 84,
165, 232, seamen of, 153, pay
of raised by, as an economy,
165, 176, 198, 199 5 ship-
design changed by, 163, justi-
fication of, in 1588, 194-5, 199 {
enemies of, attacks of, 158, 162
173? i 77 “ 8 , 2 I 3 j and his
ripostes, 167, 173 5 ill-health
of, 166, 173, 191, 196, 245,
264 ; schemes of, to ” annoy **
the King of Spain, 174, 175 ;
share of, in the intended raid
on the Spice Islands, 186 ;
expedition of, to blockade the
Spanish ports, how foiled,
scanty accounts of, 188 sqq.y a
Spanish statement on his fleet,
190 5 plan of, for harrying the
Spaniards, laid bare in a letter
to Walsingham, 191-2 5 and
Drake, plan of; for avenging-

the seized wheat ships, and its
execution, 186 sqq,^ plan of,
to counter the Spanish in-
vasion, 214 ; Rear-Admiral,
in the fight with the Span-
ish Armada, 213, 218, 219,
knighted by Howard on his
flagship, 220 j list of naval
expenses jotted down by, 17 1-2 j
ship of, great capture by,
24^“3 5 joint commander of
the Porto Rico expedition and
friction during, with Drake,
253, 254, 258 sqq,y illness,

death, burial and will of, 253,
258, 264, 266, 268, 269,

monuments of, 266 sqq,

Hawkins, Judith, wife of Richard, and
her child, 256, 257

Hawkins, Lady (the second wife,
bom Margaret Vaughan), 248 5
legacies left to, 257, 269 j
monuments erected by, to her
husband, 266, 267-8

Hawkins, Mrs. John (born Katherine
Gonson), 4, 5, no, 155, 157,

246, 247, 267, 268

Hawkins, Richard (son), no, 240,
at Gravelines, 248, ship of,
renamed by Queen Elizabeth,
248-9, his imprisonment, 250,
264, his father’s search for him,

247, and provision for his
ransom, 250, 256-7, 269, release
of, honours awarded to, and
sudden death of, 251

Hawkins, William (brother), business
of, 2, 7 5 Mayor of Plymouth,
106, 13 1 ; ships of, with the
Sea Beggars, 106 5 and the
gold for Alva, 108-9 ; and the
return of Drake, and of Haw-
kins, 109-10 5 share of, in the
intended raid on the Spice
Islands, 186 ; fleet equipped
by, for La Rochelle, 112;
letter to, from John Hawkins
on the staunchness of }iis naval

INDEX

281

vessels, 21 1 5 and the Lisbon
expedition, 236 5 voyage of,
to the West Indies, 247 ; death
of, monument erected to by
John Hawkins, 232-3
Hawkins, William and John, shipping
businesses carried on by, ships
of, hired out, and used for
privateering, and in John Haw-
kins’s voyages, 2, 3, 7, 14, 47,

1 16, 143, 148-9 ; some taken
by French pirates, 144 ; other
sources of profit to, and law-
suits against, 143 sqq.

Hawkins, William (father), ex-naval
officer, I ; civic activities of,

7 5 gift of, for making
friends, 6 5 voyages of, 2 5
first Englishman to sail his own
ship to Brazil, 6, 7, 8
Henry III of France, and Queen
Elizabeth, 179

Henry IV (of Navarre), 105, 180
Henry VII and the Navy, 130, 151
Henry VIII, and the Brazilian Chief,

6 5 the “ Jesus of Lubeck ”
bought by, 14 ; navy of, 6,

1 51 sqq,f big guns introduced
by, 152

Heredia, Hernando de, testimonial
from, to Hawkins, 34
Hides, Hawkins’s trade in, it sqq.,
ZO-x, 35

Hippopotamus, a, pinnace sunk by, 57 |
Hispaniola or San Domingo, Hawkins
at, lo-ii ; horrors told of,
215 the merchant - pilot to,
tragedy of, 35-6 5 despatch-boat
from, captured by Drake, 67 5
Drake’s capture of, 187
Holstocke, William, Comptroller of
the Navy, 157, 165; the Sea
Beggars tricked by, into im-
prisonment, 115 ; death of, 232
Holy Inquisition, the, in Mexico, 47,
53, 120, 129, 137 5 in Spain, at
Seville, 12, 133, and the fate of
Barrett and QUbert, iiS, 134-5

Homewell, Paul, 130, 13 1

Honduras, Bay of, Horseley’s prize
taken in, 147

Hooper, John, 121

“ Hope,” royal ship, 240, 255, rotten
timber in, 171 5 leak in,
Howard on, 2135 run aground,
257

“ Hope,” the, ship in Hawkins’s fleet,
189

Horseley, Captain Gilbert, exploits of,
146 sqq.

