0314
0314f
Autobiography of Phineas Pett
Publications of the Navy Records Society
VOL. LI.
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PHINEAS PETT
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PHINEAS PETT
Edited by W. G. Perrin
[Illustration: (publisher's colophon)]
Printed for the Navy Records Society
MDCCCCXVIII
THE COUNCIL
OF THE
NAVY RECORDS SOCIETY
1917-1918
PATRON
THE KING
PRESIDENT
THE RIGHT HON. LORD GEORGE HAMILTON, G.C.S.I.
VICE-PRESIDENTS
CORBETT, SIR JULIAN S., F.S.A.
CUSTANCE, ADMIRAL SIR REGINALD N., G.C.B., K.C.M.G., C.V.O., D.C.L.
FIRTH, PROFESSOR C. H., LL.D., F.B.A.
GRAY, ALBERT, K.C., C.B.
COUNCILLORS
ATKINSON, C. T.
BETHELL, ADMIRAL HON. SIR A.E., K.C.B., K.C.M.G.
BRINDLEY, HAROLD H.
CALLENDER, GEOFFREY A. R.
DARTMOUTH, THE EARL OF, K.C.B.
DESART, THE EARL OF, K.C.B.
DEWAR, COMMANDER ALFRED C., R.N.
GOUGH-CALTHORPE, VICE-ADMIRAL THE HON. SIR SOMERSET A., K.C.B., C.V.O.
GUINNESS, CAPTAIN HON. RUPERT E. C., C.B., C.M.G., M.P.,
R.N.V.R., AD. C.
KENYON, SIR FREDERIC G., K.C.B., D.Litt., F.B.A.
LEYLAND, JOHN
MARSDEN, R. G.
MILFORD HAVEN, ADMIRAL THE MARQUESS OF, P.C., G.C.B., G.C.V.O.,
K.C.M.G., LL.D., AD. C.
MURRAY, JOHN, C.V.O.
NEWBOLT, SIR HENRY
OTTLEY, REAR-ADMIRAL SIR CHARLES L., K.C.M.G., C.B., M.V.O.
PARRY, SIR C. HUBERT, BT., C.V.O.
POLLEN, ARTHUR H.
RICHMOND, CAPTAIN HERBERT W., R.N.
ROBINSON, COMMANDER CHARLES N., R.N.
SANDERSON, LORD, G.C.B., K.C.M.G., I.S.O.
SLADE, ADMIRAL SIR EDMOND J. W., K.C.I.E., K.C.V.O.
SMITH, COMMODORE AUBREY C. H., M.V.O., R.N.
TANNER, J. R., Litt.D.
SECRETARY
LIEUT.-COLONEL W. G. PERRIN, O.B.E., R.A.F., Admiralty, S.W.
HON. TREASURER
SIR W. GRAHAM GREENE, K.C.B., Ministry of Munitions, S.W.
THE COUNCIL of the NAVY RECORDS SOCIETY wish it to be distinctly
understood that they are not answerable for any opinions or
observations that may appear in the Society's publications. For these
the responsibility rests entirely with the Editors of the several
works.
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PREFACE
The manuscript in which Phineas Pett has recorded the story of his
life from his birth in 1570 to the end of September 1638, consisted
originally of sixty-nine uniform quarto sheets, of which the 52nd is
now lost, together with the bottom of the 14th. The handwriting is
that of Phineas throughout, but marginal references on the first few
pages and a note at the end--'The life of Commissioner Pett's father
whose place he did enjoy'--have been added subsequently by Samuel
Pepys, no doubt when he was making the transcript referred to below.
The first paragraph is written on a separate sheet, which, unlike
the rest, has no writing on the back, and is followed by a series
of subtraction sums of the form 1612 - 1570 = 42 giving the age
of Phineas for each year from 1612 to 1640. From the differences
apparent in the figures and ink it is clear that these calculations
were made year by year from the time that Phineas was forty-two until
he reached the age of seventy.
A close inspection of the internal construction, the handwriting,
and of the ink used, leads to the conclusion that the body of the
manuscript, in the form in which it has descended to us, was written
up, not at short intervals, but in sections at comparatively long
intervals of time. The first and largest of these, written apparently
in 1612, narrates the events down to September 1610, and stops at the
word 'ordered' on line 15 of page 80 below. The remainder[1] of that
paragraph continues on a fresh sheet in a smaller handwriting and
different ink, and from that point the ample margin of the earlier
pages is abandoned and a small one ruled off with lead pencil. The
top line of this page is also ruled, and from this page to the end of
the writing the use of these pencil lines persists. The next break is
in July 1611 (page 92), where Pett reiterates the statement that he
was sent for by Prince Henry. Another break in the writing seems to
occur in September 1613; and a very perceptible one, with change of
ink, occurs in 1625 at 'All April' (page 134). The final section, as
indicated by a further change of ink, begins in February 1631: 'The
23rd of February' (page 146). The various anachronisms observable in
the text show that these sections were written up some considerable
time after the events occurred. Thus, the references to 'Sir' John
Pennington in 1627 and 1628 make it clear that the events of those
years were not written up before 1634.
From the great accuracy of the dates given (which have been
frequently tested from contemporary sources), it is clear that
Phineas kept a diary in which events were recorded as they occurred,
and from which the narrative was compiled. He appears to have
commenced this diary on going to Chatham in June 1600, when precise
dates begin to replace the vague 'about,' 'toward the end,' &c., of
the earlier paragraphs.
The narrative stops abruptly in 1638, apparently with the sentence
unfinished, for there is no mark of punctuation after the last word.
In 1640, when the final section seems to have been written, Pett was
an old man, and it is probable that, having been interrupted at this
point, the fast-gathering troubles of the State diverted his mind
from the subject, or left him without sufficient energy or leisure to
pursue it.
It will be noticed that towards the end the composition becomes more
slovenly and the omission of words more frequent, as though the task
had become burdensome and the author anxious to have done with it.
Pepys copied the whole of the manuscript into the first volume of his
Miscellany with the following preface:
'A Journal of Phineas Pett, Esquire, Commissioner of the Navy
and father to Peter Pett, late Commissioner of the same at
Chatham, viz: from his birth A^o 1570 to the arrival of the Royal
Sovereign, by him then newly built, at her moorings at Chatham;
transcribed from the original written all with his own hand and
lent me to that purpose by his grandson Mr. Phineas, son to
Captain Phineas Pett.'
The manuscript afterwards came into the possession of George Jackson,
who was Secretary of the Navy Board in 1758 and Second Secretary of
the Admiralty from 1766 to 1782. Sir George Duckett (he had changed
his surname in 1797) died in 1822, and ten years later his library,
including a very valuable collection of naval manuscripts, was sold
by auction. Fortunately the manuscripts were purchased by the British
Museum after being bought in at the sale; the volume (No. IV) in
which this manuscript was contained becoming Additional MS. 9298. A
commonplace book (Additional MS. 9295) containing, among copies of
various naval documents, an abbreviated version was purchased at the
same time.
The copy of the autobiography most generally known is the early
eighteenth-century transcript in the Harleian Collection (Harl.
6279). It is to this copy that writers usually refer, possibly
because it is mentioned in the paper[2] published in _Archæologia_ in
1796, although the garbled extracts there given are stated to have
been taken 'from another copy' and seem, in fact, to have been taken
from the original.[3] A further reason for the preference generally
shown for the Harleian copy may be its more modern and more clerkly
handwriting.
The Harleian transcript is not a good one. It contains few omissions,
none of great importance, but mistranscriptions of individual words
are very numerous and have reduced the text to nonsense in several
places.[4] It may seem strange that writers should be content to
quote passages that were evidently incorrect, without looking at
another copy, which was easily to be found; but whatever the
reason may be, the fact is that hitherto the original has remained
unidentified as such.
The best transcript is that made by Pepys; but even he had difficulty
in deciphering some of the words, although the handwriting of Pett
is, on the whole, very clear and consistent.
In preparing this edition, the Pepysian and Harleian copies have been
collated and the missing parts of the original made good by this
means; but as the numerous inversions of form and mistakes of reading
in these copies have no general interest--and are of no authority in
presence of the original--there is no need to specify them in detail.
Considerable licence has been taken with the punctuation of the
sentences, which is entirely without system in the original, and
the spelling has been modernised in accordance with the rule of the
Society, but the composition has been left otherwise untouched.
Where some word is necessary to complete the sense it has been
added in square brackets [], and the parts now missing from the
original, which have been supplied from the transcripts, have been
printed in italics. The legal year in England, prior to 1752, did
not commence until the 25th March, and Pett usually gives his dates
by this reckoning, but in one or two instances he writes as though
the year had begun on 1st January and ended on 31st December. To
avoid misunderstanding, it may be stated that the dates in the
Introduction, headings, and notes are given according to the Julian
year, commencing on 1st January.
Pett invariably wrote and signed 'Phinees' but it has been thought
better to adhere to the spelling 'Phineas,' which appears from time
to time in documents from 1605 onwards and has been universally
adopted by modern writers.
In the Introduction an attempt has been made: first, to trace
the rise of the Master Shipwright as an official of the Crown
and to consider his relation to the profession of shipwrights
generally; secondly, to trace the origin of the Pett family and its
ramifications down to the date of Phineas' death; thirdly, to throw
additional light on the events narrated in the manuscript from such
original sources as are accessible. In asking the indulgence of the
reader towards the evident shortcomings of this attempt, the Editor
would plead that most of the work has had to be carried out under
great difficulties in scanty moments of leisure. Despite the generous
assistance of Mr. Vincent Redstone of Woodbridge, whose extensive
knowledge of Suffolk genealogy has been brought to bear on the
problem, it has not been found possible to trace the Pett family to
its original location, but it is hoped that sufficient has been done
to render this task more easy to some future investigator.
In conclusion the Editor has to thank many friends for the help
readily given, more especially Dr. Tanner, who has read the proofs
and given the Introduction the benefit of his criticism, and Mr. G.
E. Manwaring, of the London Library, who has rendered invaluable
help in clearing up many obscure points, and he is indebted to Mrs
Scott for the loan of the MS. treatise on shipbuilding referred to
in the Introduction. The Editor has also had the great advantage
of discussing with Mr. L. G. Carr Laughton the technical questions
raised in connexion with the Prince Royal and the Sovereign of the
Seas.
W. G. P.
_December 1918._
FOOTNOTES:
[1] Probably rewritten when the narrative was taken up again.
[2] By the Rev. S. Denne, _Archæologia_ xii. p. 217.
[3] The words 'and ourselves to sit with the Officers' (page 144),
not in the Harleian copy, are in the printed version.
[4] _E.g._ 'Articles' for 'Arches,' p. 14; 'enemy' for 'injury,' p.
26; 'tarried' for 'arrived,' p. 25; 'Frank Moore' for 'Tranckmore,'
p. 33; 'perceived' for 'protested,' p. 61; 'care' for 'ease,' p. 104;
'Warwick,' for 'Woolwich' p. 142, &c., &c.
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CONTENTS
PAGE
INTRODUCTION
The Shipwrights xv
The Family of Pett xlii
Phineas Pett lii
THE AUTOBIOGRAPHY 1
APPENDICES
I. Grant to Phineas Pett 173
II. Petition of Shipwrights 175
III. Charter to Shipwrights' Company (1605) 176
IV. Charter to Shipwrights' Company (1612) 179
V. New Building the Prince Royal 207
VI. Petition to the Admiralty (1631) 210
VII. Letter to Buckingham (1623) 212
VIII. Protest against Building the Sovereign 214
IX. Ships Built or Rebuilt by Phineas Pett 217
X. The Arms of Pett 218
INDEX 219
INTRODUCTION
1.--_The Shipwrights._
It might be supposed that so ancient a craft as that of shipbuilding
would have left some trace in contemporary records of its activities,
the methods of its technique, and the personalities of those engaged
in it. Yet although references to ships and shipping are frequent in
the records of this country from the earliest times, and although the
shipwright was a distinct class of workman at least as early as the
tenth century--probably much earlier--no record of the methods in
which he set about the design and construction of ships earlier than
the end of the sixteenth century appears to have survived.
It may be presumed that those of our earlier kings who possessed a
navy royal, and did not rely entirely on the support of the Cinque
Ports and of the merchant shipping, would include among their
servants some skilled man to perform the functions of a master
shipwright, and if not to design, at any rate to look to the upkeep
of the king's ships and to watch the construction in private yards
of those intended for the royal service. But if the Clerk of the
Ships, who first comes into notice in the reign of John, had any such
subordinate, his existence before the end of the reign of Henry V
is not known to us. It is, however, possible that, on occasion, this
duty was performed by the king's carpenters, whose principal function
seems to have been to keep the woodwork of the royal castles in
repair. In 1337 forty oaks required in the construction of a galley,
then being built at Hull for Edward III under the superintendence
of William de la Pole, a prominent merchant of that town, were
supplied by the Prior of Blyth, who was directed to hand them over
to William de Kelm (Kelham), the king's carpenter (_carpentario
nostro_).[5] The accounts for this galley have not survived, and
there is no means of ascertaining whether William de Kelm had
anything to do with the actual construction. Another galley and a
barge were at the same time being built at Lynn under Thomas and
William de Melcheburn. The accounts[6] show that the master carpenter
(_magister carpentariorum_) of the galley was John Kech, who was paid
at the rate of sixpence[7] a day and had under him six carpenters
at fivepence a day, six 'clynckers' at fourpence, six holders at
threepence, and four labourers (_servientes_) at twopence halfpenny.
The master carpenter of the barge was Ralph atte Grene, who received
the same rate of pay as Kech. Neither Kech nor Grene appear as the
King's servants.
In 1421 the 'King's servant' John Hoggekyns, 'master carpenter of the
king's ships,' was granted by letters patent a pension of fourpence
a day, 'because in labouring long about them he is much shaken and
deteriorated in body,' and this grant was confirmed in December of
the following year on the accession of Henry VI. In 1416-18 Hoggekyns
had built the Grace Dieu, 'if not the largest, probably the best
equipped ship yet built in England.'[8]
With the sale of most of the royal navy on the death of Henry V, the
need for a 'master carpenter of the King's Ships' must have passed
away, and no trace of any further appointment of this character has
been found for over a century. The construction of the Regent in 1486
was entrusted by Henry VII to the Master of the Ordnance, and it
seems probable that the design of the Henri Grace à Dieu, built in
1514, was the work of the Clerk of the Ships, Robert Brygandin,[9]
although the superintendence of her building was entrusted to William
Bond (or Bound), who is described in 1519 as 'late clerk of the
poultry, surveyor, and payer of expenses for the construction of the
Henri Grace à Dieu and the three other galleys.'[10]
It is not until the later years of Henry VIII's reign that steps
appear to have been taken to establish in the royal service a
permanent body of men skilled in the art of shipbuilding. From the
earliest times of which records exist it had been the practice to
send out agents to the various ports to impress the shipwrights,
caulkers, sawyers, and other workmen required for the construction
and repair of ships of the Royal Navy. This system was no doubt
satisfactory while the merchant ship and the royal ship presented
no essential points of difference; the latter were, indeed, often
let out to hire for mercantile purposes. But when the ship-of-war
began to carry a larger number of guns than the trading ship found
necessary for her protection--a change that may be roughly dated
from the end of the fifteenth century--the methods of construction
began to diverge, and the old system of casual impressment must have
tended to become less and less satisfactory; so that when Henry,
after remodelling the material of the Navy, turned, at the end of his
reign, to the improvement of the Administration he no doubt saw the
necessity of attracting permanently to his service men capable of
directing the art of shipbuilding, as applied to ships of war, in the
new channels in which it was henceforth destined to run.
Up to this point, the position of the shipwright--even of the Master
Shipwright--was not an exalted one. He was classed among 'servants'
and 'artificers,' and his pay was made the subject of legislation
expressly designed to keep the wages of those classes as low as
possible. In 'Naval Accounts and Inventories of the Reign of Henry
VII, 1485-8 and 1495-7,' Mr. Oppenheim has edited material which
illustrates the various rates paid to shipwrights, and has pointed
out that these rates of pay 'had remained practically unaltered since
the days of Henry V.' An Act of Parliament of 1495[11] laid down the
following scale of payments:--
_From Candlemas to Michaelmas._
With meat Without
and drink, meat and drink,
a day a day
Master Ship Carpenter with
charge of work and men
under him 5_d._ 7_d._
Other Ship Carpenter called
a Hewer 4_d._ 6_d._
An able Clincher 3_d._ 5_d._
Holder 2_d._ 4_d._
Master Caulker 4_d._ 6_d._
A mean Caulker 3_d._ 5_d._
Caulker labouring by the
tide, for as long as he may
labour above water and
beneath water, shall not
exceed for every tide 4_d._ --
_From Michaelmas to Candlemas._
Master Shipwright 4_d._ 6_d._
Hewer 3_d._ 5_d._
Able Clincher 2½_d._ 4½_d._
Holder 1½_d._ 3_d._
Master Caulker 3_d._ 5_d._
A mean Caulker 2½_d._ 4½_d._
This Act was repealed in 1496, but the same scale was fixed in 1514
by an Act[12] that was not repealed until 1562.
It will be observed that the highest rate under these Acts is
sevenpence a day, although in several instances in the accounts[13]
referred to above a Master Shipwright was paid eightpence a day.
When Henry VIII instituted[14] the practice of granting by letters
patent an annuity for life to certain shipwrights performing the
duties of the office known later as 'the Master Shipwright,' he fixed
the daily rate upon the basis set forth above, but it must be borne
in mind that (as will be shown later) this did not represent the
total emoluments of that official, who was in effect raised, both as
to emoluments and status, above the class in which he had formerly
been placed.
The first of the succession of officials thus established by Henry
appears to have been James Baker, who by letters patent[15] dated
the 20th May 1538 was granted, as from Michaelmas 1537, an annuity
for life of fourpence a day, the lowest rate of a Master Shipwright,
or Master Ship Carpenter as he was alternatively called by the Acts
referred to. The entry in the Roll is of some interest; unlike the
later grants, this grant is not based upon past services, but solely
upon services which are to be rendered in the future,[16] and the
authority for the letters patent is not the usual writ of privy seal,
but the direct motion of the King: 'per ipsum Regem.' In December
1544 new letters patent were issued,[17] in which Baker is described
as a 'Shipwright' and the annuity (_annuitatem sive annualem
redditum_) fixed at eightpence a day. In January of the same year,
Peter Pett, 'Shipwright,' had by letters patent been granted a
wage and fee (_vadium et feodum_) of sixpence a day for life, as
from Michaelmas 1543, 'in consideration of his good and faithful
service done and to be done'; from which it appears that Peter Pett
was already in the royal service. It is probable that the increase
in Baker's annuity was intended to mark his superior position in
relation to Pett.
The official title of 'master shipwright' does not appear as yet
in use, for when Baker and other shipwrights were, in the next
year, sent by the Council, at the request of the Lord Admiral, to
Portsmouth to examine into the decay of one of the ships there, they
were simply described as 'Masters James Baker and others skilful
in ships.'[18] In addition to Baker and Pett, these included John
Smyth, Robert Holborn, and Richard Bull. On the 23rd April 1548
these three latter, under the designation of 'Shipwrights,' together
with Richard Osborn, anchor-smith, 'had by bill signed by the King's
Majesty each of them 4_d._ per diem in consideration of their long
and good service and that they should instruct others in their
feats.'[19] Smyth and Holborn were hardly in the same category as
Baker and Peter Pett. They seem to have been skilled mechanics rather
than constructors or designers, and are not mentioned as having
'built' a ship, though this is perhaps due to the scantiness of the
surviving records; but the fact that the formality of letters patent
was dispensed with in connexion with this grant is significant. Bull
was, however, in May 1550 granted 12_d._ a day from Midsummer 1549 by
letters patent in the usual terms,[20] and since Peter Pett was not
granted this higher rate until April 1558,[21] in the last year of
Mary's reign, it would seem as though Bull's services were rated by
Edward VI more highly than Pett's. James Baker does not seem to have
long survived Henry VIII. Probably he died in 1549, and Bull received
Baker's annuity, since it is not likely that an additional annuity
would be created for Bull at that time, and there is no mention of
any reversion in Bull's patent.
Little is known of Bull[22] or of another master shipwright 'William
Stephins'[23] who is mentioned in 1553 and 1558. The latter may have
been the ancestor of the Stevens[24] who built the _Warspite_ in
1596, and contested the place of Master Shipwright with Phineas.
In 1572 Mathew Baker, son of James, succeeded to Bull's annuity. The
letters patent[25] by which the grant was made are different in form
from those above referred to, for Baker is first granted the office
of Master Shipwright[26] with all profits and emoluments pertaining
to it, which he is to hold in as ample a mode and form as 'a certain
Richard Bull, deceased,' or any other, had held such office, and
then, for the exercise of this office, he is granted the usual
annuity of 12_d._ a day for life, as from Lady Day 1572.
In January 1584 Baker attended personally at the Exchequer and of
his free will surrendered this grant in exchange for one in similar
form[27] made out to himself and John Addey[28] with reversion to the
longer liver. The reasons why Baker thus formally adopted Addey as
his successor do not appear. However, Baker outlived him, dying in
1613, whereas Addey died in 1606 at Deptford, where he was then the
Master Shipwright.