Hortop, Job, narrative by, of the
** Troublesome Voyage,” 46,
57, 66, 95 ; made prisoner at
San Juan de Ulua, 46, narra-
tive by, of the adventures of the
men left in Mexico, 100, 118 5
service of, in the Spanish fleet,
and eventual escape, 133-4,
135 ; on Spanish seamanship,

134

Howard, Admiral Sir Edward and
his flagship, 152

Howard, Lord Charles, and Hawkins,
prize made by, 218 j and the
Armada, 215-16

Howard of Efiingham, Thomas, Lord,
Lord High Admiral, 236 ; and
the defeat of the Spanish Ar-
mada, 213, 214, 215, 216,
221, 222, 224, 225, Hawkins
knighted by, on his ship, 220,
letters and actions of, on behalf
of his seamen after Gravelines,
225 sqq. 5 at Flores, 241-2 ;
Hawkins’s bequest to, 269 ;
letters of, on the condition
of the fleet in 1588, 194-5,
213

Huguenot refugees, 179

Hunsdon, Henry, Lord, Lord Cham-
berlain, 166

Huntingdon, Earl of, coastal area
commanded by, 210

Idiagnez, King Philip’s secretary, 204

Indians, Mexican, encountered by the

282

SIR JOHN HAWKINS

“ Minion’s ” men, 120, 121,
123, 124, 132 5 130

Ireland, famines and turmoil in, 178,
234 5 foreign landings in, 178
Irish Coast, the, 83, 1625 Armada
wreckage on, 222
Islands, flitting, Sparke on, 17
Isle of Pines, the, 36
Isle of Wight, the, base of the Sea
Beggars, 112; dockyard in,
163 $ Spanish landing in,
attempted, 217

Jamaica, 35, 36, 37
James IV, and Sir Andrew Barton, 1 54
James VI, 178, and the Parsons plot,
180

Jeanne, Queen of Navarre, at La
Rochelle, 105

" Jenneth,” the, naval vessel repaired,
172

“ Jenny Perwin,” Barton’s ship, 154
Jesuits, &c., banished from England,
180

“Jesus of Lubeck,’* royal ship, in
Hawkins’s second slaving voy-
age, 13, as his flagship, 14, 15,
20, 32, a rescue from, 17-18 5
his flagship on the Trouble-
some Voyage, 46, 47, tragedy
at start of, 48 5 insolent
Spanish in Plymouth Sound
chastised by, 48, 89 ; leak
sprung by, 49 5 at Tenerife,
50 5 evening prayers on board,
52-3 5 at Rio de la Hacha, 67,
treasure on board, 82, 96-7,
desperate condition of, 83 sqq.,
why not condemned, 84 ; in
the disaster of San Juan de
TJlua, 86, ^isqq,, loss of, 96,
fate of prisoners from, 46, 117,
1 18, 127, 129 sqq,

“John,” the, a Hawkins ship hired
out, 144

“John” (18 tons), Horseley’s ship,
146, 147, 148

John, King, and his Navy, 154

“ John Baptist,” London ship, joining
the second slaving voyage, 15,
18

“ Jonas,” ship of the first slaving fleet,
10

Jones, Captain Thomas, privateer of
Lynn, 112

“ Judith,” ship, owned and captained
by Drake, 47, at San Juan de
Ulua, 96, return of, to Ply-
mouth, 98-9, 109

Keeper of the King’s ships, duties of,

154-5

Kinsale, Stukeley’s depot, 3
Kinterbury Street, Plymouth, Haw-
kins’s birthplace, 1, 109, 116

Lacie, Edward, 15
La Forinso, negroes of, 18
“ Landret,” ship, 133
La Rochelle, Protestant stronghold,
and the Beggars of the Sea,
105 sqq, 5 arms sent to by
Queen Elizabeth, io6, object
of, 1145 Hawkins’s relief ex-
pedition to, 1125 ^ Hawkins
ship seized at, 144

Las Casas, Bartolomeo, and the slave
trade, 9

Las Palmas, attack on, given up, 260-1
Laudonnifere, Ren6, Chief of the
French settlement on the river
May, Florida, 37x79., fate of,
41-2

Leicester, Robert Dudley, Earl of,
13, and Hawkins’s scheme
for intercepting the Spanish
treasure fleet, 113 j servant of,
indictment by, of Hawkins,
177 5 share of, in the intended
raid on the Spice Islands, 186
Lennox, Earl of, banishment of, 180
Leyva, Spanish admiral, 219
Licences to trade, always secured by
Hawkins, 73-4

Lincoln, Edward Clinton, Earl of,
Lord Admiral, 166

INDEX 283

Lion,” the, Barton’s ship, 154
Lions and unicorns, Sparke on, 38-9
Lisbon, 202, 257 5 Drake’s challenge
at, 193 5 Drake’s abortive
expedition against, 234 sqq . ;
the Spanish Armada at, 205,
206, 207

Llerena, Cristobal de, 27
Lodge, Sir Thomas, 5
London, Hawkins’s residence in, 5,
104 ; troubles at, over the
” Madre de Dios,” 244
London, Bishop of, Burchet tried by,
142

London, City of, ships contributed by,
to Elizabeth’s Navy, 215
Lopez, Jeronimus, 144
Los Islands, the, 56
LoveU, Captain, affair of, 67, 68
Low Countries, see Flanders
Lowe, William, 130
Luxan, Francesco de, Spanish admiral,
at San Juan de Ulua, 93
Lynn, a privateer from, 1 12

Madeira, 16, 259

“Madre de Dios,” carrack, capture
of, and riots after, 242 sqq*,

249

Madrid, 3, 8, 11, 104, 207, 212
Magellan, Straits of, Drake’s passage
of, 148 5 a second passage of,

250

Majorca, 133

Maldonado, Captain, falsity of, 88
Margarita, Island of, Hawkins’s first
visit to, a failure, 21, 22 ; a
warning from, 32 5 Hawkins’s
second visit to, 60 sqq*

Margate, the tragedy at, of the English
seamen, 225 ^99.

Maria de la Visitacion, vision of, and
fate of, 205

Mary I, Queen, 136 5 naval neglect
under, 152

Mary, Queen of Scots, defeat of, 178 j
imprisonment of, 104 ; con-
joection of, with the Bidolh and

Babington plots, 136, 139, 180,
18 1 5 execution of, 18 1

“Mary Fortune,” the, English ship
su3ik by the Portuguese, 57

“Mary Fortune,” the, ship built by
Winter, 160

“ Mary Rose,” the royal ship, 152 j
new-built, 172 ; Hawkins’s flag-
ship, 240

Massacre of St. Bartholomew, the,

1 14, 178

May, Richard, 143-4

May river, Florida, Hawkins at, 36-7,
38, an account of his visit,
39 W*

Maynarde, Captain Thomas, on the
different characters of Hawkins
and Drake, 254, on the friction
between them in the Porto
Rico expedition, 258, 259,

262-3 5 on the death of Haw-
kins, 265

Medina Celi, Duke of, and the Ridolfi
plot, 139

Medina Sidonia, the Duke of, the
unwilling Commander of the
Spanish Armada, 203 sqq*,
letter from, of objections to the
post, 204 ; chances lost by in
the fighting, 216, 217, 219 5
flight of, to the north, 221-2 5
forgiven by Philip II, 223

Medway defences, planned by Haw-
kins, 164

Mendoza, Duchess Ana de, on her
husband, 204

Mendoza, — , Spanish ambassador in
London, 180, 189

Merchant ships, impressment of, for
the Navy, 150, 155

Mestitlan, the good Black Friars of,
124

Mexico, gold from, i86 5 the In-
quisition in, 53, 128, 137 5
coast of, storms on, loo-i

Mexico City, 18S 5 the English
hostages and prisoners at, 118,
124 sqq., 137

284 SIR JOHN

Mexico, Gulf of, first English keel in,
85 j navigation in, 36

Miles, Arnold, 143-4
Minion,** London ship, joining
Hawkins, 15, 18 ; Portuguese
attack on, 30

“ Minion,*’ royal ship, in the fleet on
the Troublesome Voyage, 47,
54 ; at San Juan de Ulua, 86,
91 sqq,y damaged, 96, but
saved, 98, Hawkins’s voyage
home in, 99 sqq, ; the party of
the crew set ashore, 100, story
of their adventures, 117 sqq.

Mon^ada, Don Hugo de, and the |
Spanish galleases, 219

Monson, Sir William, on Flemming,
215

Montgomery, Count de, and the
relief of La Rochelle, 1 16

Mornfrie, Peter, burnt by the In-
quisition, 129

Mosquitoes and other flies, torments
from, 121

Mount’s Bay, 101-2, 103, no

Murray, the Regent, 178

Natural History, according to
Sparke, 17, 33, 39, and to
Hortop, 57, 66

Naval accounts, Hawkins called in to
disentangle, 229 sqq.