In July 1582 Peter Pett had appeared at the Exchequer and surrendered
his patent of 1558, receiving in exchange a joint patent,[29] in
similar terms, for himself and his eldest son, William, who was
already in the royal service as a shipwright,[30] with reversion to
the longer liver. William, however, died in 1587, two years before
his father, so that the annuity never reverted to him. In his will he
describes himself as one of her Majesty's Master Shipwrights, and
from the reference to him in the patent above referred to it seems
probable that he held the office in 1584.
In 1587 Richard Chapman received a grant[31] of the office of
'Naupegiarius,' which was to be held on similar terms (_modo et
forma_) to those in which Peter Pett and Mathew Baker or any other
held like office, but the annuity granted with it was 20_d._ a day,
and not the usual 12_d._ Apparently this was an additional post
created especially for Chapman, and the 20_d._ indicates the rise
that had by that time taken place in the shipwrights' rates of pay.
In July 1590 Joseph Pett was granted 12_d._ a day as from
Midsummer.[32] Presumably this was the annuity that had reverted
to the Exchequer on the death of his father in 1589, his brother
William, who had held the reversion of it, being already dead; but
the patent contains no reference to this, the grant being based upon
'his good and faithful service done and to be done in building our
ships.' Unlike those issued to Mathew Baker and Chapman, this patent
contains no reference to office and is in the earlier form. Phineas
(see p. 4) dates Joseph's succession to his father's place as Master
Shipwright in 1592, but this is evidently incorrect.
In April 1592 Chapman died[33] at Deptford, and William Bright, one
of the Assistant Master Shipwrights, succeeded to his post and
annuity of 20_d._[34] In July 1603 Edward Stevens, who was a private
shipbuilder of some importance,[35] obtained a grant by letters
patent[36] in terms that differ from those hitherto noticed. In
consideration of service to be rendered in the future (_post-hac_),
he is granted an office of Master Shipwright for life--which office
he is to have and exercise directly one becomes vacant, in as ample
a manner as Mathew Baker, William Bright and Joseph Pett or any
other had held it--together with an annuity of 20_d._ a day for his
services. Finally the patent concludes by declaring that no one else
shall be admitted to such an office until after Stevens has been
duly appointed and installed. This was the patent that gave Phineas
such 'great discouragement' (p. 20). It is drawn up in due form,
and it is difficult to understand on what grounds it can legally
have been set aside. The patent[37] granted to Phineas in 1604 did
not revoke it, it was not recalled, and it would appear that it was
in virtue of this same patent that Stevens was finally admitted as
Master Shipwright in 1613. However, Phineas, by the all-powerful
influence of the Lord High Admiral, managed to get it set aside in
his favour on the death of his brother Joseph in 1605, 'by reason
the fee was mistaken wherein his Majesty was abused and charged with
an innovation.'[38] The 'innovation' was evidently the grant of a
'general reversion.' It would have been interesting to see the
arguments laid before the Council by Stevens when, as Phineas tells
us, he contested the decision, but unfortunately all the Council
Registers from 1603 to 1613 perished in the fire at Whitehall in
1618. There is little wonder that Stevens (who was an older man and
had, one would imagine, superior claims) bore a grudge against Pett.
Stevens appears to have been appointed as Master Shipwright in the
vacancy caused by the death of Baker in 1613. In 1614 he was Master
Shipwright at Portsmouth, and was in 1621 serving with Phineas as his
'fellow' Master Shipwright at Chatham, where he died, being succeeded
by Henry Goddard in 1626.
On 26th April 1604 Phineas, by the assistance of the Lord High
Admiral, obtained the grant by letters patent of two chances of the
reversion of an annuity of 12_d._ a day, either that of Baker-Addey
or that of his brother Joseph. His brother was the first to die, and
at the end of the following year Phineas succeeded to the annuity
that had been in the hands of the Petts since 1544.
It is of interest to note that the patent was not of itself
sufficient to enable the patentee to enter into the office of Master
Shipwright; the Lord High Admiral's warrant was also necessary. A
specimen of such a warrant has been preserved in the State Papers[39]
in the case of Goddard, who succeeded Stevens in 1626, having held a
reversion by patent since 1620, and runs as follows:--
Whereas we have received certain knowledge of the death of Edward
Stevens late one of his Majesty's Master Shipwrights and the
necessity and importance of his Majesty's Service requireth
another man to be presently entered in his place. And forasmuch
as the bearer hereof Henry Goddard is authorised by his Majesty's
letters patents to execute the next place of a Master Shipwright
that should become void by death or otherwise. And in regard
we have had good experience of the sufficiency and honesty of
the said Henry Goddard and that the said place of one of his
Majesty's Master Shipwrights is granted to him by his Majesty's
letters patents under the great seal of England. These are
therefore to will and require you to cause the said Henry Goddard
to be entered one of his Majesty's Master Shipwrights with such
allowances as is usual.
Hereof we require you not to fail. And for your so doing this
shall be your warrant.
Dated the 16 of September 1626.
J. COKE.
To our very loving friend Peter Buck, Esq., Clerk of his
Majesty's Check at Chatham or his deputy.
The Lord High Admiral's records have long since disappeared, and in
the State Papers for the period with which we are concerned very few
documents remain of the bulk of naval records that must once have
existed. This one is therefore of considerable interest on account of
the light which it throws upon the very independent position of the
Lord High Admiral in relation to the Crown: it may be doubted whether
any other great officer of State was in a position of such authority
that he could presume to ratify a grant that had already passed the
Great Seal.
At the time when Phineas became a Master Shipwright, the ordinary
wages of the post, paid by the Treasurer of the Navy, were 2_s._ a
day; to this was added the Exchequer fee or annuity of 12_d._ (or in
the case of Bright 20_d._) a day. Besides these Mathew Baker received
a pension from the Exchequer of £40 a year granted by writ of Privy
Seal, said to be 'in recompense of his service after the building of
the Merhonour'; a concession that at a later period[40] was extended
to Phineas. Thus, at that period, the total yearly emoluments of
Mathew Baker were £94, 15_s._; of Bright £66, 18_s._ 4_d._; and of
Phineas Pett £54, 15_s._; while the East India Company paid Burrell,
their Master Shipwright, £200. After making allowance for the
difference in the value of money at the beginning of the seventeenth
century and its present (or rather pre-war) value,[41] it is clear
that these were inadequate emoluments for so important a post, and it
is not surprising that many of the Master Shipwrights kept private
shipbuilding yards,[42] while all added to their income at the
expense of the Crown in ways that were very irregular and constantly
gave rise to scandal. Probably none was more adept in this art than
Phineas himself.
In addition to the Master Shipwrights receiving an additional
allowance from the Exchequer under letters patent, who seem to
have been known as the 'principal' Master Shipwrights, there were
others who, although they were never fortunate enough to succeed to
an Exchequer annuity, performed the duties of the post, to which,
apparently, they were admitted by warrant from the Lord High Admiral
before their reversions under letters patent fell due. In this
category were William Pett and Addey.
The relationship between the royal shipwrights and the commercial
shipbuilders was at all times very close. Not only did the former
engage freely in commercial business, but they joined the latter in
attempting to regulate the shipbuilding industry of the country. An
undated petition of both classes of shipwrights for incorporation
occurs among the State Papers of 1578.[43] No answer seems to
have been given to it, but as there is a 'brief' of a patent for
shipwrights dated 1592 mentioned in the calendar of Salisbury
MSS.,[44] it is clear that the proposal subsequently received
consideration, although the matter did not come to fruition until
thirteen years later.
All record of the steps that preceded the grant of the Charter
of 1605[45] appears to be lost. It is not probable that the aged
Nottingham would have moved in the matter without strong pressure
from below, and we can only surmise that the officers of the company
thereby incorporated were the prime movers in the agitation which led
to its being granted.
It will be observed that the petition of 1578 is based upon the
alleged need for regulating the pay, discipline, and training of
the ordinary shipwrights, now increasing rapidly in number with the
increase of the mercantile marine. The arguments for granting the
Charter of 1605, as set forth in the preamble, are two: first, that
all ships, both royal and merchant, were built neither strongly nor
well; secondly, that many of the shipwrights were not sufficiently
skilful. The remedy proposed for this state of affairs was the
formation of a corporation or trade union, of which all persons
engaged in shipbuilding in England and Wales were to be compelled
to become members. The government of the corporation--and therefore
of the whole shipbuilding industry of the country--was placed in
the hands of a Master, four Wardens, and twelve Assistants. Baker,
as the most noted shipbuilder of the period, was rightly made
the Master; the wardenships were divided between the remaining
two master-shipwrights and two of the most prominent private
shipbuilders; the twelve assistantships were divided as follows:
Phineas Pett, Addey, and Apslyn, from the royal dockyards; four
shipbuilders of the neighbourhood of London; and one each from
Woodbridge, Ipswich, Bristol, Southampton, and Yarmouth. The omission
of any representative from Hull or Newcastle is noteworthy.
No record remains to show what effect this charter had; probably very
little, if one may judge from the absence of any record of complaints
against it, although the documentary remains of the first ten years
of James I's reign are so very scanty that no great reliance can be
placed upon this argument.
In 1612 another charter[46] was sealed. The necessity for this was
based on the ground of the insufficiency of the powers granted by
the former charter, and no pains were spared to remedy this, so far
as words could do so. The Charter of 1605 extends over five and a
half membranes of the Patent Roll, each membrane about 30 inches
long and containing 90 lines of writing. The Charter of 1612 was a
portentous document; its enrolment extends from membrane 16(2) to
membrane 37 and contains about 15,600 words. No possible loophole was
left for any verbal quibble or evasion on the part of those who might
desire to escape from its jurisdiction; the 'all and every person and
persons being shipwrights or carpenters using the art or mystery of
shipbuilding and making ships' of the earlier charter--sufficiently
explicit, one would have thought--becomes 'all and every person
and persons being shipwrights, caulkers or ship-carpenters, or in
any sort using, exercising, practising, or professing the art,
trade, skill or mystery of building, making, trimming, dressing,
graving, launching, winding, drawing, stocking, or repairing of
ships, carvels, hoys, pinnaces, crayers, ketches, lighters, boats,
barges, wherries, or any other vessel or vessels whatsoever used
for navigation, fishing, or transportation,' and to this is added
another long clause covering accessories made of wood, from masts
downward. The other clauses of the earlier charter are also expanded
with the like object, and there are several new ones. Deputies were
to be appointed in 'every convenient and needful place' to see that
the ordinances of the Corporation were properly carried out, and to
collect dues; members might be admitted who were not shipwrights; the
admission of apprentices was regulated; dues were to be received on
account of all ships built; the secrets of the art were to be kept
from foreigners; power was given to punish those who forsook their
work or became mutinous; the Corporation was granted the reversion
of the post of Surveyor of Tonnage of new-built ships, and was to
examine each new ship to see that it was properly built 'with two
orlops at convenient distances, strong to carry ordnance aloft and
alow, with her forcastle and half deck close for fight'; provision
was to be made for the poor; and finally, no doubt on account of the
extended powers granted, the ancient liberties of the Cinque Ports
were expressly reserved to them.
The provision for the armament of the merchant ships is of especial
interest when it is remembered that in this year the Royal Navy
reached the low water mark of neglect and inefficiency, while piracy
in British waters reached a high water mark of efficiency that
promised the speedy extinction of the peaceful trader.
But if the general trend of the new charter was the enlargement
and consolidation of the powers of the Corporation, there is
one significant change that led in the opposite direction: the
'Shipwrights of England' became the 'Shipwrights of Redrith[47] in
the County of Surrey,' a step so retrograde that it is difficult to
imagine what possible argument could have been adduced to justify
such a change: some reason, no doubt, there was, but owing to the
loss of the records it has not been possible to discover it.[48] It
will be observed that, although the master under the new charter was
a government official, the wardens, reduced to three in number, were
all private shipbuilders, and only three of the sixteen assistants
were in the service of the State.
In the year following the grant of the enlarged charter, the legal
position of the Corporation was further strengthened by the issue of
an Order in Council authorising the Master and Wardens to apprehend
all persons using the art of shipbuilding contrary to the Charter,
and all apprentices or journeymen departing unlawfully from their
masters;[49] and by an order of the Lord High Admiral directing
the apprehension of all persons who refused to conform to the
regulations, and their imprisonment until they complied--'they being
chiefly poor men and unable to pay a fine.'[50]
The fact that it was necessary to recapitulate two of the penal
clauses of the charter throws light on the uncertain scope--possibly
the illegality--of the powers intended to be conferred by it. The
active life of the Corporation was one long struggle to enforce its
powers and secure its rights, not only against private individuals
or rival bodies, but even against the Officers of the Crown, who
might well have been expected to respect the provisions of its
charter. For the resistance to the Corporation did not come from
'poor men' alone. The other associated bodies of shipwrights that
were in being resented interference in their own localities. The
most important of these was the London Civic Company, known as the
Company or Brotherhood of Free Shipwrights of London, which had
been in existence as a 'trade craft' or 'guild' from an early date.
It is mentioned among the Civic Companies in 1428,[51] and was in
1456 erected into a 'fraternity in the worship of St. Simon and
St. Jude,' and in 1483 regulations were made by it relating to
apprenticeship and use of good material and workmanship.
This company held a very obscure position among the minor
companies[52] of the City, and during the period in which its
activities concern us it seems to have been in a very low financial
condition. This, however, did not deter it from contesting the
jurisdiction of the Corporation (or 'foreign' shipwrights, as it
termed them, despite the fact that, owing to the growth of London,
it had itself long left the boundaries of the City's Liberties, and
now had its headquarters near Ratcliff Cross), and the City, not
unnaturally jealous of its own special privileges, supported the
opposition.
At first the efforts of the free shipwrights of the City to dispute
the authority of the Corporation were unsuccessful. An attempt made
in 1632 ended in the submission of the two citizens who had been
put up to contest the matter, and their 'promise to be obedient to
the Shipwrights of Rotherhithe, saving the freedom of the City of
London';[53] a submission brought about by the fact that they were
members of both companies, although they had endeavoured to deny that
they were members of the Incorporated Company of Rotherhithe.[54]
A further attempt in 1637, however, by two other free shipwrights,
backed again by the City Corporation, was more successful. The case
was referred to Sir Henry Marten, the Judge of the Admiralty, who
reported to the Admiralty that 'these London Shipwrights, being
supported by the countenance of the City, will by no means agree to
come under the King's Charter and government, and to that purpose are
resolved to oppose themselves by further proceedings at law.'[55]
The case was referred back to him by the Admiralty with the remark
that 'You have long been acquainted with the said business and
know of what importance it is to have the shipwrights kept under
government, which was the ground of the grant made to the Company at
Rotherhithe.'[56] Marten finally advised the Admiralty not to grant
their request, 'it being a business so much importing the general
good of the kingdom that all shipwrights should live under a uniform
government, as now regulated by the King's charter,'[57] and the
two recalcitrants were committed to the Marshalsea, where they made
their submission. Nevertheless, in Oct. 1638 the matter was again
brought up, coming before the newly appointed Lord High Admiral upon
a petition from the City Company, and by an Order in Council of
March 1639 that Company was exempted from the jurisdiction of the
'New Corporation of the Suburbs,' although, in view of the fact that
'the said Corporation of shipwrights is of so great importance for
the defence of the Kingdom and is dispersed not in the suburbs only
but over the whole Kingdom of England,' it was declared 'that this
exception ... ought to be no encouragement to any other Society or
Trade or particular persons to withdraw their obedience to the said
new Corporation or to make suit for the like exemption, which in no
sort will be granted.'[58]
The City had won; fine words, whether in a Royal Charter or an Order
in Council, were of little use without the consistent support of the
authorities, and this the unfortunate Corporation never received. The
attempt of the Ipswich Shipwrights in 1621 to secure its dissolution
failed, but upon the motion of their member against the 'Patent of
the Ship-carpenters who impose exceedingly upon builders of ships,'
the House of Commons ordered that the Corporation should not demand
or receive any more money by virtue of their patent until it had been
brought to the Committee of Grievances and further order been taken
therein by the House.[59]
Less drastic attacks on the privileges of the Company frequently
succeeded. The exemption from 'land service' was ignored by the
Earl Marshal and the Lord Admiral in 1628. In 1631 the King's
Bench indirectly curtailed its powers by prohibiting the Lord High
Admiral from proceeding in matters relating to freight, wages, and
the building of ships; and two years later prohibited the Company
from using its powers of arresting ships, thereby preventing the
Company from getting 'their suits decided in a speedy way in the
Court of Admiralty' and compelling them to 'contend with the master,
who, proving poor and litigious, all that the (Company) can get,
after long suit, is but the imprisonment of his body.'[60] The East
Country merchants also opposed its trading privileges, and in 1634
the Company found it necessary to appeal to the Admiralty for
assistance in carrying out its powers in regard to the search and
survey of ships, and the regulation of apprentices. In 1635, when
Peter Pett was Master, the difficulties of collecting the dues of the
shipwrights and the 'tonnage and poundage' granted for the support
of the Corporation and its poor, became more acute than ever. After
much argument and reference to Sir Henry Marten, the Master, Wardens
and Assistants were told, in 1638, 'to cause their charters to be
published and put in execution,' while the 'Vice-Admirals, Mayors
and other Officers' were charged to assist them. In 1641 the right
of freedom from impressment and from attendance on juries was again
in question, and although the decision of the Lord Admiral was then
favourable the troubles of the Company still continued, for in
January 1642 they were petitioning the Commons for relief.
In March 1645 an Ordinance to protect the Shipwrights from
impressment for land service 'on account of the importance of their
trade and the decrease of qualified workmen,' was presented to the
Lords by Warwick, the Lord High Admiral, and was approved by them and
passed on to the Commons for concurrence, but it does not appear to
have been read.[61]
In August of the following year, Warwick again reported from the
Committee of the Admiralty to the Lords a 'Report and Ordinance
concerning the better building of ships and granting privileges
to the Shipwrights and Caulkers to be freed from Land Service,'
elsewhere described as an 'Ordinance for the better regulation of the
Mystery and Corporation of Shipwrights.' This was agreed to and sent
to the Commons, who read it a first time and ordered it to be read a
second time 'on Thursday next come Sevennight,' and then dropped it.
In the meantime the Clerk and other officials of the Company, whose
pay was much in arrear, were petitioning the House to take such
action with the Company as would force it to meet their claims, while
the Master and Wardens were complaining of individual refusals to pay
assessments due to the Company.[62] This state of affairs was still
in evidence in 1648, when Edward Keling, the Clerk, and the existing
and late Beadles of the Company, petitioned the Lords for relief,
and asked 'that the public instruments entrusted to Keling may be
disposed of and he be indemnified for them.' The statement of the
Wardens annexed thereto[63] explains the situation as follows: The
Wardens had
consented to pay the established duties of the Corporation
as directed by Order of the House, but Peter Pett and other
principal members, and great dealers in that mystery, withhold
and refuse to pay the duties for support of the Corporation, and
so the Wardens have not the means to pay the salaries of their
officers, or their house rent, to relieve the poor, to make their
due surveys upon ships, or to pursue an ordinance for settlement
of their government which passed the House of Peers eighteen
months ago, and now remains in the House of Commons.
In June 1650 the difficulties of the Company were evidently still
unrelieved, for a petition from them, together with their Charter,
was referred by the Council of State to the Committee of the
Admiralty, who were to advise with the Admiralty Judges on the
matter. The result of this does not appear, but it seems probable
that the Corporation shortly after ceased to exercise its functions,
for a petition to the Navy Commissioners in 1672 (which shows the
same old difficulties still unremedied) refers to 'the discontinuance
of the exercise of this Charter in the late troublesome times.'[64]
During the earlier years of its activity the Corporation played
a part of some importance in the administration of the Navy. It
surveyed and reported upon the workmanship and tonnage of ships built
in the royal yards, and gave advice concerning their defects--thus
acting to some extent as a check upon the master shipwrights--and
notices of the sale of unserviceable ships were given out at
Shipwrights' Hall as well as on the Exchange. In one instance[65] it
was called upon to submit a scheme 'for the mould of a ship like to
prove swiftest of sail and every way best fashioned for a ship of
war,' but this attempt to erect it into a board of design seems to
have failed completely.
In 1683 the Corporation attempted to set its affairs on a more
satisfactory basis by obtaining a new charter, surrendering the
charter of 1612 in October 1684[66] and obtaining in January 1686 a
warrant from James II. to renew it with additions. This was opposed
by its old enemies, and nothing seems to have come of it, although
the matter was under discussion until 1688, and the Masters of
Trinity House in 1687, in a report to Pepys, had recommended that
there should be but one Company of Shipwrights, and that all of that
trade in England should be under their rule and government. The
Corporation appears then to have become practically extinct, for in a
report by the Navy Office, in 1690, on the method of measuring ships
reference is made to the 'measurement and calculations ... formerly
taken and made by the Corporation of shipwrights (when there was such
a company).'[67]
In 1691[68] and 1704 the remnants of the Corporation made a final
attempt at reconstruction, backed by the Admiralty, Navy Board,
and Trinity House. A petition to this end came before the House of
Commons in January 1705, and is recorded in the Journal[69] of the
House in the following terms:
A Petition of the Master Shipwrights (who signed the same) in
behalf of themselves and others, Master Shipwrights of England,
was presented to the House and read: setting forth that the
petitioners' predecessors were incorporated by charter in 1605,
and were thereby empowered to rectify the disorders and abuses of
the Shipwrights' Trade, and to furnish the Crown and Merchants
with able workmen, and to bind and enrol their apprentices;
but the breed of able workmen is almost lost, and for want of
sufficient power to execute the good intent of their charter, the
petitioners have not been in a regular method many years past
to rectify the disorders amongst the shipwrights and to improve
their trade; yet a Proposal of some additional heads to effect
the same has been approved, and reported by the Commissioners of
the Admiralty, Commissioners of the Navy, Corporation of Trinity
House; and also his Royal Highness,[70] the 7th Nov. 1704,
declares his opinion that it will be much for the public service
to have the shipwrights incorporated by Charter, as desired by
them; but in the said proposal there are some necessary clauses
which cannot be made practicable and effectual without an Act of
Parliament: and praying that leave be given to bring in a Bill,
of regulating clauses, to be inserted in a new charter for the
better breeding of Shipwrights and for the more firm and well
building of ships and other vessels.
The motion to refer it to a Committee was lost, and thus went out the
last spark of life of a Corporation that had struggled in vain for a
hundred years to carry out the intentions of its founders.
FOOTNOTES:
[5] _Cal. Close Rolls_, 27 Jan. 1337. Rymer, _Foedera_, iv. 703.
[6] _Exchequer Accts._ 19/31.
[7] This rate was being paid in 1303.
[8] Oppenheim, _The Administration of the Royal Navy_, 1509-1660, p.
14.
[9] Thos. Allen, writing to the Earl of Shrewsbury in 1516, refers to
'one Brygandin son unto him that made the King's great ship.' Lodge,
_Illustrations of British History_, vol. i. p. 14.
[10] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, May 12, 1519.
[11] 'An Act for Servants' Wages,' 11 Henry VII, c. 22.
[12] An Act concerning Artificers and Labourers, 6 Henry VIII c. 3.
[13] _Op. cit._, pp. 22, 153, 179, 232-3.
[14] Henry V had merely given a pension for past service to a
shipwright incapable of further labours.
[15] Patent Roll 680.
[16] 'Ac in consideratione veri et fidelis servicii quod dilectus
serviens noster Jacobus Baker durante vita sua impendere intendit.'
[17] Pat. Roll 704.
[18] _Acts of the P.C._, New Series, i. 233.
[19] _Ibid._, ii. p. 186.
[20] Pat. Roll 833. I cannot trace in the rolls any similar grant to
Holborn or Smyth.
[21] Pat. Roll, 921.
[22] He may be the Richard Bull who was called before the Council in
1555. _Acts of the P.C._, v. 189.
[23] Stephins was engaged on the repair of the _Lion_ barge in 1553,
and was paid 20_l._ as 'the Queen's Majesty's Shipwright' for making
the _Leader_ barge in 1558. _Acts of the P.C._, iv. 362, and vi. 426.
[24] The difference in the spelling is no argument against this, as
'ph' and 'v' are used indifferently in the documents in this surname,
Stevens' name being spelt 'Stevyns' and 'Stevins' and 'Stephens' in
the rolls.
[25] Pat. Roll 1091.
[26] Officium Naupegiarii sive unius magistrorum factorum Navium et
Cimbarum nostrarum.
[27] Pat. Roll 1249. The entry in Pat. Roll 1091 is vacated with an
endorsement in the margin, signed by Mathew Baker and William Borough
to the effect that the surrender was voluntary and in consideration
of the grant to Baker and Addey.
[28] Sometimes spelt Adye, Adie, or Ady.
[29] Pat. Roll 1210. No office is mentioned; all that is conveyed is
the 'annuity or annual fee of 12_d._ sterling a day.'
[30] Nec non in consideratione boni et fidelis servicii per præfatum
Willelmum Pett Shipwright antehac impensi ac imposterum impendendi in
fabricatione navium nostrarum heredum et successorum nostrorum ac in
assistencia sua in causis nostris marinis.
[31] Pat. Roll 1300. In a MS. account of the 'ordinary wages and
exchequer fees of his Majesty's Master Shipwrights' (Add. MS. 9299 f.
48) it is stated that this had been given in recompense for building
the _Ark Royal_, but as this ship appears to have been originally
built for Ralegh this can hardly have been the reason. The patent
only speaks of 'good and faithful service done and to be done.'
[32] Pat. Roll 1342.
[33] Drake's edition of Hasted, _History of Kent_, p. 41.
[34] _Add. MS._ 9299. I have not been able to find his patent.
[35] He built the _Warspite_ in 1596 and the _Malice Scourge_ for the
Earl of Cumberland, and in 1598 and 1600 received, in conjunction
with others, the usual 'rewards' for building merchant ships (_Cal.
S.P. Dom._, 30 July 1596, 24 Sept. 1598, 15 Jan. 1600).
[36] Pat. Roll. 1620.
[37] Appendix I, p. 173.
[38] _Infra_, p. 27.
[39] _S.P. Dom. Chas. I_, xxxv. 104. Although countersigned by Coke,
this warrant is not signed by the Lord High Admiral, so presumably it
is a duplicate.
[40] 11 July 1614. He does not mention this in the manuscript.
[41] Probably these amounts should be multiplied by 6.
[42] Thus in November 1591, whilst holding office as Master
Shipwright, Chapman, who owned a private yard at Deptford, was paid
the bounty of 5_s._ a ton for building the _Dainty_ of London of 200
tons, 'as an encouragement to him and others to build like ships,'
and Phineas was paid the like bounty for building the _Resistance_.
(_Cal. S.P. Dom._)
[43] Appendix II, p. 175.
[44] _Salisbury MSS. (Hist. MSS.)_, i. 276.
[45] Appendix III, p. 176.
[46] Appendix IV, p. 179.
[47] Rotherhithe, where their Hall was situated.
[48] Probably it was due to the growing resistance of the City
Company of Free Shipwrights.
[49] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, 12 July 1613.
[50] _Ibid._, 30 Oct. 1613.
[51] See Sharpe, _Short Account of the Worshipful Company of
Shipwrights_. This author has made the mistake of assuming that the
Charter of 1605 was granted to the City Company.
[52] It is not even mentioned in Stowe's list of sixty companies
attending the Lord Mayor's Banquet in 1531.
[53] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, 4 Feb. 1632.
[54] _Ibid._, 17 June 1631. I am indebted to Mr. E. A. Ebblewhite for
drawing my attention to the significance of this fact.
[55] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, 30 June 1637.
[56] _Ibid._, 10 July 1637.
[57] _Ibid._, 26 July 1637.
[58] _Council Register_, No. 50.
[59] _Commons Journal_, i. 563.
[60] _Cal. S. P. Dom._ January 21, 1633.
[61] _Lords' Journal_, vii. 286. _Hist. MSS._, Sixth Report, p. 51.
[62] _Lords' Journals_, viii. 232, 286; x. 403.
[63] _Hist. MSS._, Seventh Report, p. 40.
[64] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, 25 July 1672.
[65] By the Commissioners for inquiring into the State of the Navy.
_Cal. S.P. Dom._, 22 Feb. 1627.
[66] Bodleian, _Rawlinson MSS._ A 177.
[67] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, 21 Aug. 1690.
[68] See Sutherland, _Britain's Glory, or Shipbuilding Unvail'd_, p.
70.
[69] Vol. xiv. p. 482.
[70] Prince George of Denmark, then Lord High Admiral.
2.--_The Family of Pett._
When Thomas Heywood, in his description of the Sovereign of the
Seas written in 1637, referred to the author of this manuscript
as 'Captain Phineas Pett, overseer of the work, and one of the
principal officers of his Majesty's navy, whose ancestors, as father,
grandfather, and great-grandfather, for the space of two hundred
years and upwards, have continued in the same name officers and
architects in the Royal Navy,' he was, it may be presumed; recording
the local tradition of the Pett family. That this tradition was
strong and persistent is clear from the fact that Mansell, writing
to Thomas Aylesbury[71] in 1620 to propose Peter Pett as builder of
the new pinnaces; recommended him on the ground that 'his family have
had the employment since Henry the Seventh's time,' while forty years
later, Fuller, in his 'Worthies of England,' also referred to it in
these words: 'I am credibly informed that that Mystery of Shipwrights
for some descents hath been preserved successfully in Families, of
whom the Petts about Chatham are of singular regard.'
This tradition, so far as it relates to the descent of the 'mystery'
from generation to generation, was no doubt well founded, but there
is no evidence that office under the Crown was held by any of Phineas
Pett's ancestors earlier than his father, Peter.
The name 'Pett' is said by a modern writer on the history of English
surnames to be a Kentish variant of the name 'Pitt.' This would imply
a Kentish origin of the family, and this supposition might seem to be
strengthened by the fact that the name, as a place-name, only occurs
in Kent and on the eastern border of Sussex.[72]
The fact is, however, that 'pet' is simply a Middle-English variant
of the familiar word 'pit,' kin to the old Frisian 'pet,' and is
found in use throughout the east coast counties from Sussex to
Yorkshire, but more frequently in the South than in the North. In the
13th and 14th centuries this surname occurs in the form 'atte Pet'
or 'del Pet'; i.e. 'at the pit' or 'of the pit,'[73] which indicates
clearly that the bearers had, on the introduction of the hereditary
surname from the 12th century onward, taken the name 'Pet'--or had
it thrust upon them--because they were known as living near to a
pit, and were thereby distinguished from other Walters or Adams
dwelling on the heath or by the wood etc. etc. A study of the local
distribution of this name in the 14th century shows that the pit in
question, though it may occasionally have been a well, a sawpit, or
a pitfall for wild beasts, was more usually a place where, owing to
the absence of stone from the district, clay or loam had been dug in
forming the walls of the rude cottages in which all but the upper
strata of society then dwelt. Thus one great centre of the Petts in
Suffolk in the 13th and 14th centuries, the district between Thetford
and Eye, is a heavy clayland from which stone is absent.[74] By the
end of the 16th century this name, in the form 'Pet,' 'Pett,' and
'Pette' was common in Kent, Essex, Suffolk, and South Norfolk.
In 1583, Peter Pett, then Master Shipwright at Deptford, obtained a
grant of arms from Herald's College. The original has unfortunately
disappeared, but from the reference to it in Le Neve's 'Pedigree of
the Knights'[75] it appears that he claimed descent from 'Thomas
Pett of Skipton in Cumberland' through John Pett his grandfather and
Peter Pett his father, who had been a shipbuilder at Harwich. The
fact that there is no Skipton in Cumberland shows that this record
is hardly reliable as regards the place of origin of the family.
Neither of the existing Skiptons,[76] which are both in Yorkshire,
remote from the sea, is likely to have given birth to a family of
shipbuilders; and there is no indication that any relations of the
Petts were at any time resident in Yorkshire or Cumberland. Moreover,
the name was practically unknown at this period in the North.[77] In
an attempt to elucidate this matter, Major Bertram Raves put forward
in the 'Mariner's Mirror'[78] the suggestion 'that Thomas Pett was
of Hopton,[79] in Suffolk, and that Hopton was fudged into Skipton
by the Tudor Heralds in the grant of arms to Peter Pett.... Petts
about or near to Hopton at the time were yeomen or husbandmen.... The
pedigree may, therefore, have seemed to need treatment.' He then goes
on to show that Petts were established in the neighbouring villages
of Hepworth, Wattisfield, Harling, and Walsham-le-Willows; the Petts
at Wattisfield having been in the neighbourhood since the 14th
century.[80] One significant fact is the letter which Peter Pett,
the half-brother of Phineas, wrote to Sir Bassingbourn Gawdy[81] of
Harling, in 1598, in which he apologises for his delay in visiting
him and sends his remembrances to Lady Gawdy and others: it is clear
from this letter that Peter was well known in the neighbourhood, and
was, it may be presumed, related to the Thomas Pett living there at
that time.
But it seems very doubtful whether Skipton really was a wilful
substitution for, or a mis-transcription of, an original 'Hopton,'
for there is no evidence that anyone of the name ever lived at
Hopton, and it seems possible that some earlier Pett may have
migrated to Yorkshire and his descendant John have returned to East
Anglia.[82]
Of Thomas Pett nothing is known; and of John his son nothing can be
stated with certainty.
In 1497 William Pette of Dunwich left by will[83] 'to my brother
John Pette, my new boat and all my working tools'; a legacy that
implies that the brothers were shipwrights. It is not improbable
that this was the John Pett who was engaged in caulking the Regent
in 1499. From the entry in the Roll[84] it is clear that John was
a master workman or shipbuilder; for the sum paid him, 38_l._
1_s._ 4_d._, is a fairly large amount for that period, and covered
miscellaneous stores besides the caulking of the 'overlop' or deck,
and the sides of the ship 'against wind and water.' Unfortunately his
account, 'billam suam inde factam,' is no longer in existence. This
work was possibly carried out at Portsmouth, where the Regent had
been fitted for the Expedition to Scotland in 1497,[85] and where she
was again undergoing repair in 1501,[86] but there would have been
nothing unusual at that period, when the resources of the Portsmouth
district were hardly sufficient, in entrusting such work to a
shipbuilder from the eastern counties. In 1485 a master shipwright
had been sent from London to Bursledon to superintend the removal
of the mast of the Grace Dieu and her entry into dock,[87] and
shipwrights were frequently impressed from East Anglia for work in
Portsmouth and Southampton. The work may, however, have been carried
out at Harwich, where the King's ships sometimes rode.[88]
With Peter, the son of John, we come at length upon sure ground. The
will he made in March 1554 is upon record, and shows that he was
possessed of a dwelling-house and shipbuilding yard at Harwich,
which he bequeathed to his son Peter, the father of Phineas. Possibly
he was the Peter Pett noted by Mr. Oppenheim[89] as among the
shipwrights pressed from Essex and Suffolk working at Portsmouth in
1523: there can be no doubt that he was the Peter Pett of Harwich
who, with other shipwrights, signed a decree of appraisement of a
ship in 1540.[90]
His son Peter Pett, who died in 1589 when Master Shipwright at
Deptford, entered the royal service some time before 1544, as already
noted.
There is no record of the names of the earlier ships built by him,
but it is known that in 1573 he built the Swiftsure and Achates,
and in 1586 the Moon and Rainbow; all at Deptford. At the time of
his death in 1589 he was engaged upon the Defiance and Advantage,
which were completed by Joseph Pett, his second and eldest surviving
son, who, as already remarked, succeeded to his place as Master
Shipwright, his eldest son William Pett of Limehouse, also a Master
Shipwright, who built the Greyhound in 1586, having died in 1587.
Peter Pett was twice married, and had four sons and one daughter by
his first wife, whose name is not known; and six daughters and three
sons (of whom Phineas was the eldest) by his second wife, Elizabeth
Thornton. These will be found set forth in the subjoined tables,
which will serve to illustrate the relationship between them and the
other members of the family referred to in the manuscript.
Peter Pett, towards the end of his life, had achieved a great
reputation as a shipbuilder and was, as is evident from his will, a
man of considerable means. He died possessed of a house at Harwich,
where he had also built almshouses; a house at Deptford; land at
Frating, near Colchester; the lease of a house at Chatham; and
'ground'--presumably a shipbuilding yard--at Wapping. In addition to
this property, he left 20_l._ to the children of his son Richard;[91]
6_l._ 13_s._ 4_d._ to the child of his daughter Lydia; 100_l._ each
to Phineas and his brothers Noah and Peter; and 100 marks to each of
his four daughters by his second wife and to an unborn child that
probably did not live. The payments to the children of his second
wife were to be made on their attaining the age of twenty-four, but
from the statements of Phineas on pages 12 and 13 it would appear
that part of the money was embezzled by the Rev. Mr. Nunn and part
retained by Phineas' brother Joseph.
Peter Pett, of Wapping, the third son of the above, carried on
business as a shipbuilder in the private yard at Wapping which had
been left to him by his father. He does not appear to have held any
office under the Crown, but seems to have been well known to the Lord
High Admiral, for in his letter above referred to be puts off his
visit to Gawdy on the ground that he has to be 'next Sunday with the
Earl of Nottingham at the Court at Richmond.' In 1599 he published
a poem entitled 'Time's Journey to seeke his Daughter Truth; and
Truth's Letter to Fame of England's Excellencie,' which he dedicated
to Nottingham. He was also the author of a sonnet in three stanzas of
seven lines entitled 'All Creatures praise God.'[92]
It is not necessary for our present purpose to pursue the fortunes
of this family further, but the reader who is desirous of obtaining
information as to the later descendants of Peter Pett of Harwich will
find it in an excellent paper in vol. x. of the 'Ancestor,' by Mr.
Farnham Burke and Mr. Oswald Barron, entitled 'The Builders of the
Navy: a Genealogy of the Family of Pett.'[93]
RELATIONS OF PHINEAS PETT.
THOMAS PETT
|
JOHN
|
PETER, of Harwich, = Elizabeth Paynter.
_Shipbuilder_, |
_d._ (?) 1554. |
+--------------+-----------------+
| |
(1) ? = PETER, of Deptford, = (2) Elizabeth Ann = John Chapman.
| _Master Shipwright_, | Thornton,
| _d._ 1589. | _d._ 1597.
| +------------------------------------+
+----+----------------------------------+-----------------------+ |
| | | |
WILLIAM, = Elizabeth (1) Margaret = JOSEPH, = (2) Margaret | |
of Lime- | March. Curtis, | of Lime- | Humfrey, | |
house, | _d._ 1594. | house, | _d._ 1612. | |
_Master +--+ | _Master | | |
Shipwright_, | | Shipwright_,| | |
_d._ 1587. | | _d._ 1605. | | |
| | | | |
+------+--+ +-----+ +----+----+ | |
| | | | | | |
Elizabeth. Lucy. Margaret. William. Joseph. | |
| |
+-------------------------+-----------+--------+ |
| | | |
(1) Ann = PETER, = (2) Elizabeth. Richard, Lydia, |
Tusam. of of London. _d._ 1610. |
Wapping |
_Shipbuilder_, |
_d._ 1631? |
| |
+-----------------+-----+----------+-------------------+-----+ |
| | | | | |
PETER, of = Elizabeth William, Elizabeth = Thomas Ann Mary |
Deptford, Johnson. _Clerk in Barwick. |
_Master Holy |
Shipwright_ Orders_, |
_b._ 1592, _d._ 1651. |
_d._ 1652. |
|
+------------------------------------------------+
|
+------+-----+----+------+------+------+-----------+-------+
| | | | | | | |
Jane, | Noah, Peter the | Abigail, Elizabeth, |
Susannah, | _d._ 1595. Younger, | _d._ 1599. _d._ 1599. |
_d._ 1567. | _d._ 1600. | |
| +---------+ +-----------+
| | |
PHINEAS Rachel, = Rev. W. Mary, = (?) Cooper.
(_see next _d._ 1591? Newman. _d._ 1626.
Table_).
FAMILY OF PHINEAS PETT.
PHINEAS PETT,
= _b._ 1570, _d._ 1647. =
(1) Ann Nicholls, (2) Susan Yardley, (3) Mildred Byland,
_m._ 1598, _née_ Eaglefield, _née_ Etherington,
_d._ 1627. _m._ 1627, _m._ 1638,
| _d._ 1637. _d._ 1638.
|
+-------------------------+
|
+---+------------+-----------+-------+-+----+-------+-+------+
| | | | | | | | | |
| Henry, Richard, Joseph, | | Phineas, | | Christopher,
| _b._ 1603, _b._ 1606, _b._ 1608, | | _b._ 1615, | | _Master
| _d._ 1613. _d._ 1629. _d._ 1627. | | _d._ 1617. | | Shipwright_
| | | | | at Woolwich
| | | | | and Deptford,
| | | | | _b._ 1620,
| | | | | _d._ 1668.
| | | | |
| +----------+ | +---+ |
| | | | |
John, = Katherine Peter, Ann, | Phineas, = Frances
_Captain | Yardley _Commissioner_ _b._ 1612. | _Captain | Carre.
R.N._ | at Chatham, | R.N._ |
(lost in | _b._ 1610, | (killed |
VI | _d._ 1672. | in +--+
Whelp), +--+ | Tiger), |
_b._ 1602, | | _b._ 1619, |
_d._ 1628. | | _d._ 1666. |
| | |
| +-+----------------+ |
| | | |
| +---+-+----+ |
| | | |
| Mary, Martha, = John |
| _b._ 1617, _b._ 1617, Hodierne. |
| _d._ 1617 _m._ 1637. |
| |
| +--------+
| |
Phineas, Phineas
_Master (owner of
Shipwright_ the MS.,
at Chatham, _c._ 1670),
_b._ 1628, _b._ 1646,
_d._ 1678. _d._ 1694.
FOOTNOTES:
[71] Bodleian. _Clarendon State Papers_, No. 166.
[72] _E.g._ Pett Place near Charing; Pett near Stockbury; Pett Street
near Wye and Pett village near Winchelsea.
[73] _E.g._ Geoffrey del Pet, 1270, _see_ Rye, _Cal. of Feet of Fines
for Suffolk_. 'Walter de le Pet' (of Wattisfield), _see_ Powell,
_A Suffolk Hundred in the year 1283_; 'Adam atte Pet' (of Stonham
Aspul), 'William del Pet' (of Wattisfield), _see_ Hervey, _Suffolk in
1327_; 'Peter atte Pette of Shorn' (Kent) in _Close Roll_ 1344.
[74] Mr. Redstone informs me that to this day large blocks of loam
and clay are squared off in the pits of Rickinghall to form house
walls.
[75] Printed by the Harleian Society.