Negroes {see also Slaves), need of, in
the West Indies, 5, 8, 9 j first
importation of, 9

Netherlands, the {see also Dutch, and
Flanders), Alva’s difficulties in,
106 sqq., Parma’s success in,
179 ; unrest in, 104-5,

Beggars of the Sea, 105 sqq.

“ New Bark,” the, with the Sea
Beggars, in

Newfoundland, banks of, 43

Nombre de Dios, 25, attack on,
planned, 187 5 Drake’s raid
on, 145, 146 5 another in-
tended attack on, 253 5 plun-
dered by Drake, 264

HAWKINS

Nonpareil,” the, royal ship, new-
built, 163, 172 j in Hawkins’s
fleet, 189, 190 ; aground, 211 5
in the Porto Rico fleet, 240
Norfolk, the Duke of, and the Ridolfi
plot, 136, 137, 139
Norris, Sir John, coastal command
area of, 210 5 fame of, and the
Lisbon affair, 234, 235
North of England gentry, and
national defence, 210
North Sea, the, privateering in, 112
Notable Historie (Laudonniire), on
Hawkins’s visit to the river
May, 39 sqq.

OBSFRF^Tiom, The, of Sir Richard
Hanjohins in his njt^age into the
South Sea, 248-9, 250
“ Ocean Sea,” the (Atlantic), 60
Ochoa, Fernando, monopoly of, in
slave-trading, 9
O’Neil, Shan, and Stukeley, 3
Oporto, 144

Oquendo, Spanish Admiral, death of,
222

“ Our Lady of the Rosary,” Spanish
ship, taken by Drake, 218

Padstow, Hawkins’s two returns to,
43 > 103

Palavicini, Horatio, a Hawkins ship
hired by, 144

Panama, Drake’s success at, 145
City, attacks on, planned, 187, 253,
failure of, 264

Panuco river and town, the ” Min-
ion’s ” men at, 122 sqq., 137
Papal line of demarcation, challenged
by England, 156
Parkhurst, Anthony, 15
Parma, Duke of, anticipated invasion
by, 194, 212, 217, defences
against, 209 sqq. ; success of,
in the Netherlands, 179 5 un-
readiness of, July 27, 1588,
220-1 5 rumoured fresh at-
tempt of, 22§

INDEX

Parsons, Robert, the Jesuit, plot of,
179-80

** Paul,” the, a hired-out Hawkins
ship, 144

“ Paul of Plymouth,” ship of William
Hawkins (father), 6
Pelican, the, Sparke on, 39
” Pelican,” the, Drake’s ship, 161
Pembroke, Earl of, 1 3
Penzance, fired by a Spanish raid, 255
** Perfidious Albion,” 115
Peru, gold from, 186 ; Viceroy of, and
Richard Hawkins, 250
” Peter,” the, suit concerning, 3
” Peter of Plymouth,” Hawkins’s
ship, 4

Pett, Peter, Senior Master Shipwright
of the Navy, an honest man,
157, 162 , 169

Philip II, ir, 12, 24, 44, 62, 70, 87,
192 ; American trade for-
bidden by, to all foreigners, 8,
constant evasion of his pro-
hibition, 8 sgg., and challenge
to, 156 j Hawkins’s wrangle
with, over his cargo of hides,
12-135 once king of England,
61, 152 5 report to, on Haw-
kins’s doings at Rio dc la
Hacha, 74 5 and Hawkins’s
escape (1566), toi 5 and the
Nethcj:lands, 104 5 money-
shortage of, 106, 107 5 and the
counterplot of Hawkins, 137
jyy. j Hawkins’s schemes to
” annoy,” 174-5 5
Portugal, 179 5 and the Parsons
plot, 179, 180 ; and the seizure
of English wheat ships, 182 5

effect on, of Drake’s raid on the
American ports, 188 5 and the
choice of a Commander for
the Armada, 202 ryy., 233 5
changes made by, in ships and
defences after the Armada, 252
Philips, Miles, narrative by, of the
** Troublesome Voyage,” 46,
made prisoner, narrative by,

285

of the adventures of the ” Min-
ion’s” men set ashore on the
Mexican coast, 118, 122, his
own case, 129, 130-1, and
escape, 133 5 opinion of, on
Spanish seamanship, 131, 132
Piracy by merchantmen, 154
Pirates, English, and the Hawkins
firm, 144 5 courage of, 145 sqg.