[76] Skipton in Craven in the W. Riding and Skipton upon Swale in the
N. Riding.
[77] I have only discovered one early instance of the name in
Yorkshire, 'Ralph Pet' who lived in the 'Honor and Forest of
Pickering' in 1314, and this, it may be observed, was on the sea
coast.
[78] April 1912, p. 124.
[79] S.E. of Thetford: not the Hopton in East Suffolk.
[80] They were already there in the 13th; see note on p. xliii.
[81] _Gawdy MSS. (Hist. MSS.)_ 405; what appears to be Pett's draft
of this letter is to be found in _Egerton MS._ 2713.
[82] It is also possible that Thomas of Skipton did not bear the
surname 'Pett.' According to Bardsley, _Curiosities of Puritan
Nomenclature_, p. 3, 'Among the middle and lower classes these
(descriptive surnames) did not become _hereditary_ till so late as
1450 or 1500.'
[83] _Ipswich Probate Court Bk._ III. f. 202.
[84] Ac xxxviij_li._ xvj_d._ tam super novas iact' (? jacturas) et
le calkynge de le Overlope navis regis vocatae le Regent quam pro le
calkynge anti ventum et aquam ejusdem navis ac aliis necessariis pro
eadem nave fiendis et providendis per manus Johannis Pett ut prius
per billam suam inde factam plenius apparet datam xiij die Novembris
A^o xv^o Regis Henrici vij^{mo.}. P.R.O. _E._ 405 (80).
[85] _Naval Accounts and Inventories of Henry VII._, N.R.S., Vol.
viii.
[86] _P.R.O. Augmentation Office Misc. Bk._, 317, f. 236.
[87] _N.R.S._, vol. viii. pp. liv, 222.
[88] In 1487, Thomas Rogers, clerk of the King's ships, was paid
xxvi_s._ viij_d._ for his expenses in going to Harwich, and
victualling the King's ships there. See _Material Illustrative of the
Reign of Henry VII_, vol. ii. p. 143.
[89] _Administration_, p. 74.
[90] _P.R.O., H.C.A._ 7 (1), 'probos viros Petrum Pette et Johannem
Moptye villae Harewici (_and two others_) fabros lignarios, anglice
shipwrights.'
[91] Richard Pett of London, gent. (elsewhere described as 'unus
valettorum regis') in 1593 sold his share of the property at Deptford
to his brother Peter Pett, of Wapping. This property had been bought
by his father in 1566.
[92] Printed by the Parker Society in _Select Poetry_, vol. ii. p.
386.
[93] The following errors may be noted: p. 149, the name 'Marcy'
should be 'March'; p. 151, the William Pett who petitioned the
Admiralty in 1631, was not the son of Joseph but a much older man,
apparently belonging to another branch of the family; p. 157, the
dates of the death of Phineas' second wife and of his third marriage
are antedated by a year; p. 158, the date 'July' was an error of the
Harl. transcriber; the dates of birth and death of Phineas, junior,
are incorrect; p. 172, Joseph Pett of Chatham was not the son of
Phineas, but of Joseph of Limehouse, and he was born in 1592 not 1608.
3.--_Phineas Pett._
[Sidenote: Education.]
From the care that had been taken to provide for his education, and
from the fact that it was only at the 'instant persuasion' of his
mother that he was 'contented' to be apprenticed as a shipwright, it
may be inferred that Phineas had been destined for the Church or the
Law, and that Peter Pett did not propose that his son should follow
in his own footsteps. The peculiarity[94] of the name chosen for
him (which no doubt refers, not to the disobedient son of Eli, but
to 'Phinehas, the son of Eleazar, the son of Aaron the priest,' who
received 'the covenant of an everlasting priesthood')[95] gives rise
to the surmise that his parents had intended him for the Church, but
whatever the intention may have been, it was certainly abandoned on
the death of his father.
Phineas does not seem to have profited greatly from his studies at
Cambridge. He was hardly a master of English; possibly he had a good
knowledge of Latin, for the influence of the Latin idiom is to be
seen in almost all his periods; but the fact that he had subsequently
to practise 'cyphering' in the evenings does not imply any great
acquirements in mathematics, even of the very elementary forms which
at that period were sufficient for the solution of the few problems
arising in connection with the design of ships. Nevertheless, he
received the degree of Bachelor of Arts in 1592 and that of Master in
1595.
If the statement that he spent the two years of his apprenticeship
to Chapman 'to very little purpose' is to be accepted literally, it
would seem that the misfortunes that subsequently befell him must
have aroused latent energies and filled him with determination to
master the details of his future profession when he returned to
England in 1594. His voyage to the Levant and subsequent employment
as an ordinary workman under his brother Joseph no doubt gave him a
practical acquaintance with ships that enabled him to profit greatly
by the instruction of Mathew Baker, although apparently this only
extended over the winter of 1595-6. Pett's confession that it was
from Baker that he received his 'greatest lights,' written, as it
must have been, after he had found Baker an 'envious enemy' and an
'old adversary to my name and family,' indicates how great that
assistance was. This is borne out by a letter[96] which he wrote
to Baker in April 1603, in order to deprecate the old man's wrath,
which had been aroused when Phineas, then Assistant Master Shipwright
at Chatham, commenced work on the Answer. The letter was partially
destroyed by the fire which damaged the Cottonian Library in 1731,
but fortunately Pepys had copied it in his Miscellanea.[97]
SIR,--My duty remembered unto you. It is so that I received a message
from you by Richard Meritt, the purveyor, concerning the Answer, who
gave me to understand from you that you were informed I meant to break
up the ship and to lengthen, and that I should no further proceed
till I received further order from you. Indeed the ship was heaved up
by general consent, both of my Lord, some of the Principal Officers,
and two of the Master Shipwrights which were here present at the
time she was begun to be hauled up, no determination being resolved
upon what should be done unto her; for which cause (other haste of
businesses also being some hindrance) she hath lain still ever since,
till now that it pleased Sir Henry Palmer to command she should be
blocked and searched within board only, and so let alone, partly
because our men wanting stuff to perfect other businesses had little
else to do, as also to the intent she might be made ready to be the
better viewed and surveyed lying upright, being somewhat also easier
for the ship. This is now done, but I ensure you there was no intent
or other purpose to proceed in anything upon her any further till
the Master Shipwrights, especially yourself who built her, had first
surveyed her, and under your hands set down what should be done unto
her; and therefore, good Mr. Baker, do not give so much credit to
those that out of their malice do advertise you untruth concerning
either this or any other matter, for it is supposed by whom this
hath been done, and he is generally thought to be no other than an
Ambodexter[98] or rather a flat sheet,[99] being so far off from
either procuring credit to himself by due execution of his place
and discharge of his duty, that like Aesop's Dog he doth malice any
other that is willing to give him precedent of better course than
all men can sufficiently in this place report himself to follow. And
for myself it is so sure[100] from me to understand anything that
you should think any ways prejudicial unto you, or to any of your
works, that you shall always rather find me dutiful as a servant to
follow your directions and instructions in any of these businesses,
than arrogant as a prescriber or corrector of anything done by you,
whose ever memorable works I set before me as a notable precedent and
pattern to direct me in any work that I do at any time undertake, and
you yourself can say, setting private jars aside, which I hope are
all now at a final end, but that I ever both reverenced you for your
years and admired you for your Art, in the which I know (to speak
without flattery) no Artist in Christendom of our profession able
in any respect to come near you. Therefore, good Mr. Baker, carry
but that loving mind towards me as you shall find my loving duty to
you to deserve, who you shall find always as ready to do you any
service, either in this place or any other, as any servant of yours
whatsoever, among whose rank I account myself one of the unworthiest,
for although I served no years in your service, yet I must ever
acknowledge whatever I have of any art (if I have any) it came only
from you. Thus hoping this shall suffice to give you satisfaction in
this behalf, I humbly take my leave, ever resting ready to do you
service.
_Chatham this 10 April, 1603._
Your Servant,
PHINEAS PETT.
To the worshipful and my loving friend Mr. Mathew Baker, one
of his Majesty's Master Shipwrights, give this at Woolwich or
elsewhere.
This expression of opinion upon Baker's capacity was evidently quite
genuine, for many years after, when the old man was dead and there
was nothing to be feared from his enmity, Phineas wrote of him as
'the most famous artist of his time.'[101]
[Sidenote: Preferment.]
Phineas did not rely on his professional skill alone to gain him
preferment. When in his brother Joseph's employment, he laid out
his earnings in clothing himself 'in very good fashion, always
endeavouring to keep company with men of good rank, far better
than myself.' By means of a friend thus gained, he obtained an
introduction to the Lord Admiral, which was 'the very first
beginning' of his rising. No doubt Nottingham had known his father,
and it is certain that he was well acquainted with his brother Peter;
it is probably to this that the 'extraordinary respect' and the later
favours of the Admiral were due. These favours brought upon him
the 'malicious envy' of the Master Shipwrights, who were no doubt
aggrieved at seeing employment that might have provided them or their
friends with 'pickings,' handed to a newcomer.
The post of a purveyor of timber was not without its perquisites, and
Pett's thankfulness that 'nothing could be proved against him' when
the accounts of his doings in Suffolk and Norfolk were scrutinised,
indicates that his labours had not been without some profit to
himself; indeed his association with Trevor, who became an able
disciple of the arch-thief Mansell, leads one to suspect that Fulke
Greville's action in 'wrongfully' cutting off twenty pounds was not
the high-handed injustice that Phineas would have one believe. It is
true that Mr. Oppenheim[102] dates the 'administrative degeneracy'
of the Navy Office from Greville's treasurership, but it is probable
that this arose from Greville's incapacity to exercise the strict
control which had characterised his predecessor Hawkyns, and not from
want of integrity. Three years later Phineas affirms that Greville
continued his 'heavy enemy' because the Treasurer could not win him
'to such conditions as he laboured me in' against the Surveyor, a
state of affairs that seems to indicate a half-hearted attempt at
reform on Greville's part, rather than any underhand conspiracy.
In an anonymous account of the quarrel at Chatham in 1602 preserved
in Pepys' Miscellanea,[103] written evidently by George Collins, 'the
principal informer and stirrer in this business,'[104] it is stated
that the writer told Sir Henry Palmer that Pett
had sold away the Repulse's foretopmast, and that through his
negligence the Crane was bilged in the Dock, which cost the Queen
100_l._
whereupon Palmer called him a rogue, and asked him if he never stole
anything, and then struck him with a cudgel;
and no wonder! though Sir Henry took his part so much, for in
six weeks after he had great masts sawed out into boards at the
Queen's charge, a long boat full, and towed down to Whitechapel
by Boatswain Vale, or his man, at a ketch's stern.
At the term after, I served Phineas Pett upon a battery, and Sir
John and Sir Henry procured my Lord Admiral's warrant to send
me to the Marshalsea. But that I paid well for it in Mr. Pope's
house I had gone thither; and so was forced to agree with Phineas
and to enter into bond never to follow suit against him, neither
for the King nor yet for myself.'
The writer then goes on to give instances of Pett's misappropriations
of materials and labour; four tons of elm timber sawn into boards;
fifty deals from the storehouse; fifty small spars; two four-inch
planks to make a bridge into his meadow; labour for two or three
days; a sluice made in the meadow at a cost of 3_l._ or 4_l._;
two or three tons of oak timber sawn into posts to hang clothes
on and painted at the Queen's cost. Although the writer has an
obvious grievance against Pett, there seems no reason to doubt the
substantial accuracy of the charges made.
[Sidenote: The Resistance, and the Voyage to Spain.]
One of the gravest indictments subsequently brought by the Commission
of Inquiry of 1608-1609 against Phineas was that relating to the ship
which he had laid down in David Duck's private yard at Gillingham in
1604, when both he and Duck were shipwrights at Chatham. From the
account of it presented by Phineas[105] it might be supposed that
the charge related merely to the sale of ordnance and ammunition to
the Spaniards, but the malpractices alleged went much further than
that; and, although Pett was cleared by the King, an examination of
the evidence produced before the Commission leads to the conclusion
that 'those scandalous and false informations' might have led to very
unpleasant results if the King had not been biased in his favour. The
story, as made out from the existing documents,[106] is briefly as
follows:
The ship--a small one of about 160 tons--had been built largely of
timber delivered 'for the King's use at Chatham' and with articles
'borrowed out of the store,' under warrant of the Principal
Officers, two of whom, Mansell and Trevor, subsequently had shares
in her. She was rigged 'with the rigging of the Foresight, which for
bare 12_l._ only he bought out of her' at much less than the value,
by the favour of the Surveyor (Trevor) and the Treasurer (Mansell),
so that 'she was sailed with the King's sails and rigged with the
King's tackling.' When she set sail for Spain in 1605 'under colour
of a transporter of my Lord Admiral's provisions,' she was furnished
out of the King's store with cables, anchors, flags, pitch, and other
stores and provisions, including 600 cwt. of biscuit. She also drew
120 bolts of canvas for the use of the fleet, part of which was sold
by Pett's brother, and for the whole of which Phineas acknowledged
himself responsible. Although taken up as a transport and paid
wages and tonnage (on a false rating of 300 tons, about twice her
capacity) she was entered in the Customs as a merchantman bound for
San Lucar, and carried 60 tons of lead for a merchant of London
named Alabaster, for which 60_l._ was received as freight. At Lisbon
Pett sold a demi-culverin of brass, captured at Cadiz in 1596, with
ammunition and a quantity of bread, biscuit, and peas belonging to
the fleet, for which he received 300_l._, which he sent, 'by the way
of exchange,' to Trevor and Mansell, then at Valladolid[107] with
Nottingham, who had gone there to ratify the peace recently concluded
between the two countries. Altogether, the voyage of this ship cost
the King '800_l._ or 1000_l._, as appeareth by the accounts, for
little or no service done at all.'
As regards the money sent to Valladolid, it is probable that this was
used in paying some of the expenses of the embassy, and that this
proceeding had the sanction of Nottingham; but Pett's answers before
the Commission to some of the other charges, as given in his signed
deposition of 12th May 1608, seem rather weak. He stated that the
'riggings' of the Foresight were 'found to be so ill that they stood
him in little or no stead,' that the accounts for the provisions were
delivered to Sir John Trevor and no copies had been kept, and, by a
convenient lapse of memory, he could not say what persons or stuff
were landed at the Groyne 'nor what burden the ship was accounted
for to the King.' When asked by Captain Morgan to set him down on
the east side of the Groyne, he was alleged to have said that 'he
could not adventure the ship by his directions for that she was no
part of the fleet,' in reply to which allegation he swore that to the
best of his recollection no such words were ever used. It appears
from the evidence that Sir Richard Leveson had refused to allow the
ship as one of the fleet, but he had died shortly after the return
to England, and after his death Mansell and Trevor, 'assuming full
power into their own hands,' had reversed the decision. One reason
given by Pett for visiting ports other than that to which the fleet
had gone is of interest; he told the Commission that he had been
informed by Trevor and Mansell that the biscuit would not be needed
for the fleet 'by reason of the short voyage my Lord Admiral had into
Spain,' and he was to go to Lisbon or San Lucar to sell it, 'and that
they reported as from my Lord Admiral that because this deponent was
a shipwright he might in the harbours where he should put in take
view of the Spanish ships and galleys and of the manner of their
building.'
With a ship so cheaply built and rigged, and employed on such
favourable terms, it could not have been difficult to make a handsome
profit, and it is little wonder that Pett calls her a 'lucky ship'
when he tells of her sale in 1612.
[Sidenote: Commission of Inquiry.]
The corruption in the administration of the Navy, which had begun to
appear in the last years of Elizabeth's reign, had by 1608 reached
such a height that James was at length forced to take some steps
in regard to it. The knowledge that Spain was actively engaged in
setting her navy in order no doubt quickened the King into action and
provided a motive powerful enough to sweep aside for the time the
obstruction of the senile Nottingham and his jackal Mansell. At first
it had been intended that Nottingham should head the Commission,
and letters patent[108] were passed on 1st April 1608, in which his
name appears first, Northampton coming second, but for some reason
this was altered, and on the 30th April a commission under the great
seal was issued to Henry Howard, Earl of Northampton, then Lord
Privy Seal and Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, Charles Howard, Earl
of Nottingham, the Lord High Admiral, and thirteen others,[109] of
whom Sir Robert Cotton, the famous antiquary, was the most active.
Northampton, who was Nottingham's cousin, seems to have been the
leader of the reform party, and although he is persistently vilified
by Pett, there is little doubt that he was actuated by a more or less
sincere desire (sharpened, possibly, by mutual antagonism between
the offices of Lord Warden and Lord High Admiral) to reform the many
existing abuses. What all these abuses were would take too long in
telling, but they were sufficient to justify, and more than justify,
the vigorous language of the patent, which speaks of the
'very great and intolerable abuses, deceits, frauds, corruptions,
negligences, misdemeanours and offences' that 'have been and
daily are perpetrated, committed, and done against the continual
admonitions and direction of you our High Admiral by other the
officers of and concerning our Navy Royal, and by the Clerks
of the Prick and Check, and divers other inferior officers,
ministers, soldiers, mariners, and others serving, working, or
labouring in and about our said Navy.'
The patent then proceeds to give instructions for the examination of
all officials who have been connected with the Navy since 1598 and
the investigation of their accounts,
minding that the said intolerable abuses, frauds, misdemeanours,
and offences shall forthwith be enquired of, the offenders
therein condignly punished and also to provide a speedy reform of
the same for the time to come.
Possibly, at the time, James really intended to reform the
administration. Nottingham kept out of the way, and his subordinates
had an unpleasant time while they were examined upon their misdeeds;
but in the end, James' fear of Spain having passed away, he, with
his usual weakness, let the offenders off with a lecture.
The Commission commenced to sit in May 1608 and sat for a little
over a year, ending with the proceedings before the King recorded
on pp. 68-69 below. During this period 161 witnesses were examined,
and their signed depositions taken. These are preserved among the
manuscripts of Sir Robert Cotton,[110] who acted as the secretary.
They were analysed by Cotton, who drew up a lengthy report[111] in
which various abuses are set forth and proposals made for their
remedy; the latter, as might be expected, were duly ignored by
the King. Among the offenders cited by name, Pett appears as one
of the chief, and although the present occasion is not convenient
for a general examination of the report and evidence, some mention
must be made of the matters in which Pett is directly charged with
wrong-doing.
The first point made against him is that while he was keeper of the
timber store at Chatham he had failed to reject bad timber and plank
brought in by one of the purveyors. His answer to this was 'that Sir
Henry Palmer had been so quick with him for some of these exceptions
as he would complain no more though the purveyors brought in faggot
sticks.' He is next charged with certain malpractices in connexion
with the Resistance, and other charges on this account are brought
against him further on; these have already been referred to. In a
general charge against the Master Shipwrights that, for reasons
of private gain, ships were repaired 'when they were not worth the
labour nor the charges bestowed on them,' the case of the Victory is
cited as an example:
Thus did the Victory for transportation, docking and breaking up
stand the king in four or five hundred pounds, and yet no one
part of her at this day serviceable to any use about the building
of a new as was pretended for a colour. To conclude, though we
set her at a rate of 200_l._, yet it had been better absolutely
for the King to have given her away to the poor than to have been
put to the charge of bringing her from Chatham to Woolwich, no
other use having been made of her than to furnish Phineas Pett
(that was the only author of her preservation) with fuel for the
diet of those Carpenters which he victualled.
In complaining that estimates for repair were made blindfold, with
the result that money was spent upon old ships more than sufficient
to have built new ones, the illustration is again drawn from Pett's
proceedings:
An instance of this art may be drawn from the King's ship now
called the Anne Royal, whose estimate being first set down by
the Master Shipwrights at 3576_l._, which sum would have built
another (by the judgment of those that made the estimate) newly
from the stocks of equal burthen, doth upon her finishing by
Phineas Pett (a favourite of the chief officers) amount to full
7600_l._ upon that false ground which before hath been spoken of.
A little further on, in dealing with frauds connected with the
receipt of stores, Pett is again made the principal example:
When timber and other materials come to be received into the
stores, of the Clerk of the Check combining closely with the
deliverers to increase the quantity of that which is delivered
some time to a third part above true measure, which increase
is shared between both, and lots are cast upon the robe of the
Redeemer.
Sir Foulke Greville, espying plainly this collusion between
parties to the wrong of our great Master, sought to prevent this
play of fast and loose by adding Phineas Pett to the Clerk of the
Check at Chatham as an assistance to take care that there might
be no increase of quantities, but all things accounted for in
their true proportion in weight and number as they were indeed,
without conspiracy. But such was the falsehood of the party,
as having found the thief, he ran with him, thrusting himself
into [the] pack with the Clerk and the deliverer; and thus
adding himself as an assistant indeed, not to plain dealers as
Sir Foulke Greville meant, but to filchers and abusers, as Pett
himself meant, which appears upon examination.
In a further charge relating to the issue of material for ships
building or under repair, it is pointed out that the Surveyor had
taken away the keys of the storehouses from the Clerk of the Check,
their proper custodian, 'and put them into the hand of Pett his
chief favourite, who could not only take just what he liked, but
likewise hath power to expend upon the ships (or under that pretence)
whatsoever he thinketh good without contradiction, and full scope
withal to embezzle what he list.' He is also mentioned in connexion
with the construction and decay of the 'pale' which should defend the
storeyard from pilferers 'on the outside towards the Thames,' and
with the employment of youths and boys 'that fill up numbers but work
little.' Finally he is charged with 'wasteful and lavish expense' in
repairing the ironwork of the Anne Royal at a cost of 800_l._, or
more than double the amount necessary for the purpose. In the only
charge to which Pett himself refers, namely, that of altering his
lodgings, he is not mentioned by name, but it is clear that all the
resident officials had added rooms to their houses at the expense and
to the detriment of the storehouses which adjoined.
There seems little doubt that these charges were well founded, and
that Pett was acting in collusion with his 'very good friends'
Mansell and Trevor to defraud the State. It is, however, probable
that the other officers were little better, and were only restrained
by the lack of those opportunities the possession of which they
envied Pett.
[Sidenote: The Prince Royal.]
It is clear from the remarks in the Report of the Commission of
Inquiry already quoted and from Pett's narrative[112] that the
original intention was to rebuild the Victory, which had been removed
from Chatham to Woolwich in the autumn of 1606 for this purpose. The
official records do not throw any light upon the circumstances in
which this intention came to be abandoned, and indeed the Treasurer's
official accounts for 1609 and 1610 preserve the fiction that the
Victory was rebuilt.[113] From the story related by Phineas, it
appears that the Victory had been given by James to Prince Henry,
and that Pett was entrusted with the task of rebuilding her because
he was one of the Prince's retainers. He then conceived the idea of
constructing a ship larger than any that his predecessors had built,
and made a model embodying his design, which so pleased the Lord
High Admiral that the King was brought to see it, with the result
that it was decided to build a new great ship on the lines suggested
by Pett. This procedure of constructing a model to scale from the
design, for the approval of the authorities, before starting to build
the ship, is probably the first instance of the adoption of a course
that later became customary in all cases where a new ship represented
an advance in size, or method of construction, or embodied features
not to be found in her predecessors. Her keel was not laid until the
20th October 1608, nearly a year after the model had been submitted
to the King's inspection. In the meantime the Commission of Inquiry
had been appointed, and the construction had not proceeded far before
questions were raised as to the correctness of the design, the
suitability of the material, and the competence of Pett as designer
and builder.
On the 15th December, Baker was examined on the subject before the
Commission. The questions put to him related to the estimated cost of
the Prince Royal and the material used; the cost of the rebuilding
of the Ark Royal; and the experience of Pett as a builder. Baker
estimated the probable cost of the Prince at £7000, nearly twice what
he had been paid for the Merhonour.[114] This estimate, although
apparently in excess of one given by Pett, proved very far short
of the mark, since the total cost finally came to nearly £20,000,
no less than £1309 being spent on decoration and carving alone. As
regards the material, Baker stated that the timber was very badly
chosen. It appears that old and unsuitable trees were selected on
account of the profit to be made by their larger 'tops,' which
seem to have been one of the many perquisites of the officers. In
preparing the timber there was, so Baker said,
so much waste as the charge will be well near half so much more
as it needed to be to the King; besides the ship will be of many
years less continuance serviceable than otherwise she would have
been if the timber and plank had been well chosen, and framed in
the wood.
In regard to Pett's competence:
Being asked, also by virtue of his oath, whether Phineas Pett be
a workman sufficient to be put alone in trust upon a ship of so
great charge and burthen, he answereth that he never saw any work
of his doing whereby he should so think him sufficient for that
work, but rather thinketh the contrary. Further, being demanded
what ship he knoweth or have heard the said Pett hath built or
repaired, he saith he never knew any new ship of his building,
but one of 120 tons or thereabouts which he built by Chatham
for himself,[115] as far as he knoweth, and another ship of the
burthen of 223 tons he repaired,[116] and a pinnace[117] for his
Majesty, which he saith was so done that after he had repaired
them they were worse in condition than they were when he took
them in hand, for that they were so unserviceable that they would
bear no sail, by which default of his they were returned from the
seas into Chatham to be new furred[118] to make them bear sail,
so that with his first repairing and furring of them he doubts
not but it will appear by the accompts that his workmanship with
stuff was more chargeable than a new ship of their burthen might
have been new built for, which are enough to persuade any man
that he cannot be sufficient to perform the building of so great
a ship when he hath performed the reparation of a small ship so
ill, as of a good ship he made a bad.
Further, being asked what his opinion was concerning the choice
of the stuff, he saith it was not chosen for the good of the King
but for their own turns, and that very little of it fit to be
put into any ship, and much less into a great ship, because it
will be of no continuance, and that he never knew Pett to make
any frame in the wood either for ship or boat, who cannot do it,
being never brought up to it; and as for his brother Peter Pett,
who was appointed purveyor, he holdeth him a man most simple
for such a purpose, and also saith that, though they be both
unsufficient for the making of such a frame, yet the badness of
the stuff is not altogether to be imputed to them, but to those
who dispose of the business according to their own humour.
Five days later, Bright came up for examination and was required to
give answers to seventeen questions, apparently the same as those
put to Baker. Six of them he did not answer, but referred the
Commissioners to the answers given to them by Baker. His replies to
the others were generally in corroboration of what Baker had said,
but as regards Pett's capability he expressed no direct opinion,
contenting himself with pointing out that
the old Officers, in former times, in such great works did place
two Master Shipwrights in the building of one great ship, as my
father Mr. Bright was joined with Mr. Pett in the building of the
Elizabeth Jonas, as also in the building of the Bear with Mr.
Baker. Their reason was that two Master Shipwrights' opinions
was little enough for the charge so great in scope as she at
Woolwich will be, but now it is carried by the favour of some of
the Officers to whom it pleaseth them; but howsoever it is, the
charge is great for a young man to do which never made great ship
before of that burthen.
[Sidenote: Captain George Waymouth.]
After this the matter remained in abeyance until the end of March,
when Northampton enlisted the services of George Waymouth, who
appears to have possessed a great reputation among his contemporaries
for his theoretical knowledge of shipbuilding. In 1602 Waymouth had
set out, under the auspices of the East India Company, to attempt the
North-West Passage in the Discovery, with another small vessel, the
Godspeed, but had been compelled, through the mutiny of his crew, to
abandon the attempt, after entering the strait subsequently known
as Hudson's Strait. In 1605 he made a short voyage of discovery in
the Archangel along the American coast. Of actual experience in
shipbuilding he seems at that time to have had none whatever, and a
perusal of his chapter on that subject in the manuscript volume 'The
Jewell of Artes,'[119] which he presented to James in 1604, would
not inspire any great confidence in his theoretical knowledge, but
fortunately other means of judging the extent to which this knowledge
was subsequently increased have lately presented themselves.
The chapter in 'The Jewell of Artes' consists entirely of criticism,
together with a few crude drawings not explained in the text. These
criticisms are not without point, as may be seen from the following
extracts. He says:
Although the form and fashion of these our English ships have
always been, and yet are accompted to be made by the best
proportion, and fittest both for service and burden, yet if art
and diligence were to the full performed in their buildings as
they might, there should not remain in them so many dangerous
impediments as there do at this day, which maketh me verily
suppose that the one of them, if not both, is not in such measure
in our shipwrights as with all my heart I do wish.
A little further on, in speaking of the discrepancies to be found in
ships supposed to be built from the same design, he says:
Yet could I never see two ships builded of like proportion by the
best and most skilful shipwrights in this realm ... the chiefest
cause of their error is because they trust rather to their
judgment than to their art, and to their eye than to their scale
and compass.
He then, feeling, no doubt, that his want of technical experience
in shipbuilding gave him small right to pose as a critic of the
professional builders, deprecates their censure in the following
words:
All which defects in building and many other I have with no less
careful endeavour than with the often peril and hazard of mine
own life diligently applied myself to search and find out, even
to the uttermost of my skill and understanding; and although by
mine own experience I can in this point speak as much as most
seamen (I might say as any), having been employed in this service
ever since I was able to do any, and served therein well near
four prenticeships, and having in this time borne all the offices
belonging to this trade, even from the lowest unto the highest,
yet had I rather that any other should have taken upon them the
searching and finding out of these impediments and the laying
of them open, than myself; but seeing that no man that ever I
heard of hath hitherto, as yet, undertaken the same, the thing
being of much importance, as it is, and the dangers so great,
though perhaps I shall be hardly censured for the same of the
shipwrights, whose want of art or diligence I therein accuse, yet
do I think it the part of every good subject rather to seek to do
good to the whole state than to fear the displeasure of any one
occupation.
In an undated paper, a copy of which is preserved in the Harleian
MSS.,[120] he further criticises the shipwrights to the following
effect:
The Shipwrights of England and of Christendom build ships only by
uncertain traditional precepts and observations and chiefly by
the deceiving aim of their eye, where for want of skill to work
by such proportions as in Art is required and is ever certain, I
have found these defects.
(1) No shipwright is able to make two ships alike in proportion
nor qualities; to build a ship to any desired burden certain; nor
to propose to himself how much water his ship shall draw until
there be trial made thereof.
(2) Ships yet built go not upright in the sea, whereby they often
lose the use of their lower tier of ordnance.
(3) They are often forced to be furred; which is a great charge
and weakening to the ships; this is for want of skill to work
their desired proportions.
(4) They labour and beat in the sea more than they may be made
to do; which causeth often leaks to spring and weakeneth them
that they cannot last so long as they might.
(5) They go not so near the wind as they might be made to do, the
wind being the greatest advantage in fight.
(6) They draw more water in proportion to their burdens than they
might be made to do.
(7) They be made of less burdens than they may be made of in
proportion to the length, breadth and depth. This defect the
Hollanders have in part mended and are able to carry freight for
one third part less than our Merchants.
(8) They cannot bear sail nor steer readily to make the
best advantage of the wind, for want whereof, and of art in
proportioning the Moulds, they sail not so fast as they may be
made to do.
My study these twenty years in the Mathematics hath been chiefly
directed to the mending of these defects. I have during this
time applied myself to know the several ways of building and
the secrets of the best shipwrights in England and Christendom,
and have likewise observed the several workings of ships in
the sea in all the voyages I have been. By these helps I have
demonstratively gained the science of making of ships perfect in
Art, which of necessity must be made wrought by a differing way
from all the Shipwrights in the world.
He goes on to say that ships built after his plan would cost less
and be of more burden, and gives reasons why the ships of the Low
Countries carried freight at cheaper rates than English ships. This,
he says, was because they were longer in proportion to their breadth,
broader and longer in the bottom, and therefore of less draught, and
not built so high above water, with the result that they required
less sail and tackling and could manage with a smaller crew.
These criticisms of the English shipwrights are no doubt well
founded, but the step from critic to artist is a long one, and
Waymouth never took it. Nevertheless he was a more competent critic
than Pett would have us believe. An anonymous seventeenth-century
MS., entitled, 'A most excellent briefe and easie Treatize,'
containing, among other matters, 'A most excellent mannor for the
Buildinge of Shippes,' exists in the Scott collection, and this, by
the kindness of the owner, has been placed at the disposal of the
editor, who, after a careful examination, has no doubt that it is
the work of Waymouth, written after he had built the ship which Pett
calls a 'bable and drowne divell,' and of which a midship section is
given. Unfortunately, except in this one instance, the treatise is
purely theoretical and throws no light on the problems of the Prince
Royal, or the methods of the royal shipwrights, but as a theoretical
treatise it is far in advance of the 'Jewell of Artes,' and indeed
of anything that the English shipwrights of that century produced,
and is sufficient to explain why Waymouth's opinions were accorded so
much respect.
[Sidenote: Inquiry by Nottingham, Worcester, and Suffolk.]
After Waymouth's futile visit to Woolwich, the King seems to have
been much perplexed, and since there was no independent expert,
for they had all taken sides, he handed the matter over to a
committee composed of the Lord High Admiral and two of the great
officers of State. In theory, no doubt, the selection of the
Admiral to superintend such an inquiry was the natural course to
be followed, but in this case he was sitting in judgment on one of
his own protégés, and could hardly condemn him without indirectly
condemning himself and justifying Northampton. The result in such
circumstances--and with such a man--was a foregone conclusion, for
the other two members, having no professional experience of the
matter, would naturally follow his direction. The technical arguments
of Baker and Stevens would be lost on Worcester and Suffolk, even if
Nottingham could appreciate them, which may be doubted; and--judging
by his writings, and allowing for their ignorance of the mathematical
side of the questions at issue--it is not surprising that Waymouth
bored them beyond endurance, with the result that in the end 'they
found the business in every part and point so excellent.'
Northampton's anger at the result was not unnatural, and the King
found that there was no other course open to him but to hold an
inquiry in person. This was fixed for the 8th May, and during the
first week of that month Baker, Waymouth, and their associates took
the dimensions of the ship at Woolwich and set out their objections
in the following document:[121]
_Imperfections found upon view of the new work begun at Woolwich._
First her mould is altogether unperfect, furred[122] in divers
places; she hath too much floor;[123] the lower sweep[124] and
the upper are too long, and the middle sweep too short.
Her depth is too great and her side too upright, so that of
necessity she must be tender sided and not able to bear sail.
Her breadth lieth too high, and so she will draw too much water,
and thereby dangerous and unfit for our shoal seas.
Her harpings[125] are too round and lie too low, which maketh a
cling at the after end of it, and makes the bow flare off[126] so
much that the work is not only misshapen but the ship dangerous
to beat in the sea either at an anchor or under sail.
Her workmanship is very ill done, and thereby the ship made
weak, as first the limber[127] holes are cut so deep in the
midship floor timbers that they are less thickness upon the keel
than toward the rung head; whereas they ought to be thicker and
stronger in the midst, to bear the weight on ground.
The futtocks[128] have not scarph[129] enough with the floor
timbers, but at the lower end of them are divers short clogs of
timber put in which serve to no purpose for strength but to fill
up the room. Every mean owner in the Thames will assuredly tie
the carpenter to allow a great scarph and to have his timber come
whole within a foot of his kelson.
Some of the timbers abaft and afore are left so deep by the
kelson that the footwales[130] and outside not being well
trenailed together will be a great weakness to the ship, and the
rather for that the rung,[131] being cut out of right and old
grown timber, cannot be brought to a lesser scantling, they will
break in sunder at the cross grain.
The provision of timber was not fitting such a chargeable work
for that much of the same is overgrown and many pieces of them
cross grained, as cut to a roundness out of straight timber,
which cannot be strong enough to bear a ship on ground of so
great weight as this is; as may be seen both in the ship and yard.
To shew his weakness in art and the imperfection of the mould,
Pett himself, after workmen had seen her, hauled down his
futtocks[132] 2 foot as soon as the lords were gone, and cut
off some of the heads of them, whereby they have made her more
imperfect than she was and put all things out of order that she
can hardly be ever amended.
MATHEW BAKER. W. BRIGHT.
NYCHOLAS CLAY. EDWARD STEVENES.
JOHN GREAVES. RICHARD MERYETT.
GEORGE WAYMOUTH.
All these being Shipwrights (saving Capt. Waymouth) have taken
their oath, and answered before us, both upon their conscience to
God, their duty to the King and their love to their country that
this declaration is true. And Cap^n. Waymouth also affirmeth that
all which the said Shipwrights have declared to be imperfections
are so to be accounted. But the error of the limber holes he did
not look into, supposing that no man affecting the name of a
workman would err in so gross an absurdity.
H. NORTHAMPTON. CH. PARKINS.
E. ZOUCH. RO. COTTON.
JOHN CORBETT.
Cap^n. Waymouth further saith, touching the imperfection of
the mould, that the Hollowing Moulds[133] are not good neither
before nor abaft, for in the Hollowing Moulds afterward he hath
taken away too much timber from the hooks, whereby it hath much
weakened the ship, that when she cometh to lie on ground she will
complain in that place, which will be a great impediment to the
ship. And concludeth that she being so deep and her moulds so
unperfect, with these gross errors and absurdities she can never
be made strong and fit for service, and least of all for our seas.
EDWARD STEVENES. GEORGE WAYMOUTH.
MATHEW BAKER.
W. BRIGHT.
NYCHOLAS CLAY.
JOHN GREAVES.
RICHARD MERYETT.
H. NORTHAMPTON.
E. ZOUCH.
CH. PARKINS.
RO. COTTON. JOHN CORBETT.
This indictment cannot be lightly set aside. Baker was the most
prominent shipbuilder of that day, and Bright and Meryett (or, as the
name is more usually written, Meritt) were Government shipbuilders
of long experience, while Clay, Greaves, and Stevens were private
builders of considerable standing in their profession. Unfortunately
we have hardly any authentic details of the ship; certainly not
sufficient to enable us to form any independent opinion upon the
question of her design. We have, from the careful survey[134] taken
in 1632, the following dimensions:
Feet. Ins.
Length of keel 115 0
Breadth 43 0
Mean breadth 36 0
Depth (presumably from the breadth to top of keel) 18 0
Depth from the seeling 16 3
Tonnage (old measurement) 1186·80
Tonnage (new measurement) 1330
and from the arguments during the inquiry it appears that the breadth
of the floor was 11 feet 8 inches. This is all we know of the
shape of the hull below water, and the pictures of the ship that
can be considered authentic representations[135] do not add to this
knowledge.
It would seem that Pett had made one or two slight alterations in the
accepted rules, as followed by his predecessors, in the design of
the hull. For example, his floor was slightly wider than the amount
allowed by Baker in his scheme for plotting the midship section,
given in the 'Fragments of Ancient English Shipwrightry,'[136]
according to which it should have worked out at 10 feet 3 inches; but
as Waymouth had, as we have already seen, been advocating a broader
floor, a change that subsequently took effect, it is difficult to
understand why he, at any rate, should have objected to this. To
a later age, which has seen much greater ships of deeper draught
navigate 'our shoal seas' in safety, the objection to the deep
draught of water may seem somewhat uncalled for, but it must be
remembered that at that date the King's ships, when not on service,
lay in the Medway above Upnor, and an undated MS.[137] written about
1640 shows that difficulty was experienced in finding safe moorings
for the Sovereign and the Prince in this position. On the whole,
it seems probable that the objections on the score of design were
not well founded. We never hear of the ship having been crank or
unseaworthy on this account, and there is no such disgraceful episode
as that connected with the Unicorn, built by Edward Boate in 1633,
to be brought up against her.
On the charge of insufficiency of material, however, the evidence is
against Pett. There can be little doubt but that much of the timber
was unsuitable; some was green and unseasoned; some too old and in
incipient decay; while the curved timbers, which should have been
cut from trees crooked by natural growth, had been cut from straight
trees, with the result that the grain did not run round, but across,
the curves, to the detriment of their strength. In December 1621
the Navy Commissioners expressed their feelings on the subject to
Buckingham in a letter, of which the following draft is preserved in
the Coke MSS.:[138]
Her weakness is so great that all we can do unto her at this time
with above 500_l._ charge will but make her ride afloat and be
able to go to sea upon our own coast rather for show than for
service, and that to make her a strong and perfect ship will
require at least 6,000_l._ charge and time till monies and fit
provisions may be had. This we write to your Honour with grief
and some just indignation, seeing a ship which so lately cost His
Majesty near 20,000_l._ and was boasted to be of force to fight
for a kingdom, so suddenly perish, and that no other reasons are
given thereof but her first building of old red and decaying
timber and that fallen in the sap, and her double planking with
green and unseasoned stuff, wherein the improvidence of the
officers and unfaithfulness of the workmen cannot be excused,
such faults tending to the dishonouring and disarming of the
state cannot with duty be either coloured or concealed.
Perhaps this was stated a little too strongly, for in 1623, after a
refit costing under 1000_l._, she made the voyage to Spain and back
in safety. Nevertheless, as pointed out by Mr. Oppenheim, she 'was
never subjected to any serious work,' and in 1641 she was entirely
rebuilt at Woolwich by Peter Pett at an estimated cost of 16,019_l._,
to which must be added 2160_l._ for launching and transporting her to
Chatham.[139]
[Sidenote: The Inquiry before James at Woolwich.]
Having been forced by the circumstances to take the matter into
his own hand, James seems to have conducted the inquiry with
moderation and skill, and if he had remained content with weighing
the evidence, and had not attempted to decide some of the technical
points in dispute himself, his decision might have received universal
acceptance.
An inspection of the list of witnesses on either side shows that the
weight of authority was against Pett: the seamen appearing against
him were of much greater importance than those for him, and, with
the exception of Burrell, who subsequently[140] reported against the
ship, the same may be said of the shipwrights. In considering the
result of the inquiry we cannot do better than follow James' division
into the three points of art, sufficiency of materials, and charge.
As regards art, it is obvious that Pett was treading the path of
progress experimentally with his new design; the criticisms indicate
that he had introduced modifications into the methods followed by
Baker and the older shipwrights (_e.g._ in the width of the floor
and the shape of the bows), while the subsequent furring of the
mould and the alterations to the futtocks show that he was uncertain
where he was going, and modified his plans during the building. For
the settlement of the much disputed point of the flat of the floor,
which seems to have been the determination of the actual point at
which the lower sweep commenced (obtained, presumably, by finding
the geometrical centre of that sweep and dropping a perpendicular
from it on to the floor), James chose Briggs, who was an eminent
mathematician, and Chaloner, who, notwithstanding that he was a court
official, was of some eminence as a scientist. Their verdict in
favour of Pett must therefore be accepted as final.