French also Bland, anal Bon-
temps), 252 ; off Cape Blanco,
54, 55 5 in the Downs, 144 ;
a Hawkins ship taken by, 144 ;
mutineers from the May river,
37-8 5 raids of, on Margarita, 62
Pius V, Pope, and the Ridolfi plot, 136
Plymouth, Drake’s conduit for, 248 ;
fortification of, 239 ; Haw-
kins, his son, and his forebears
Mayors of, and M.P.s for,
2, 4, 7, 106, 131, 140, 141,
251 5 Sparke, mayor of, 15 5
the Hawkins firm of, and its
undertakings, 143 ryy. passim 5
notable arrivals at, and de-
partures from, 10, II, 15, 44-5,
47, 102, 1 14, 1 16, 146, 147,
190? i 93 » 258 5 poor of,

Hawkins’s bequests for, 267,
269 5 and Richard Hawkins,
248, 251 5 riots at, concern-
ing the “ Madre de Dios,” 243 ;
ships from, with the Sea
Beggars, 1 1 1 5 Spanish treasure
landed at, 107 5 Western Squad-
ron at, its command desired
by Hawkins, 176

Dockyard, 163

Harbour, used by the Sea Beggars,
106, HI, 143 5 English fleet
windbound in, July 19, 1588,
215, 216-17

Sound, 47, 187 5 insolent Spanish
vessels in, chastised by Haw-
kins, 48, 89
Ponte, Nicholas de, 17
Ponte, Pedro de, Governor of Tene-
rife, 16

286 SIR JOHN

Ponte Vedra, Hawkins at, loi
Poole, Philips’s return to, 133 j

Port Isabella, San Domingo, Haw- j
kins’s doings at, 10- ii
Portland Bill, 219

Porto Bello, Drake’s death on the way
to, 264

Porto Rico, attack on, planned (1595)
under Drake and Hawkins,
253, 255 5 the voyage out, 256,
dissensions on the way, 238
sqq , ; the Spanish warned of
the attack, 257, 261-2, 263 5
the death of Hawkins off, 262,
265 ; the town taken, 263
Portsmouth, 135
Dockyard, 151

Portugal and her colonies grasped by
Spain, 179 ; wealth of, sources
of, 156

Portuguese, the. Barton’s grudge
against, 154 5 and Don An-
tonio, 235 ; Hawkins’s treat-
ment of, at Cacheo, 56-7 ;
statements of, on Hawkins’s
Guinea cruise, 58

“ Primrose,” affair at Bilbao, the,
182 sqq,

** Primrose,” royal ship, for the relief
of La Rochelle, 1 16
Prince, John, cited on the Hawkins
family, 7

Privateering, patronised by Queen
Elizabeth, 3, 156, 238, 242,
244 et passim

Privateers and privateering, Devon
men concerned in, 3
Prize, a recaptured, 146-7
Prize cargoes, the Hawkins’s dealing
in, 143-4

QUEENBOROtJGH, 236

“Ragged Staff,” and “Bear,”
Bristol ships, piracy of, 148
<< Rainbow,” ship, 240
Raleigh, Sir Walter, and the Enquiry
on Hawkins, 166 5 release of,
to quiet the riots at Plymouth,

HAWKINS

243 ; and the Spice Islands
raid, 186 5 Virginian colony
of, 188 5 on Garrett’s seaman-
ship, 47

Raunce, John, Master of the “ William
and John,” 47

Recalde, Spanish Admiral, 219 ; death
of, 222

Redriffe, Hortop’s return to, 135
“ Repentance,” Richard Hawkins’s
ship, renamed “ Dainty,” 248-9
“ Revenge,” the, Drake’s ship against
the Armada, 163, 21 1, 218, 255
“ Revenge,” ship, in Hawkins’s fleet,
189

Ribault, Admiral Jean, and Florida,

Ridolfi, Roberto, and the Ridolfi plot,
136 sqq.

Rindy, George, burnt by the In-
quisition, 129

Rio de la Hacha, Hawkins’s doings at,
31 sqq.^ Spanish report on,
74 $qq,y Drake’s attack on, 67 ;
Hawkins’s second visit to,
events of, 67 sqq . ; taken by
Drake (1595)? 264
Treasurer of, tribute of to Haw-
kins’s character, 4, 34
Robles, Captain Pedro de, 13 1-2
“ Roebuck,” royal ship, 218
Roger, the armourer, sentence of, 129
Rotz, Jean, Atlas of, i
Rouen, 144

Royal Navy, the, management of,
from the time of John, to
that of Henry VIII, 154-5;
pre-Tudor, 150 5 Tudor, 6,
150 sqq . ; officials of, 4-5, 157
sqq . ; in Elizabeth’s reign, 155
sqq . ; condition and needs
of, in 1587-8, 153, Hawkins
on, difficulties concerning, 196
sqq . ; expenses of, under Haw-
kins, 172 ; guns and gunnery
of, 94, 152, 153, 154, 188, 199,
217, 219-20 ; seamen, pay of,
increased by Hawkins, 165,

INDEX

191 ; skill of, 153, a Venetian
estimate of, 207-8 5 disgraceful
treatment of, after Gravelines,
225 sqq , ; ships of, improve-
ments m, by Henry VII and
VIII, and by Hawkins, 138
sqq., 152, 153, 164, especially as
to model, 163, 169, 199, 217 5
“ new-building ’* of, 163, costs
of, 172 ; methods of fighting,
15°? 152? 155? ^ 99 ; ships’
companies, composition of, 153

St. Alban’s Head, 219
St. Augustine, Spanish fort at, 42,
destroyed by Drake, 188
St. Dunstan’s-in-the-East, Hawkins’s
monuments in, 266x97.5 poor of,
Hawkins’s lepcy for, 267, 269
St. Mary’s port, Philips’s escape from,
133

St. Nicholas Church, Deptford, the
William Hawkins monument
in, 232-3

St. Paul’s Cathedral, Queen Eliza-
beth’s thanksgiving at, for the
defeat of the Armada, 229
“ St. Philip,” Spanish ship, taken by
Drake, 193

« Salomon,” the, a hired-out Hawkins
ship, 144

Salvago, Sebastian de, 144
Samboes, suggested origin of the
name, 18

Sambula Island, negroes from, 18
San Domingo, see Hispaniola
San Domingo river, Gambia region,
Hawkins at, tales of his doings
there, 56 sqq.

San Juan de Ulua, disaster of, 46 sqq. 5
men left ashore after, see under
” Minion,” revenge for, no
longer desired by Hawkins, 237
San Lucar, 203, 205 ; Hortop’s
escape from, 135 ; Philips at,
132-3

San Salvador,” Armada ship made
prize, horrors on board, 218

287

Santa Cruz, Canary Islands, 8, 16,
50 sqq.

Santa Cruz, Cuba, 36
Santa Cruz, Marquis of, challenged
by Drake, 193 5 and the
Spanish Armada, 202, 204,
205, 207, 216

Santa F6, Hawkins at, 22, 23
Santa Maria, the good White Friars
of, 124

Santa Marta, Hawkins at, 78 sqq.
Santiago de Leon, 62
Sapies, negroes, of Sambula, 18
Scilly Isles, the, 212 5 fortification of,
239 ; pirates of, 150
Scotland, war in, 178 5 Armada
wrecks on the coast of, 222,
224, 228

Sea law, Hawkins’s application of, 54,

Seville, ii ; the Inquisition in, 12,
118, 133, 134-5

Seymour, Lord Henry, squadron of,
221

Sheerness fort, built by Hawkins, 164
Sierra Leone, slaving at, 10, 20, 58-9
Sierra Leone and Castros, Kings of,
Hawkins’s aid to, 58-9
“ Singeing the King of Spain’s beard,”
by Drake at Cadiz, 170, 193-4
Sir John Hawkins Hospital, the, at
Chatham, 233

Slannyng, Nicholas, and Hawkins’s
royal pardon, 2

Slave-import licences issued by Spain, 9
Slave, runaway, information from at
la Hacha, 71, 76, fate of, 77, 78
Slave-trade, the, Hawkins’s scheme for,
and voyages in, 5, 6, 7, 8 sqq.
Slavery and the slave-trade, public
opinion on, in the i6th century,
9, 20-1

Slaves, why needed in the West Indies,
. 6 ? 9 > ^4

Smerwick, a foreign landing at, 178
“ Solomon,” Hawkins’s ship in the
slaving voyages, lo, 14, 15, 19,
20 ; surgeon of, fate of, 261-2

288 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

Sores, Jacques de, head of the Sea
Beggars, n6 5 base of, 112
South and West Coast ports, vessels
from, with the fleet in July
1588, 216

South Pacific Ocean, the, reached by
Richard Hawkins, 250
Southampton, ships from, with the
Sea Beggars, iii ; Spanish
treasure landed at, 107
Sovia, Hernando de, and Hortop, 135
Spain (see also Alva, Netherlands,
Parma, and Philip II), and
England, war between, efforts
to delay (see also Drake’s and
other raids on Spain and her
colonies), long anticipated, 164,
174, 176, 192 5 preparations to
meet, 209 sqq.^ and plan for
countering, 214