On the whole, it seems that as regards 'art' Pett was in the right;
but as regards the second point, 'material,' sufficient has been
already said to show that his opponents were justified in their
criticism. As regards the third point, 'charge,' _i.e._ costs,
facts showed subsequently that the claim that 'the charge of the
building of this ship should not exceed other ships that had been
built in her Majesty's times ... allowing proportion for proportion,
the garnishing not exceeding theirs,' was entirely unfounded; for
even allowing for the lavish decoration, the cost of building was
much greater proportionately than that of any of those ships. The
exuberance of the decoration may be seen from the entries in the
Declared Accounts, printed in the Appendix,[141] which are of
additional interest from the information they give as to constructive
details. It will be observed that these agree with such details as
can be made out in the Hampton Court and Hinchinbrook pictures.[142]
[Sidenote: The Commission of 1618.]
The Commission of Inquiry of 1618 found the management of the Navy
in much the same state as it was in 1608, with the same abuses still
unremedied. But although in its Report it did not pillory Pett as
the earlier Commission had done, it seems, by the reforms which
it instituted, to have made him very uncomfortable. The actual
shipbuilding was concentrated at Deptford, and Phineas was employed
at Chatham in the work of improving and enlarging that yard. Wm.
Burrell, who had been one of Pett's chief supporters in the Prince
Royal Inquiry, was made one of the Commissioners, and although he
remained the chief shipbuilder of the East India Company,[143] the
whole of the new construction, which amounted to two ships yearly for
the next five years, was placed in his hands, all the ships being
built under contracts made between Burrell and the Commissioners.
Naturally this arrangement, however efficient it might be from the
national point of view, did not coincide with Pett's interests, and
in his usual hyperbolical style he describes Burrell and Norreys (the
Surveyor) as his 'greatest enemies,' and attributes the necessary
reforms of the Commissioners to a plot to 'ruin' himself.
[Sidenote: The Algiers Expedition.]
The story of the Expedition to Algiers, which was as much a
diplomatic move in support of the Elector Palatine as an attempt
to suppress the Algerine pirates, has been amply dealt with by
historians,[144] but there remains something to be said about Pett's
connection with it, and his financial troubles that arose from it.
It will be noted that he does not utter a word as to what happened
between the time of his joining Mansell's fleet at Malaga in the
Mercury on the 8th February and his return to the Downs on the 19th
September. This silence was, no doubt, intentional, and arose from
his unwillingness to put on record anything that might give offence
to his friend Mansell or to higher authorities.
Part of the fleet was fitted out at the expense of the London
merchants, who entered into a contract with Phineas for the
construction of two pinnaces, of 120 and 80 tons respectively,
subsequently named the Mercury and the Spy. It was the habit of the
Master Shipwrights to exceed their instructions in building ships for
the Navy; partly, perhaps, from a desire to do greater things than
they were asked to do, and to outrival their colleagues, but largely
because the greater the ship the greater the profit to themselves.
When Pett attempted to play this trick upon the merchants (increasing
one pinnace from 120 tons to 300, and the other from 80 tons to 200),
'upon some hopes of thanks and reward,' he got bitten badly, for the
merchants, disdaining the precedents of the royal dockyards, insisted
upon holding to their contract, and left Pett to make the best of a
bad bargain. His appeal to the Council for redress was referred to
the Committee of Merchants, who in their reply[145] of 2nd December
1622 pointed out that their 'chief desires and endeavours have been
and ever shall be to do right unto all and (as fast as money can be
gotten in) to give satisfaction where any just demands can be made
unto us.' They added that 'at our last meeting Captain Pett sent his
brother and son unto us, with whom we have conferred and have agreed
that Captain Pett shall bring in his accompt, and if it appear that
he hath not received as much or more than any way can be due unto
him, either for making the two pinnaces or his entertainment, we will
make present payment of the remainder, as we have formerly offered
before your Lordships.'
The matter drifted on until 1624, and two further remonstrances, from
the Admiralty, brought forth a reply from the merchants that they were
sorry to observe your Lordships' displeasure contained against us
upon the suggestions of those whom nothing but their own demands
can satisfy.... Your Lordships may please to be advertised that
we contracted with him to build two pinnaces for twelve hundred
and seventy pounds, and have paid to his workmen and lent to
himself divers great sums of money over and above our contract
and his wages,[146] by reason whereof we conceive he is more
indebted to us than his wages demanded amounts unto, in a great
sum of money, and also we lent him two hundred pounds upon his
own bond yet unsatisfied. Notwithstanding, as formerly we have
certified your Lordships, and sundry times offered to Capt. Pett,
that we were ready to accompt with him that satisfaction might be
given if ought were due to either party, and we are still ready
to perform the same, yet because he rejects this motion and that
we are desirous your Lordships may be fully satisfied of our
honest intentions and proceedings and may be no further troubled
herein, we are therefore emboldened to become suitors to your
Lordships that the Commissioners of the Navy, or whom else your
Lordships shall please to appoint, may have the examination of
the account depending, and if upon their report anything be found
due we will take present order for payment thereof.
[Sidenote: Elizabeth Pett.]
Apparently Pett never received the balance of the money, but his
troubles did not end there. He was indebted to his brother Peter
for materials for these ships to the value of 325_l._ While his
brother lived Phineas does not seem to have troubled about repayment,
although, according to Elizabeth Pett, his sister-in-law, Peter had
been 'often arrested on this account,' and Phineas himself had, as
he tells us, been arrested and imprisoned in 1628 at the suit of
'one Freeman,' by whom the timber seems to have been originally
supplied.[147]
After Peter's death,[148] his widow endeavoured to recover the debt
from Phineas, but could not enforce judgment on account of the
latter's position as the King's servant. She therefore petitioned
the Admiralty in January 1633 for 'leave to have the benefit of law
against him.' Pett was ordered to satisfy her or show cause why
the law should not take its course. Pett explained his loss on the
transaction, and asserted that, 'notwithstanding this great loss
and main other[149] befallen me, yet according to my poor abilities
I have endeavoured to make satisfaction for the debt due to my
brother,' and he promised to pay it off in instalments. Elizabeth,
who had herself been 'taken in execution' for the debt, pressed for
a larger amount down, because she was 'almost utterly undone through
want of the said sum so long time, being the greater part of her
maintenance.'
In May Phineas wrote to Nicholas protesting that he could not help
defaulting in his payments because his son fell dangerously sick, and
he could not get his arrears due from the Exchequer, and asserting
his intention to settle the matter 'before the end of this term.' In
June Nicholas told him that the course of justice could not be stayed
any longer, and Pett again promised that the instalment due should
be paid. In October, Pett was still in default, and he was ordered
by the Admiralty to give immediate satisfaction or show cause within
a week why proceedings should not be taken. He managed still to hold
out, and on Sunday the 8th of December he was arrested as he was
going to St. Dunstan's Church 'to hear a brother of his preach.' The
officers let him go when they heard that he was the King's servant,
and subsequently excused their action on the ground that Mrs. Pett's
daughter had assured them that Phineas 'lay skulking in obscure
places and then ... lay at a chandler's shop in Tower Street, being
... an old sea captain and ready to go to sea presently.' Upon this
Pett petitioned the Admiralty, complaining that he had offered part
of the debt, which was 'utterly rejected, and her implacable spirit
will receive no other satisfaction but present payment of the whole
debt,' and he asked the Lords to summon Mrs. Pett and her abettors
before them for daring to arrest him without leave, 'so that he can
go about his business without fear of arrest and that she may be
enforced to accept her debt at such reasonable times as he is able
to pay.' The remainder of the story is not to be found in the State
Papers, but Pett tells us[150] that the matter was fought out at
law, to his 'great charge,' so that presumably he was ultimately
compelled to pay the money.
[Sidenote: The Destiny]
A little before the time when Elizabeth first began to press him for
the payment of the debt due to her late husband, Phineas was being
pursued by an anchor-smith named Tayte, who asked the Admiralty
for permission to proceed against him for a debt of 250_l._ due on
account of ironwork supplied for the construction of the Destiny,
which Pett built for Sir Walter Ralegh in 1617. Phineas does
not mention this in the manuscript, but as it gave rise to the
interesting letter to Nicholas and petition to the Admiralty printed
in the Appendix[151] it seems worthy of passing reference. On the
return of Ralegh from his disastrous expedition, the Destiny was
confiscated by the Crown, her name being changed to Convertive.
Pett was therefore unable to recover against the ship the 700_l._
which was due to him, and presumably had no power to recover it from
Ralegh's estate; possibly, however, this was another case in which he
had exceeded the contract and had no legal remedy against the owner
for the difference.
[Sidenote: The Voyage to Spain.]
In relating the voyage to Spain with the squadron sent to bring home
Prince Charles after his foolish adventure with Buckingham at the
Spanish Court, Pett has not been so reticent as he was in the case
of the voyage to Algiers, and he has given a fuller account of the
incidents of the return voyage than will be found elsewhere. The
circumstances in which he went mark the peculiarly favoured position
which he held in relation to the King and the Lord High Admiral. The
letter written to Buckingham printed in the Appendix[152] further
illustrates this special relationship. His complaint therein that
the cook-room of the Prince had been moved against his consent is
evidently directed against the Commissioners, who, in their report of
1618, had urged that cook-rooms should be placed in the forecastle
because, when placed amidships, the smoke made 'the okam spew out,'
and they took up valuable space required for storage, and by bad
distribution of weights made the ship 'apt to sway in the back.'
It does not seem unreasonable that the Navy Commissioners should
have objected[153] to the absence of one of the principal master
shipwrights from his duties for such a purpose as the voyage in
question, although Phineas, with his usual animus against those who
differed from him, accuses them of plots and malicious practices.
[Sidenote: Brown Paper Stuff.]
The scandal in regard to the sale of old cordage as 'brown paper
stuff' was judicially investigated before the Judge of the Admiralty,
and the report of the proceedings is preserved among the State
Papers.[154] From this report it appears that Palmer, Pett, and
others had sold this material (much of which, so it was alleged,
might have been used for oakum, gun wads, or twice-laid rope) without
the consent of the other Principal Officers. Some of the money
received for it had been applied to legitimate purposes, but it is
clear that part had been kept back in the hope that no questions
would be asked, and that after a time the holders might appropriate
it for themselves. The assertion of Pett[155] that it was 'claimed as
a perquisite to our places' is not borne out by his own evidence.
According to his deposition, made on 7th August 1633, the Keeper of
the Storehouse at Chatham had reported to him that the storehouse was
so cumbered with 'unnecessary and unserviceable cordage and old ends
and decayed junks' that there was no room for serviceable material.
For this reason, he and Terne, Clerk of the Survey, then acting as
deputy to Aylesbury, sold 'a quantity of old ends and decayed junk
for brown paper stuff,' but Pett alleged that he told the 'Master
then attendant' and other officers that nothing that was fit for use
or service was to be handed over to the purchasers. Pett could not
remember the total amount received for this stuff,[156] but stated
that he had 'received of the said Sir Henry Palmer (upon promise
made by this deponent to deliver up bills to the Treasurer of his
Majesty's Navy for so much money due to him, this deponent, from
his Majesty) four score and six pounds sterling and hath since made
an assignment to the said Treasurer to defalk so much out of this
deponent's entertainment payable to him.' He further stated that the
sales were 'by their own authority, being principal officers of his
Majesty's Navy,' and claimed that 'any two of the said principal
officers personally attending at Chatham have sufficient power and
authority for themselves, without acquainting the rest, there being
divers precedents of the like done by others heretofore.'
On 22nd February 1634, Pett, Palmer, Fleming, Terne, and Lawrence
were sequestered from their places for having sold the material
without sufficient authority, but on 1st March Charles entirely
pardoned Pett, while only allowing the others the favour of
continuing in their places until they had answered in writing.[157]
[Sidenote: The Sovereign of the Seas.]
The idea of building a royal ship that should be larger and more
ornate than any of her predecessors seems to have originated in the
mind of the King, who acquainted Pett with his intention towards the
end of June 1634. Phineas thereupon prepared a model, which was ready
by the middle of October and was carried to Court on the 19th of that
month. In the meantime the Masters of Trinity House heard of the
project and lodged the amusing protest printed in the Appendix.[158]
Apparently this model was not approved, for on 7th March of the
following year Pett received instructions from the Admiralty to
build a 'new great ship' of 1500 tons, and was told to prepare a
'model' for it.[159] This second model does not appear to have
been constructed, but as Pennington's draft, giving the dimensions
proposed by him for the ship, is endorsed by the King as a 'model,'
perhaps a tabular statement of that nature was all that was intended.
In April a committee, consisting of Pennington, Mansell, Pett, and
John Wells,[160] examined Pett's plans and drew up the following
schedule of proposed dimensions,[161] which was approved by the King
but afterwards modified:
According to your Ma^{ts} command we have examined the
particulars of the plot and the dimensions presented to
your Ma^{ty} by Capt. Pett, and by comparing the rules of
Art and experience together we have agreed to the Proportion
underwritten, which we most humbly submit to your Ma^{ts} further
pleasure.
Ft. Ins.
Length of the keel 127 0
Breadth within the plank 46 2
Depth in the hold from the breadth to the upper
edge of the keel 18 9
Keel and dead rising 2 6
Draught of water from the breadth to the lower
edge of the keel 21 3
The swimming line from the bottom of the
keel 18 9
The flat of the floor 13 0
Rake of the stem 38 0
Rake of the post 8 0
Height of the Tuck at the fashion piece 16 0
Breadth of the Transome 28 0
Height of the way forward 14 0
Distance of the ports 10 0
Ports upon the lower tier, square 2 8
Ports upon the second tier, square 2 6
Ports upon the third tier, round or square 2 4
Distance of the ports from the swimming line
with four months victuals at 5 0
With six months victuals at 4 6
The first deck from plank to plank 7 0
The second deck 7 3
The third deck 7 3
All the decks flush fore and aft, and the half deck, quarter deck
and forecastle according to the plot.
Ton and
Tonnage
1. This ship by the depth in hold will be 1466
2. By the draught in water 1661
3. By the mean breadth, which is the truest of all 1836
Your Ma^{ty} will be pleased to be informed that after mature
debate we have likewise agreed upon the rules to be proportioned
to each sweep of the midship bend, and where the bend is to be
placed, and likewise of the rules to be held in her narrowing
and rising lines, which we all pray may be only imparted to your
Ma^{ty}.
ROBERT MANSELL. J. PENNINGTON. J. WELLS.
PHINEAS PETT.
This is endorsed in the King's handwriting: 'Dimensions resolved on
for the Great Ship, 7 of April 1635.' It is of interest to note, as
evidencing the jealous way in which the fundamentals of the design
were kept secret, that the Committee proposed to impart the details
of the midship bend[162] and of the narrowing and rising lines,[163]
which together formed the key to the actual form of the hull, to the
King alone.
Ten days later Pennington appears to have put in a proposal that
slightly modified this design, increasing the draught of water by
nine inches, the beam by four inches, the flat of the floor by one
foot, and the tonnage by 56 or 48 tons, but decreasing the keel
length by one foot. His scheme of dimensions, which is endorsed in
the King's handwriting as 'Dimensions of Pennington's Model for
the Great Ship, 17 April 1635,'[164] seems, from the fact that the
tonnage is quoted in the contemporary lists[165] as 1522 tons, to
have been the one finally adopted, though with slight modification.
It runs as follows:
Ft. Ins.
Length by the keel 126 0
Breadth at the beam 46 6
Breadth at the Transome 28 0
Breadth of the Floor 14 0
Breadth from the water 2 0
Draught of water 19 6
Ports from the water 5 0
Ports asunder 9ft., some more 9 0
Ports from the deck 2 0
Distance between the decks from plank to plank 7 6
Rake of the Stem 37 6
Rake of the Post 9 0
Height of the Tuck 17 0
Depth in hold from the seeling to the lower
edge of the beam 17 0
Sweep at the runghead 11 0
Sweep at the right of the mould 31 0
Sweep between the water line and the breadth 10 0
Sweep above the breadth 14 0
Burden in tons and tonnage by the old rule 1522
New rule 1884
The outstanding interest of this 'model' lies in the fact that it is
the only instance in which the sweeps of the mould are given. Before
we can proceed to construct from it the midship section, we are met
with the difficulty that the depth from greatest breadth to keel is
not given, but in the first model this was equal to the draught,
viz. 18 feet 9 inches, and since this was increased by 9 inches, we
may fairly assume that the 'depth' in Pennington's model would be
about 19 feet 6 inches, and in fact we have this dimension given in
a contemporary list as 19 feet 4 inches. If, taking this figure, we
now attempt to plot the section, it will be found that the sweeps
will not reconcile, the radius of the futtock sweep, 31 feet, being
too great by about 6 feet. The mistake appears to lie in the height
of the 'breadth from the water' (_i.e._ the height of the greatest
breadth above the 'swimming line'), given as 2 feet. In the first
model this was 2 feet 6 inches, and, as it is not probable that it
would be less in the deeper ship, we may take this to have been 3
feet, and not 2 feet. On this assumption we can proceed to construct
the curve of the midship section as in the drawing annexed. In this
drawing we have:
Ft. Ins.
AB = the half breadth 23 3
AC = the depth from greatest breadth
to top of keel 19 4
AD = the half flat of the floor 7 0
DE = the radius of the runghead sweep 11 0
FG = the radius of the sweep between
greatest breadth and the waterline 10 0
FH = the radius of the 'sweep above
the breadth' 14 0
We can now plot the curve of the section; Drawing the arc FI with
radius GF to a depth of 3 feet perpendicularly below CF, we obtain
the point I, and producing IG backwards to K, a point 31 feet distant
from I, we have the centre of the futtock sweep, or 'sweep at the
right of the mould,' which is given as 31 feet in radius. With this
radius from K we draw the arc IL cutting a line drawn from K through
E at L. On drawing the runghead sweep from D with radius of 11 feet
from centre E, it is found that this arc meets the other precisely at
L, and these two arcs 'reconcile,' _i.e._ are tangent to each other
at L, for the centres of both arcs lie in the same straight line KEL.
[Illustration: (drawing described above)]
The curve of the 'topsides' presents more difficulty, because we are
only given the radius of the 'sweep above the breadth,' but if we
assume that the distance CM, or total height of the midship section
above the greatest breadth, is equal to AC (and this seems to have
been the customary proportion), and that the reverse curve NO was
struck with the same radius as FN, namely 14 feet, we get a curve
for the half midship section ADLIFNO which cannot be far from the
original design, and in the lower portion must approximate to it very
closely indeed.
There are no data from which the plan or elevation can be
constructed, but it may be noted that the list in the State Papers
already quoted gives the length of keel as 127 feet, although the
tonnage remains as fixed by Pennington, so that, presumably, the
rakes of the stem- and stern-posts were also modified so as not to
increase the displacement, or rather the empirical measurement of it.
Some time during this year Peter Pett was petitioning the King for
license to print and publish 'the plot or draught of the great ship,'
a concession which he had apparently been promised,[166] but there
is no record of the answer returned to his petition, nor is there
any trace of the drawing, which may have been the original of the
well-known engraving by Payne. In 1663 Christopher Pett gave Pepys
a copy of the 'plate of the Soverayne with the table to it,'[167]
but whether this was Peter Pett's 'plot' or Payne's engraving with
additional details cannot now be ascertained.
Pett estimated the cost of building the ship at 13,860_l._, and was
to be required to 'put in assurance' to finish her for 16,000_l._;
but, before she was complete, wages alone had amounted to more than
this sum, while the total cost, exclusive of ordnance, reached the
extraordinary amount of 40,833_l._ In May Pett set out for the north
to fell and prepare the 2500 trees required for her in Chopwell and
Brancepeth Woods. The cost of carriage of the timber to the water,
estimated at 1190_l._ at least, fell upon the counties of Durham
and Northumberland, and Bishop Morton of Durham, who had been made
responsible for the provision of this service, had to apply to the
Council for assistance in proportioning out the assessment. The
county of Northumberland objected to the burden to be placed upon it,
and it was suggested that Cumberland, Westmoreland, and the North
Riding of Yorkshire should bear part. By the beginning of September
the timber had begun to arrive at Woolwich, and Pett expected to have
the ship finished in eighteen months.
On the 19th September Phineas found it necessary to protest to the
King against the interference of the other officers, who had 'from
the beginning opposed the King's purpose in building this ship,'[168]
and especially against being made to take material of which he did
not approve, and against the attempt to charge the ship with the
cost of houses then being built at Woolwich. He pointed out that
he could not keep the cost within the estimate if such practices,
which seem to have been customary, were permitted. The Navy Officers
complained to the Admiralty of Pett's action, and he was called
before the Admiralty, when he denied that he had complained to the
King about any of them.[169] Possibly the great disproportion between
the estimated and the ultimate cost of the ship was to some extent
due to the fact that his protest was not successful, though it is
difficult to believe that his original estimate can have been even
approximately accurate. He had also under-estimated by six months the
time required to build her.
[Sidenote: The Last Years.]
The manuscript ends abruptly with Pett's visit to the Lord High
Admiral on the 1st October 1638, and, curiously enough, the
references to him in the State Papers--hitherto frequent--cease
at the same date, with a letter from Northumberland to Pennington
mentioning this visit. Except for one reference in connexion with
a gratuity to be given to Henry Goddard in April 1645, his name is
never again mentioned therein. Yet he remained in the service and
carried on his duties at Chatham until his death.
On 28th June 1642 the King sent him a warrant informing him of
the appointment of Pennington as Lord High Admiral in place of
Northumberland, and directing him to send the standard and all
necessaries for the fleet as Sir John should direct.[170] It will
be remembered that Pennington hesitated and waited before going to
the Fleet, with the result that Warwick, who had been nominated by
Parliament to take command, went on board the flagship on the 2nd
July, and the Fleet went over to the Parliamentary side. On the
20th August Colonels Sir John Seaton and Edwyn Sandis, acting on
instructions from the Committee of Public Safety, went to Chatham
Dockyard, 'which was surrendered to them by Captain Pett when he saw
their warrant.'[171] This was on Saturday evening, and on the Monday
they completed their work by placing a guard on board the Sovereign.