English prisoners of, miseries of, 92,
III, 250-1, and fates of, 134-5

Power of, increase in, 1580 to 1584,
179

Recovery of, after the defeat of the
Armada, Hawkins’s plan to
impede, 236-7, 238 sqq , ; ships
of, improved and colonies
fortified, 240, 252, 260, 262

Seizure by, of English wheat ships,
182

Spanish America, colonies in, de-
fencclessness of, 12, 30, and
needs of (see also Slaves), 24-5,
77-8, 128 5 fortification of

after the defeat of the Armada,
252, 257

Ports of. Governors of, Hawkins’s
letters to, 60-1

and the Spanish Main, wealth from,
foreign trade in prohibited, the
prohibition disregarded by the
English, 8, lo-ii, 12, 156, 182,
ships conveying, 41, 132,

English attempts to intercept,
and looting of, 145, 148, 188
sqq,^ 240 (see also Azores), new
type of ships employed, 240, 262

Spanish Armada, the, effect on, of the
big guns introduced by Henry
VIII, 152 5 and the naval force
of England, 162 5 attempts to
delay, 170, 188, 191, 193 ;
story of, 201 sqq,y the fire-ships
among, and the defeat of, 221,
tragedy of, 222 ; aftermath of,
224, 225 sqq,f English advan-
tages from, how lost, 234 sqq,^
244 5 rumoured return of,
228

Spanish Army, the, 209, 236
Spanish Captain’s account of Haw-
kins’s dealings with him, and
of his fleet, 190

Spanish coast, filibustering cruises off,
238-9

Spanish guards of the “ Minion’s ”
men, on their march, 124-8
Spanish invasion of Brittany, 239, 240,
241, 244, and raid from, on
Cornwall, 255

Spanish Main, the, i, 62, 141, 149 $
English piracy in, 145 ; Haw-
kins’s cruise in (1568), 31, and
the letter of the Bishop of
Valencia, 67 ; navigation of,
see Caribbean Sea

Spanish seamanship, 200 ; English
seamen on, 131, 132, 134
Spanish ships of war in 1587, and
Spanish ideas of naval conflict,
199

Sparke, John, of the “ Jesus,” story
by, of the second slaving voy-
age, 15 5 natural history notes
of, 16, 17, 33, 38-9
Spes, Guerau de, Spanish Ambassador
in London, 1571, 137
Spinola, Benedict, rumours of Haw-
kins brought by, 109
Spice Islands, intended raid on by
Drake, patrons of, 186 sqq.
Spies, precautions against in England,
in 1 586, and during the Great
War, 189-90

Spithead, fort built by Hawkins, 152

INDEX 489

Splendid Isolation, the policy of Haw-
kins, 192
Stone, John, 130
Storey, John, sentence on, 129
Stow, John, antiquarian, on Hawkins’s
memorial in verse, 267
Strand, the, Hawkins stabbed in, 141
Stukcley, Captain Thomas, privateer,
career of, 3

“ Swallow,” ship, of Hawkins’s slaving
fleet, 10, 20, 129

” Swallow,” 100 tons, owned by
Hawkins, 47, 54

** Swallow,” Richard Hawkins’s ship
in the fleet against the Armada,
24$

Sweeting, Robert, and the English
prisoners in Mexico, 126, 129
” Swiftsure,” royal ship, 240, 245

Tagarin river, 58
Taggarin, negroes, from, 20
Tagus river, 193, 235, 307
Tampico, the “ Minion’s ” men put
ashore near, and journey to-
wards, 1 19, 120, 121, 129
Tenerife, 16, 49, 50
Tescuco, English prisoners at, their
miseries, escape and the results,
xx6

Testigos Islands, 21
Tetanus from poisoned arrows, 56
Throgmorton, Sir Nicholas, and the
Parsons plot, 180 |

” Tiger,” armed ship, in the second
slaving voyage, 14, 20
Tilbury, the famous review at, 21X
Tipton, John, and his vessel, 148
Tobacco, Sparke on, 38
Top-masts, introduction of, by Haw-
kins, 153
Torbay, 218

Tortuga or Turtle Island, natives of, 23
Tower of London, Burchet incar-
cerated in, 142 5 Norfolk
committed to, X39 5 Raleigh
released from, and why, 243
Trade, effects on, of the Beggars of

the Sea, 114, revival of, on
their extinction, 116
Trade with Spanish colonists, licences
for, needed, and demanded by
Hawkins, 23 sqq.