Pett was rewarded for his ready obedience by being included among
the Commissioners of the Navy appointed by Ordinance on the 15th
September,[172] and he was to receive the same allowance as he
already held, although the other captains (except Batten) and John
Hollond were only given 100_l._ a year. From this time until his
death in August 1647, in his seventy-seventh year, he seems to have
remained quietly at Chatham, perhaps too old to take any very active
part in current affairs, for he has certainly left no mark upon
them. His death seems to have occurred unnoticed; the exact date is
unknown,[173] and there is no record of his will--if he made one. The
last entry concerning him in the official records[174] relates to the
payment of his salary up to 29th September 1647, when he had passed
away, but no reference is made to that fact. It is curious that Sir
Henry Vane, the Treasurer of the Navy in 1647, who had corresponded
with Pett, and must have known of his death, has left a blank in
place of his name in the entry in these accounts relating to the
salary of Thomas Smith,[175] who succeeded to Pett's post at Chatham
on the 28th August.
No authentic portrait of Phineas is known to exist. He tells us that
in 1612 his 'picture was begun to be drawn by a Dutchman working then
with Mr. Rock,' one of the ship-painters, but does not say if it was
ever finished. The picture in the National Portrait Gallery, which
shows the stern view of the Sovereign, at one time supposed to be a
portrait of Phineas, is now acknowledged to be that of his son Peter.
Another picture, in the possession of the Earl of Yarborough, has
been exhibited in the past as a portrait of Phineas, but there can
be no doubt that it really represents Sir Phineas (son of Peter of
Deptford and grandson of Peter of Wapping), who was a Commissioner
of the Navy from 1685 to 1689. The ship included in this picture is
probably the Britannia, built by Sir Phineas in 1682.
[Sidenote: Phineas Pett's Character.]
In forming any just appreciation of the character and abilities
of Phineas Pett, regard must be had to the circumstances of age
in which he lived. It was a time of great political and religious
unrest, and expressions of religious devotion which might now be
thought extravagant were then normal, and were apparently not
thought incongruous with dishonesty in money matters. The chronic
maladministration of the Navy, and the arrears in payment of the
relatively small salaries allotted to responsible posts, may to
some extent justify methods of acquiring additional emoluments that
nowadays are judged more severely.
Pett's kindness towards his unfortunate brothers and sisters shows
a good heart, and there must have been something attractive in his
character to secure him the steady support of Nottingham, James
I, and Charles I, which went so far as to shield him against the
consequences of his misdeeds.
The favoured position which he held, and the privilege he enjoyed
of direct intercourse with the supreme heads of the Navy behind
the backs of his immediate superiors, brought Pett into conflict
with the latter on many occasions. It is not necessary to accept
the explanation of Phineas that these incidents were the results of
conspiracies directed against him. To oppose him was a deadly sin;
thus, Burrell, who was 'a worthy gentleman and good friend' when
he stood on Pett's side in the Prince Royal inquiry, became Pett's
'greatest enemy,' engaged in the 'malicious practice' of 'tending
to overthrow me and root my name out of the earth' because he was
appointed one of the Commissioners of Inquiry in 1618.
Pett was evidently interested in the various efforts made in the
early seventeenth century to explore and colonise the coasts of
North America. He frequently refers to his friendship with Button,
and states that he assisted in the selection of the Resolution for
the voyage of 1612. He was, moreover, a kinsman of Hawkridge and an
acquaintance of Foxe; while Gibbons was the master of his ship the
Resistance. The disparaging remark on Waymouth's 'mistaking his
course (as he did in the North-West Passage)'[176] shows that he
was acquainted with the story of the voyage of 1602, but the most
competent modern authorities do not agree with this opinion of Pett
(and of his contemporary Foxe), and hold that Waymouth did in fact
enter the straits subsequently called after Hudson and sail along
them for a considerable distance.[177] Pett was also a member of
the Virginia Company, though he does not mention this fact. His
name appears in the second and third Charters of the Company (1609
and 1612), and in 1611 he subscribed the sum of 37_l._ 10_s._ This
was the lowest subscription allowable for members, but it was a
comparatively large sum for those days.
Evidently Phineas, in spite of his large and growing family, was at
this time fairly prosperous, and had an income considerably greater
than the 54_l._ 15_s._ which represented his official salary and
allowance. No doubt this income was augmented by the trading ventures
in the Resistance and by shipbuilding for private owners and by
various official 'perquisites.' In 1614 it was increased by 40_l._,
granted him by the King under writ of Privy Seal, but in 1617 and
the following years his bad speculations in regard to the Destiny,
the pinnace built for Lord Zouch, the Mercury, and the Spy, made
serious inroads into his capital and burdened him with a load of
debt which seems to have weighed upon him for many years and given
him much trouble. James came to his assistance in 1620 by presenting
him with a patent for a baronetcy which brought him about 650_l._,
and Charles gave him another in 1628 which only fetched 200_l._
His appointment as a Commissioner of the Navy in 1631 increased his
official income to 200_l._, exclusive of the 40_l._ payable on the
writ of Privy Seal. With this substantial addition to his salary he
was in a position to gradually improve his finances, and after 1634
we hear no more of the actions for debt.
From the story of his life as now unfolded it is clear that Phineas
Pett was a man of considerable ability and industry, kindly to
his friends, but impetuous and quick-tempered; 'well-in' with the
authorities, and apt to take advantage of that fact when he disagreed
with his equals or superiors. It is probable that he was slightly in
advance of his contemporaries in the profession of shipbuilding,
but not to the extent commonly supposed. Here his autobiography
has stood him in good stead, for it has attached to his name a
personality that makes his existence seem more real and of more
moment to a later age in which his professional contemporaries have
become shadowy names. It is difficult to say what was his real motive
in writing it, but it was probably commenced as an explanation of
his position in regard to the Prince Royal dispute of 1608, and
afterwards continued partly for recreation; partly, perhaps, for
the edification of his children. Pepys appears to have thought much
of it, for he took the trouble to copy it into his collection of
miscellanea; but it is certainly wanting in the candour and honesty
of the celebrated Diary, and seems to have been written in order
to convey a favourable impression to the reader, and explain away
doubtful deeds, rather than as a real revelation of self.
FOOTNOTES:
[94] 'The rage for Bible names dates from the decade 1560-1570, which
decade marks the rise of Puritanism.'--Bardsley, _Curiosities of
Puritan Nomenclature_, p. 39.
[95] Numbers xxvi. 11-13.
[96] _Cott. MSS._, Otho E. vii. fol. 155.
[97] _Misc._ x. 353. There are errors in this transcript, which has
been corrected, so far as possible, from the original.
[98] Double-dealer; probably he refers to Bright.
[99] MS. flattsheate.' Pepys has transcribed this 'flat cheat.'
[100] _Sic_ in transcript, probably 'far.'
[101] _Cal. S.P. Dom._, 26 Feb. 1626.
[102] _Monson Tracts_, ii. 140.
[103] _Miscell._, vol. x. pp. 257-262: _A large and particular
complaint against Phineas Pett relating to abuses in the Navy about
the end of the Queen's and beginning of King James's Reign._ _Cf._
Dr. Tanner's Introduction in _Hollond's Discourses of the Navy_
(N.R.S., vol. vii.). What is probably the same account is calendared
by the Hist. MSS. Commission (_Coke MSS_, vol. i. p. 36) as '1602 Oct
14, 1603 June 19 allegations by George Colyson of abstraction of sea
stores, and other frauds by Phineas Pett.'
[104] _Infra_, p. 18.
[105] _Infra_, p. 70.
[106] _Cott. MSS._, Julius F. 111--the depositions of Pett and
various witnesses; _S.P.D._ James I, xxxi. 51--memorandum drawn up
from the above; _S.P.D._ James I, xli.--report of the Commission,
drawn up by Sir Robert Cotton, with analytical draft and notes
attached.
[107] The capital of Spain from 1601 to 1606.
[108] _Pat. Roll_, 1771.
[109] The names were as follows: Henry, Earl of Northampton;
Charles, Earl of Nottingham; Lord Zouch; Lord Wotton, Comptroller
of the Household; Sir Julius Cæsar, Chancellor of the Exchequer;
Sir Thomas Parry, Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster; Sir Edward
Phillips and Sir John Doderidge, Serjeants-at-Law; Sir Henry Hobart,
Attorney-General; Sir Francis Bacon, Solicitor-General; Sir William
Waade, Lieutenant of the Tower; Sir Charles Parkins; Sir Robert
Cotton; Sir Thomas Crompton; and John Corbett, a Clerk of the Privy
Council. _Pat. Roll_, 1770.
[110] _Cott. MSS._, Julius F. 111.
[111] _S.P. Dom._ James I, xli. The 'book of reformation' referred to
at p. 37. Northampton also made a report direct to the King, which
deals, however, only in generalities.--_Royal MSS._ 18 A, xxxiv.
[112] Pp. lxiv and 29 _et seq._
[113] _Pipe Off. Dec. Accts._ 2247. 'New Building the Victory in dry
dock at Woolwich;' _ibid._ 2248, 'Shipkeepers attending the Victory,
now named the Prince Royal'; 'New Building the Victory now named the
Prince Royal.'
[114] The relative dimensions were: _Prince Royal_--length of keel
115 ft.; breadth 43 ft.; depth 18 ft. _Merhonour_--length of keel
110 ft.; breadth 37 ft.; depth 17 ft. Baker built the _Merhonour_ by
contract for £3600.
[115] The _Resistance_.
[116] The _Answer_. He does not include the _Anne Royal_, which had
just been finished.
[117] The _Moon_.
[118] 'There are two kinds of furring, the one is after a ship
is built, to lay on another plank upon the side of her (which is
called plank upon plank). The other, which is more eminent, and
more properly furring, is to rip off the first planks and to put
other timbers upon the first, and so to put on the planks upon
these timbers. The occasion of it is to make a ship bear a better
sail, for when a ship is too narrow, and the bearing either not
laid out enough, or too low, then they must make her broader, and
lay her bearing higher. They commonly fur some two or three strakes
under water and as much above, according as the ship requires,
more or less. I think in all the world there are not so many ships
furred as are in England, and it is a pity that there is no order
taken, either for the punishing of those who build such ships,
or the utter preventing of it, for it is an infinite loss to the
owners, and an utter spoiling and disgrace to all ships that are so
handled.'--Mainwaring, _Seaman's Dictionary_, s.v. Fur.
[119] Add^l. MS. 19889.
[120] _Harl. MS._ 309, f. 68.
[121] _S.P. Dom._, James I, xlv. 33.
[122] See note on p. lxviii. In this case pieces were laid upon the
outsides of the timbers to make the mould broader.
[123] See note on p. 37.
[124] The sweeps are the circular arcs of the mould; see the mould of
the _Sovereign_ on p. xcvi.
[125] 'The Harpings of a Ship is the breadth of her at the bow: also
some call the ends of the bends, which are fastened into the stem,
the Harpings.'--Mainwaring, _Seaman's Dictionary_.
[126] Overhang.
[127] Holes cut through the timbers over the keel to allow the bilge
water to run to the pump.
[128] See note on p. 60.
[129] _I.e._ the overlap of the joint was not sufficient.
[130] The inside planking upon the floor timbers, sometimes called
'seeling' or 'ceiling.'
[131] The rungheads at the ends of the floor timbers, where these
begin to curve upward into the lower (or runghead) sweep.
[132] _I.e._ shortened the futtock sweep.
[133] The moulds fore and aft in which the lower sweeps become
concave instead of convex exteriorly.
[134] Add^l. MS. 18037.
[135] At Hinchinbrook, Hampton Court, and Windsor Castle. See R.
C. Anderson, '_The Prince Royal_ and other Ships of James I,' in
_Mariner's Mirror_, vol. iii. (1913), in which these pictures are
reproduced.
[136] Pepysian MS. 2820.
[137] Add^l. MS. 9299, f. 206.
[138] _Coke MSS. (Hist. MSS.)_, I. 114. See also pp. 124, 125,
_infra_.
[139] Add. MSS. 9294 f. 409 and 9300.
[140] _I.e._ in 1621.
[141] Appendix V, p. 207.
[142] It need scarcely be pointed out that the illustrations in
Charnock's _Marine Architecture_ do not remotely resemble the real
ship.
[143] Burrell quarrelled with the Company in 1626 and was dismissed
their service. He died in 1630.
[144] See especially Playfair, _The Scourge of Christendom_; Corbett,
_England in the Mediterranean_, vol. i., chap. viii.; and Oppenheim,
_Monson Tracts_, vol. iii. p. 94 _et seq._
[145] _S.P. Dom._, James I, cxxxiv. 60.
[146] _I.e._ his wages as captain of the _Mercury_.
[147] _Infra_, pp. 139, 141.
[148] About 1631. In January 1634 he is stated to have been dead
three years.
[149] He refers especially to his loss on the _Destiny_. For this
use of 'main' in the sense of considerable,' _cf._ 'a very main
loss.'--_N.E.D._
[150] _Infra_, p. 154. The above account has been collected from the
_S.P. Dom._, James I, ccxv. p. 98; ccxxviii. f. 14, 84_a_; ccxxi. 45;
ccxxxii. 27; ccxxxiii. 10; ccxxxviii. 89; ccxlii. 3, 36; ccxlvii. 84;
ccli. 18; cclix. 10.
[151] Appendix VI, p. 210.
[152] App. VII, p. 212.
[153] _Infra_, p. 126.
[154] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I., ccli. 74.
[155] _Infra_, p. 153.
[156] It was 252_l._ 6_s._ 9_d._
[157] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, cclx. 108, ccxxviii. f. 122.
[158] Appendix VIII, p. 214.
[159] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, cclxiv. ff. 67_a_, 87_a_.
[160] Storekeeper at Deptford. He seems to have had some knowledge
of design, for in 1626 and 1627 he had been associated with Pett,
Stevens, Lydiard, and Gunter, the mathematician, in drawing up new
rules for ship measurement.
[161] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, cclxxxvi. 44.
[162] The transverse section at the greatest breadth.
[163] The curves passing through the ends of the floor timbers, as
referred to the plan and elevation respectively.
[164] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, cclxxxvi. 105.
[165] Add. MSS. 9300 f. 64; 9336 f. 53. _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I,
ccclxviii. 121. In this list, which is dated September 1637, the ship
is not named. The keel length is given as 127 ft., depth from breadth
to top of keel as 19 ft. 4 ins., and breadth as 46 ft. 6 ins.
[166] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, cccvi. 83.
[167] _Diary_, Jan. 31, 1663.
[168] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, ccxcviii. 20.
[169] _S.P. Dom._, Chas. I, ccxcix. 2, 12.
[170] _Hist. MSS. Report_, v. 33.
[171] _Hist. MSS. Report_, v. 46.
[172] Firth, _Acts and Ordinances of the Interregnum_, i. 27.
[173] He was buried in Chatham Church on August 21.
[174] _Pipe Office Dec. Accts._ 2286.
'Phineas Pett, Esq., another of the said Commissioners and one of the
principal officers of the Navy, for his salary at 200_l._ per annum,
8_d._ per diem for one clerk and 6_l._ per annum for paper, pens
etc., due to him for the same time ended as the former [i.e. _the
year ended September 29, 1647_]
217_l._ 3_s._ 4_d._
'Thomas Smith, Esq., now one of the Commissioners of the Navy in
the room and place of (_blank_) for the entertainment of himself at
200_l._ per annum and two clerks at 16_d._ per diem and 6_l._ per
annum for paper money due to him for 34 days begun the 28th of August
1647 and ended the 30th of September following
22_l._ 9_s._ 4_d._'
[175] Smith, who had been Northumberland's secretary, had been
appointed Secretary of the Admiralty by Ordinance of the same date
as the one by which Pett had been re-appointed a Commissioner of the
Navy in 1642.
[176] _Infra_, p. 71.
[177] See Christy, _Voyages of Foxe and James_ (Hakl. Soc.) and
Asher, _Henry Hudson the Navigator_ (Hakl. Soc.).
[Illustration: (ornate section header)]
AUTOBIOGRAPHY OF PHINEAS PETT
I, Phineas[178] Pett, being the son of Mr. Peter Pett of Deptford
Strond[179] in the County of Kent, one of her Majesty's Master
Shipwrights, was born in my father's dwelling house in the same town
one All Saints' day in the morning, being the first day of November
in the year of our Lord 1570, and was baptized the 8th of the same
month and year aforesaid in the parish church of Deptford Strond
aforesaid.
I was brought up in my father's house at Deptford Strond until I
was almost nine years of age, and then put out to a free school at
Rochester in Kent, to one Mr. Webb, with whom I boarded about one
year, and afterward lay at Chatham Hill in my father's lodging in the
Queen's House, from whence I went every day to school to Rochester
and came home at night for three years space. Afterwards, by reason
of my small profiting at this school, my father removed me from
thence to Greenwich to a private school kept by one Mr. Adams, where
I so well profited that in three years I was made fit for Cambridge.
In the year 1586 at Shrovetide, against bachelor's commencement, I
was sent to the University of Cambridge, and by the means of one Mr.
Howell,[180] a Minister in Essex, I was placed in Emanuel College
with a reverend tutor, President of the house, called Mr. Charles
Chadwick, where I was allowed 20_l._ per annum during my father's
life, besides books, apparel, and other necessaries.
In the year 1589, about the 6th day of September, it pleased God[181]
to call to his mercy my reverend loving father, whose loss proved
afterward my utter undoing almost, had not God been more merciful
unto me; for leaving all things to my mother's directions, her fatal
matching with a most wicked husband, one Mr. Thomas Nunn,[182] a
Minister, brought a general ruin both to herself and whole family.
Some two months after my father's decease or thereabouts, my eldest
sister Rachel was married to one Mr. Newman, Minister of Canewdon in
Essex, a man of most dissolute life, with whom she not long enjoyed,
for God, of his great mercy, took her and delivered her from a most
miserable and slavish life wherein she lived with him; by whom he had
two children, but both died.
By reason of my mother's cross matching, my means of maintenance
being wholly taken from me, and having no hopes of exhibition from
any friend, I was forced after four years continuance in Cambridge,
my graces for Bachelor of Art being passed both in house and town, to
abandon the University presently after Christmas in anno 1590.
At Candlemas after, I, by the instant persuasion of my mother, was
contented to put myself to be an apprentice to become a shipwright
(my father's profession) and was bound a covenant servant[183] to
one Mr. Richard Chapman of Deptford Strond in Kent, one of her
Majesty's Master Shipwrights, and one whom my father had bred of a
child to that profession, my allowance from him to find myself tools
and apparel being bare but 46 shillings and 8 pence per annum. This
man I served almost two years altogether at Chatham in the Queen's
Majesty's Works, and then he died; where I spent all that time, God
he knoweth, to very little purpose.
After my foresaid master his death, I laboured to have served Mr.
Mathew Baker, one of her Majesty's Master Shipwrights also; but by
the working of one Mr. Peter Buck,[184] then Clerk of the Check at
Chatham, and some other back friends, I was crossed in my service
and so put to my shifts, and left to the wide world without either
comfort or friend, but only God.
At this time my eldest brother by my father's side, Mr. Joseph
Pett, succeeded in my father's place, one of her Majesty's Master
Shipwrights, which preferment no doubt God brought him to the better
to enable him to have given his help to us; but we found it clean
contrary, for he was not only careless of us all and left us to our
fortunes, but became also so unkind a brother to two of us, my own
brother Noah and myself, that he was forced to leave his native
country and seek comfort in Ireland with an uncle of ours, own
brother to my mother, called George Thornton, an ancient and well
experienced sea captain; where he shortly after was drowned in the
river of Cork; and myself was constrained to ship myself to sea upon
a desperate voyage in a man of war,[185] not greatly caring what
became of me.
I was shipped on this voyage a little before Christmas in anno 1592,
in a ship called the Gallion Constance of London, of burden of 200
tons or thereabouts, belonging to a gentleman of Suffolk, one Captain
Edward Glenham,[186] for the carpenter's mate, the master carpenter
being one Edward Goodale, born in Deptford. To my setting out to
sea, I found not any of my kindred so kind as to help me, either
with money or clothes, or any other comfort; only another brother I
had by my father's side, Peter Pett, dwelling then at Wapping, that
vouchsafed me lodging and meat and drink till the ship was ready to
set sail; one William King, a yeoman in Essex and a stranger to me,
lent me 3_l._ in ready money to help to furnish my necessaries, which
afterward I repaid him again.
In this voyage I endured much misery for want of victuals and
apparel; and after twenty months spent in the Levant Seas, coasts of
Barbary and Spain, with many hazards both of loss of life and time,
without taking any purchase[187] of any value, we, extreme poorly,
returned for Ireland into the river of Cork; and there taking leave
both of ship and voyage, I travelled to Dublin[188] to visit my uncle
Captain Thornton and my brother Noah, being then master with him in
the Popinjay of the Queen's Majesty's; and presently after bent my
course for England, taking passage at the town of Waterford.