Trees, dropping water from leaves, 17
“ Tremontana,” ship, in Hawkins’s
fleet, 159

Triana, prison of the Inquisition, 134
Trinity House, the, foundation and
duties of, 151-2
” Triumph,” royal ship, 214
Troublesome Voyage, the, narratives
of, 46, events of, 47
Troughton, Captain John, on the
Council on the “ Garland,”
258-9 ; letter from, to Queen
Elizabeth giving Hawkins’s
death-bed message, 265
Trujillo, Drake’s move to, 264
Turren, Jean, on Hawkins at San Juan
de Ulua, 96-7

Upnor Castle, chain at, across the
Thames, 164, 21 1
Ushant, 212

Valdes, Don Pedro de, surrender of,
to Hawkins, 218

Valencia, Barrett at, a worm killed by
him there, 66 5 the Bishop of,
and Hawkins, 64 sqq,, Haw-
kins’s letter to, 64, letters of
recommendation from, 67
Varne, Admiral Juan de Valesco de,
curiosities taken by, to Spain,

134

Varney, John, a hostage, 118
Vaughan, Charles (father-in-law), 266
Venetian Ambassador to Madrid, on
the qualities of English sailors,
207-8

Venezuela, islands off, 21, 60 5 the
Governor of, 26 sqq,, letter of
refusal from, 65
Vera Cruz, 88, 91, 92
Verde (or Green), Valentine, narrative
by, of the Troublesome Voy-

290 SIR JOHN HAWKINS

age, discovered by Williamson,
46

Viana, 144

“Victory,** royal ship, in Howard’s
fleet, 214, Hawkins’s flagship,
219, 224 ; in Cumberland’s
fleet, 238

Vigo, Drake’s capture at, 187 5 Haw-
kins at, 10 1

Villa Nueva, Augustin de, 92-3

Virgin Islands, Drake and Hawkins
at, 263

Virginia, settlers in, rescued by
Drake, 188

Wachen, Baron de, Spanish admiral,
insolence of, 48, 89

Walsingham, Sir Francis, 166, 181,
210 ; letters to, from Hawkins,
on annoying the King of
Spain, puritanical tone of,
175-6 5 on the harrying of
Spain, 1 91-2 j on defeat of
the Armada, on pay for the
seamen and gear for the ships,
224-5 5 worries in 1588,

231 5 letter to, from Howard
on the needs of the sailors, and
his “ theft,” 226-7

West Country, the, defence prepara-
tions in, 209 ; love of, for
privateers, Hawkins on, 175

Wesp Indies, 138 5 knowledge of, how
gained by Hawkins, 4, 15 5
need in, of slaves, 5, 8, 9 5 the
Porto Rico expedition expected
^57 5 Richard Hawkins’s
first voyage to, 247 ; the road
to, opened by Hawkins, 13 5
Spanish colonies in, defence-
lessness of, remedied, 252 5
“ trade ” for, secured at Conga,
59 ; trade in (sud rosa) before
the San Juan de Ulua affair
becoming piracy after, 145
sgq. 5 the Troublesome Voyage
to, 60 sgq, j voyages to, average
loss on, of slaves, 60

Weymouth Dockyard, 163
White, John, kiUed by Hawkins, 2
“ William,” the, a Hawkins ship, 144
William of Orange, and the Dutch
War of Independence, 105 5
and the Sea Beggars, in, 114 ;
assassination of, 180
William of Wrotham, Keeper of the
King’s ships to King John, 154
“ William and John,” ship, 47, 54, 83
Williams, Richard, 130
Williamson, J. A., cited, on Hawkins’s
Narrative of the “ Troublesome
Voyage,” an unknown account
of it unearthed by him, 46 5 on
the despatch of Alva’s treasure
from Italy, 107 5 on the
“Hope’s” timbers, 17 1 ; on
the regulations in force against
espionage in 1586, 190 j on
Hawkins’s knighthood, 220
Winds, the, and the defeat of the
Spanish Armada, 217, 219,
221, 222

Winter brothers, ship of, sunk by the
Portuguese, 57

Winter, Captain George, 57, 116, 157
Winter, Sir William, Surveyor of the
Navy, 5, 44, 57, 141, 1575
dishonest practices of, 160-1 5
sent to sea, 162 ; letter from,
slandering Hawkins, 170-1,
praise by, of the navy, in 1588,
191 5 in the sea-fight of Grave-
lines, 232 ; death of, 232
Woolwich Dockyard, 151
Woorley, Thomas, 15
Worthies of Denson (Prince), cited on
the Hawkins family, 7
Wright, Irene, publication by, dealing
with Hawkins’s transactions
with the Governors on the
Spanish Main, 74

Yucatan Channel, the, 83

Zerralbo, Marquis of, governor of
Vigo, and Drake, 187

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