With some difficulty I got to London, some three days before
Christmas in anno 1594, having neither money nor apparel, and took
up my lodging at my brother Peter's house in Wapping, before spoken
of, who, although I was returned very poor, yet vouchsafed me kind
entertainment. The next day I presented myself to my brother Joseph,
who very coyly receiving me, out of his bounty lent me 40_s._ to
apparel myself, which I bestowed as frugally as I could in Birchin
Lane in London, contenting myself as well as I could with mean
attire, till such time as it should please God to provide better for
me.
At that time it so fell out that there were certain of her Majesty's
ships appointed to be made ready for the voyage of Sir Francis Drake
and Sir John Hawkyns, amongst which the Defiance[189] was to be
brought into Woolwich Dock to be sheathed; which work being commended
to my brother Joseph's charge, he was contented to admit me amongst
many others to be one, where I was contented to take any pains to
get something to apparel myself, which by God's blessing I performed
before Easter next after, and that in very good fashion, always
endeavouring to keep company with men of good rank far better than
myself.
In the latter end of this year 1594 about the beginning of Lent, I
lost my dear brother Noah, who was drowned in Cork river with eight
more of his company, and lieth buried in Cork church in Ireland.
About Bartholomew tide in anno 1595, the Triumph of her Majesty's
was had into Woolwich Dock to be new builded by Mr. Mathew Baker,
under whom I was entertained there as an ordinary workman and had
allowed me a boy, which was John Wood, being the first servant that
I ever kept; but presently after Mr. Baker was appointed to leave
that business, and had order to go in hand with the building of a
great new ship at Deptford, called afterward the Repulse,[190] and
was admiral of my Lord's of Essex squadron in the Cadiz journey. The
Triumph[191] was then appointed to my brother Joseph's charge, with
whom I a while continued, but, finding him altogether unwilling to
prefer[192] me in his work as next under him, with some passage of
discontent betwixt us, I left him, and had ready entertainment by
Mr. Baker in his new business at Deptford, yet no otherwise than an
ordinary workman; with whom I continued from the beginning of the
foresaid ship, till she was wholly finished, launched, and set sail
of her voyage from Woolwich, which was about the latter end of April
1596.
All that winter, in the evenings, commonly I spent my time to good
purposes, as in cyphering, drawing, and practising to attain the
knowledge of my profession, and I then found Mr. Baker sometime
forward to give me instructions, from whose help I must acknowledge I
received my greatest lights. At this time also the Lord Admiral[193]
lay most of the winter at his house[194] at Deptford, by reason
whereof I got some acquaintance amongst his men, and was much
importuned to have attended his Lordship in that journey,[195] which
no doubt might have proved very much both profitable and beneficial
unto me, besides it would have brought me in acquaintance and favour
with my Lord Admiral, but some other reasons restrained me from all
these likelihoods and kept me at home, to my no small hindrance as it
fell out.
After I was discharged from the Repulse, my brother Joseph
entertained me at Woolwich upon the Triumph, upon which ship I
wrought till her launching and the discharge of the men from her, and
afterwards was employed at my brother's, at Limehouse, upon a small
model for the Lord Treasurer[196] his house called Theobalds,[197]
and the next winter I spent in Essex, at Paglesham[198] in Rochford
Hundred, as overseer for my brother Peter in certain woods he had
bought there.
About this time, was I very desirous, by the instigation of some
special friends of mine, to have been a follower of the Lord of
Essex, and was three several times brought purposely to have been
presented unto his lordship, but was every time delayed by reason of
his great state[199] affairs, the Lord of heaven having other ways in
his secret wisdom determined to dispose of me.
In the latter end of March succeeding, or beginning of April 1597,
by the means of one Mr. Gilbert Wood, one of the Lord Admiral's
Chamber, an especial good friend of mine, I was presented to the Lord
High Admiral of England, at his Manor at Chelsea, where his lordship
was pleased not only to accept me as his servant, but also openly
shewed such extraordinary respect of me as I had much cause to give
God thanks, who no doubt had stirred his honourable heart to regard
me, but a simple and mean fellow, even far beyond my expectation or
desert, and this was the very first beginning of my rising.
In the beginning of this year, 1597, my dear and loving mother
deceased at Weston in Suffolk, not far from Bury, and lieth buried
in the parish church there. A little after midsummer in the same
year, I was employed by my brother Joseph Pett, in his yard at
Limehouse, upon the repairing of a great Flemish ship of whom was
master Mr. John King of Limehouse, where I first came acquainted
with him, and in his company and Mr. Nicolas Simonson of Limehouse,
I was first brought acquainted at Highwood Hill[200] where I first
fell in love with my now wife, which was about St. James' tide.[201]
About Bartholomew tide[202] next following, the Elizabeth Jonas
was brought into her Majesty's Dock at Woolwich, and there was the
first preferment my brother Joseph holp me with, making me principal
overseer of that business under him. During all the time of this
work, we both lodged and dieted at old Mr. Lydiard's[203] in the yard.
During the continuance of this work I did not neglect my wooing,
having taken such a liking of the maiden that I determined resolutely
(by God's help) either to match with her or never to marry any; the
which I with much difficulty (praised be God) at length achieved, all
my own kindred being much against my matching with her, by reason of
some controversies grown twixt Mr. Nicolas Simonson and them.
Toward the end of February in this present year, I took the lease
of a new house (of Mr. William Borough,[204] then Comptroller of
her Majesty's Navy) at Limehouse by the through head,[205] which to
some charge I fitted for my dwelling, although I remained not in it
little more than two years, paying 11_l._ yearly rent, and 20_l._
income.[206]
I was married to my now wife Ann, the daughter of Richard Nicholls
of Highwood Hill in the parish of Hendon in Middlesex, a man of good
report and honest stock, the 15th day of May 1598 at Stepney Church
upon a Monday in the forenoon. I kept my wedding at my own charge in
my new dwelling house at Limehouse, accompanied with my brothers and
sisters, my wife's parents, and divers of her friends and kindred.
About midsummer after, was the Elizabeth Jonas launched out of
Woolwich Dock, and sudden preparation made to have received her
Majesty aboard the ship riding afloat; but upon some unknown reasons
her Majesty came not at all, for even at that instant had one Mr.
Wiggs[207] procured commission about examination of certain abuses
in the Navy, which was pursued with a great deal of malice against
divers particular men but with little profit to her Majesty's service.
From midsummer, all the ensuing year, till Christmas I lay still and
idle without any manner employment or comings in but what my servants
got with working now and then abroad, which was very little and
hardly able to buy me food.
About Christmas my honourable lord and master the Lord High Admiral
commended me to an employment in Suffolk and Norfolk for the
finishing of a purveyance of timber and plank formerly undertaken by
one Child of Sole,[208] who dealt in Norfolk and, dying, left the
business in much disorder.
And one Robert Ungle[209] who dealt in Suffolk and, for divers
abuses by him there committed, fled the country and left all the
service in great disorder and spoil; for the rectifying of which
abuses, saving of her Majesty's provisions, and discharging of the
countries,[210] it pleased my Lord to make choice of me to undertake
the same, and to take order to send in all the said provisions
of timber and plank; which accordingly I did, using all care and
diligence in the performance of the same, both to the content of her
Majesty's service, my Lord Admiral and the Officers of the Navy, and
the satisfaction of all countries where I had to do. Notwithstanding
through the malicious envy of old Mathew Baker, Bright, Adye, and
others[211] all my doings and accounts were throughly sifted, but
thanks be to God nothing could be proved against me, so that I had
all my bills passed quietly; but by reason Mr. Fulke Greville,[212]
being then Treasurer of the Navy, did not greatly affect[213]
me, by cause of some particular spleens between him and Mr. John
Trevor,[214] then newly made Surveyor, who was my especial and
worshipful friend, he laid a rub[215] in my way, cutting me off
wrongfully of twenty pounds in my accounts after all my bills were
passed and signed by the hands of the Principal Officers, according
to the custom of the Navy.
All this year of 1599, I spent wholly in this service, in which time
these occurrences happened.
After the decease of my dear and loving mother there were left under
the keeping of my father-in-law,[216] Thomas Nunn, then Minister of
Weston in Suffolk, three sisters, vide: Abigail Pett, Elizabeth and
Mary, the youngest, and one brother named Peter Pett, who was put
out to a gentleman's house in Suffolk to teach his children, the
daughters remaining all at home with him, he being then lately again
married.
He used himself to them as a stern and cruel father-in-law, not
contented that he had brought a general ruin upon my mother's whole
family by cosening us of all that was left us, but proceeded further,
even to blood, for upon a slight occasion about making clean his
cloak, being wet and dirty with riding a journey the day before, he
furiously fell upon my eldest sister Abigail, beating her so cruelly
with a pair of tongs and a great firebrand that she died within three
days upon that beating and was privately by his means buried; but God
that would not let murder pass unrevenged, stirred up the hearts of
his own parishioners and neighbours, who, complaining to the Justice,
caused the body to be taken up, and so by the coroner's inquest that
passed upon her and miraculous tokens of the dead corpse, as fresh
bleeding, sensible opening of one of her eyes, and other things, he
was found guilty of her death and so committed and bound over to
answer the matter at next General Assizes to be held at Bury, which
was in the Lent after, being in this year 1599, and in the time of my
employment in Suffolk and Norfolk.
Upon his committing, my two other poor sisters were put by the
justices to the keeping of the town of Weston, till the assizes[217]
were past, at whose hands I received them at Bury in a miserable
fashion, not having clothes nor any necessaries fit for them; the
charge of their board I was glad to defray to the constable, and
all the charge of the assizes, where both they and my young brother
were bound to give in evidence against our father-in-law, to whom
we shewed more mercy than he did to us, whom our spoil would not
content, but he thirsted also our blood. In his arraignment Sir John
Popham, then Lord Chief Justice of England and Chief Judge of that
circuit, shewed such true justice (notwithstanding great means was
made for him, not only by his friends, but by the clergy of that
country), that all his cruelty and wicked proceedings was laid open
and he, convict of manslaughter by the jury, was committed to prison
to sue for the benefit of the Queen's pardon,[218] from whence being
shortly freed, he, by God's just revenging hand, lived but a short
time after.
From the assizes at Bury I sent my brother and my two sisters home to
my wife at Limehouse, being no small charge to me, being but newly
married and having little means but my hands to bring in anything,
yet I refused not to do the duty of a brother to them to the utmost
of my power; the eldest of my sisters, called Elizabeth, by means of
friends I placed in London with a gentlewoman of good fashion, where
she continued not long, but came home sick and died at my house as
we doubted of the plague. My youngest sister sickened also shortly
after, but it proved the small pox.
In all these extremities I had little help from my brothers, who
were bound in conscience to have had some care of them, the small
portions they had being in the hands of my eldest brother Joseph, yet
no relief came from him towards their maintenance or bringing up; but
being but half brothers and sisters they thought them less bound to
do them good and therefore left all the burden upon me, worst able of
all to bear it.
My youngest sister Mary, recovering her sickness, continued with me
in my house contenting herself with such breeding as I could give
her; from whence she never removed till she was married from me.
My young brother Peter, about the end of November, I placed with a
worshipful gentleman, Doctor Hone,[219] in the Arches,[220] as one of
his clerks, where he might have lived well if he would have stayed
with him.
In December this year, 1599, I began a small model, which being
perfected and very exquisitely set out and rigged, I presented it to
my good friend Mr. John Trevor, who very kindly accepted the same of
me.
In the beginning of this year, I, having no employment, determined
with myself to have bought some part of a castle carvel[221] and to
have gone in her myself; whereby I hoped (by God's blessing) to have
gotten an honest and convenient maintenance, and to that end I began
to follow one John Goodwin of London, professor of the mathematics,
with whom I spent three days in a week in practice, and so was
purposed to have continued the whole year till the spring following;
but God, who in his secret counsel had otherwise decreed of me,
altered all my determinations, for upon the 25th day of June I was
sent for to the Court, lying then at Greenwich, by my honourable lord
and master the Lord High Admiral who, after some speeches expressing
both his love and honourable care of me, his lordship concluded to
send me down to Chatham, where I was to succeed in the place of one
John Holding, a shipwright that was keeper of the plank yard timber
and other provisions (upon some displeasure turned out of all), the
means whereof being but small, as 18_d._ per diem and 6_l._ per annum
fee for myself, and allowance for one servant at 16_d._ per diem.
I was very unwilling to undertake so mean a place, by the which I was
neither sure of competent maintenance nor of any reputation, but that
I was encouraged by the persuasions of my ever honourable lord, who
comforted me with promises of better preferment to the utmost of his
power; whereupon I being contented to accept his lordship's offer,
I was, the 27th of the same month of June, placed at Chatham by Sir
Henry Palmer, then Comptroller, Mr. John Trevor, Surveyor, and Mr.
Peter Buck, Clerk of the Ships.
At this time there was grown very high terms of unkindness between my
brother Joseph and me about my poor sisters and brother, because he
did not only deny to be any ways contributory to their maintenance
but also made the neighbours believe that they were brought up at his
charge in my house, because he would not be troubled with them, when
God knoweth he never disbursed halfpenny to their bringing up, nor
cared what became of them.
Now upon this occasion of my placing at Chatham, we were reconciled
and ever after lived together as loving brethren. It also happened
that Sir Fulke Greville, then Treasurer, continuing his spleen
against me for Mr. Trevor's sake, opposed me all he could, which
after turned me to much trouble.
About the time of my coming to Chatham, Mr. Barker, the lord of
the Manor, was removed to a house he had bought at Boley Hill[222]
by Rochester, by reason whereof his Manor House wherein he formerly
dwelt at Chatham was void, the which house by means of my brother
Joseph's encouragement I ventured upon and took a lease for
twenty-one years, paying 25_l._ income, the which lease was sealed
unto me the 17th day of October, 1600.
The 16th day of June in this year my youngest brother Peter, having,
against all the consent of his friends and without their knowledge,
forsaken his worshipful master Doctor Hone's service and betaken
himself to disordered courses, sickened at London at the sign of the
Dolphin in Water Lane, and the 21st day after deceased of the small
pox before I knew he was sick, whose charge both of his sickness
and funeral I was at, and saw him seemly interred, accompanied with
a good company of my friends, in Barking churchyard[223] in Tower
Street, the 23rd of the same month of June 1600.
The 24th October, having bestowed all my poor stock upon the lease of
my house and the furnishing of the same in some convenient manner,
I shipped the same in [an] hoy of Rainham[224] and so removed to
Chatham, myself going down in the hoy; where I missed a great danger,
for at the west end of the Nore about 3 of the clock in the morning,
25th day, we were like to be surprised by a picking Dunkirk[225] full
of men who, being at our passing by (although it was very dark) at an
anchor, suddenly weighed and gave us chase, and had boarded us had
not God prevented him by our bearing up, the wind being at east; and
running ourselves on shore within the Swatch,[226] the next day we
got safe as high as Gillingham.
My dwelling house at Limehouse I passed away with a great deal of
loss, both of income, rent and wainscotting to the value of 50_l._,
putting it over at 10_l._ per annum, when I was bound by lease to pay
11_l._ Yet was I glad to be rid of it upon any condition.
Presently after Christyde[227] my wife, being great with child, fell
sick at Chatham and grew so weak that I was forced, about the 10th of
March following, to remove her, not without great hazard, to London,
and from there to her father's house at Highwood Hill in Middlesex,
where the 23rd day of March after, thanks be given to God, she was
delivered of her first born son, John Pett; from whence she returned
to Chatham in safety some two months after.
Much about this time I was made an assistant to the Master
Shipwrights at Chatham, in the room of Thomas Bodman. In this year
the first business I undertook was the repairing of the Lion's Whelp
hauled up at the storehouse end at Chatham.
In the year 1602 I also new built the Moon, hauled up in the same
place, enlarging her both in length and breadth, and this year also,
I, with Mr. Pickasee, undertook the victualling of the shipwrights
and caulkers at Chatham, which we continued only two months, to our
great loss; which we could never get recompensed by reason Mr. Fulke
Greville continued my heavy enemy, and was content to receive and
countenance informations against me, because he could not win me to
such conditions as he laboured me in, both against my good friend
Sir John Trevor (who then lay very dangerously sick at Plymouth)
and against many others serving with me at Chatham. The principal
informer and stirrer in this business against me was one George
Collins, sometimes carpenter of the Foresight, a very stubborn and
malicious fellow, who by Mr. Greville's countenance was suffered to
sue me at the common law upon an action of trespass for striking him
with a little rod upon the shoulder in the Queen's yard at Chatham,
upon a cause of mutiny in the time of victualling; and so little
relief had I against him, notwithstanding my Lord Admiral's favour,
that I was forced to compound with him and gave him 20 nobles[228]
ready money for satisfaction. Thus it pleased God to exercise me with
continual trouble and hindrances in the beginning of my service.
In November this present year, 1602, Mr. Greville, having undertaken
the preparation of a Fleet with her Majesty, to be ready fitted to
sea by a set time, was contented (upon my promise to him to procure
the said Fleet to be fitted in six weeks) to receive me to his
favour, which promise I accordingly (by God's gracious assistance)
fully accomplished; by which means I had gained his love, favour and
good opinion, had there not happened a sudden alteration by the death
of her Majesty which presently followed.
The 18th day of March 1603,[229] my wife was delivered of her second
son, Henry, at my house at Chatham.
The 24th day of the same month, her Majesty of sacred memory deceased
at Richmond.
The same day his Majesty, whom God grant long to reign, was
proclaimed at Westminster, London, and other places, and the next
day, being Friday and market day, at Rochester.
This year happened the great plague throughout England, but
especially about London, by reason whereof many removed from thence
into divers places in the country where they had any friends or means
of succour.
In the middle of July my brother Joseph, with his wife and children,
removed from his house at Limehouse to Ipswich.
To transport them thither by sea I procured a small pinnace of his
Majesty's to be prepared ready, called the Primrose, and manning
her with my good friends and neighbours as Boatswain Vale,[230]
David Duck, Mr. Rock, Robert Perin, Jarvis Mins, and divers others,
together with myself, we embarked at Chatham the 14th of July, 1603,
and in Tilbury Hope took in our passengers; and the 16th day in the
afternoon landed them safely at Ipswich, where of their friends
we received very great entertainment, staying there about 4 days;
and the 21st day we arrived again at Chatham, thanks be to God, in
health, about 4 of the clock in the afternoon.
The sickness beginning to be very hot at Chatham, upon the
persuasions of some of my friends I removed my wife and children
from thence to my wife's father's in Middlesex, shipping them away
in the same vessel I had to Ipswich, and landing at Dagenham[231] in
Essex, had horses there met us, and so journeyed to Highwood Hill.
This voyage was taken from Chatham the 16th of August; we came to
Highwood Hill the 19th day, where my wife and children remained
till the 3rd of October following, which day we took our journey to
Dagenham, where the next day we were stayed by a great rain, but the
4th day we came over the ferry at Greenhithe[232] and safely home,
thanks be given to God, at 4 of the clock that afternoon.
This summer I began to new-build the Answer, being hauled up and
blocked at the end of the storehouse at Chatham.
The 10th of November my landlord Mr. Barker, with some of his family,
sojourned with me at Chatham, where they remained till the 28th day
of the same month, and then returned to their own house at Boley Hill.
During this time I divers times solicited my brother to be joined
patentee with him, but his remissness caused me to overslip
opportunity so long that one Mr. Stevens[233] of Limehouse, this
year, by means of some great friends about my Lord Admiral, got a
general reversion of all the Master Shipwrights' places, cutting
me off from all hopes of any timely preferment, to my great
discouragement considering what pains I took at Chatham to further
his Majesty's service.
When I was most dejected with the conceit of this injury, as I
took it, it pleased God of His great mercy to me, even then when I
least expected any such thing, to raise me up a means of some hope
of preferment after this manner; for about the 15th of January,
being at Ratcliff with my wife, to christen her sister Simonson's
daughter Martha, there was, unknown unto me, a letter sent post to
Chatham from my honourable Lord Admiral, commanding me with all
possible speed to build a little vessel for the young prince Henry
to disport himself in above London Bridge, and to acquaint his Grace
with shipping and the manner of that element, setting me down the
proportions and the manner of her garnishing, which was to be like
the work of the Ark Royal, battlement wise. This little ship was in
length by the keel 25 foot, and 12 foot in breadth, garnished with
painting and carving both within board and without very curiously,
according to his Lordship's directions. I laid her keel the 19th day
of January, wrought upon her as well day as all night by torch and
candle lights under a great awning made with sails for that purpose.
The 6th day of March after, I launched the ship, being upon a
Tuesday, with a noise[234] of trumpets, drums, and such like
ceremonies at such time used.
I set sail with her on the Friday after, being the 9th day, from
Chatham. Between the Nore head and the east end of Tilbury we had
a very great storm, so that it was Sunday before we could get
Gravesend; and on Monday morning, being the 12th day, we anchored
at Blackwall. Mr. George Wilson, then boatswain of the Lion, was
master with me, and myself captain, and I was manned with almost all
boatswains of the Navy and other choice men.
On Wednesday, being the 14th day of March, by my Lord Admiral's
commandment we weighed from Limehouse, and anchored right against
the Tower before the King's lodgings, his Majesty then lying there
before his riding through London. There the young Prince, accompanied
with the Lord Admiral and divers of the Lords, came and took great
pleasure in beholding of the ship, being furnished at all points
with ensigns and pendants. The 16th day, being Friday, we unrigged
and shot the bridge, and the 17th day we rigged again and received
both ordnance and powder from the Tower.
On Sunday in the afternoon, being the 18th day, fitted with a noise
of trumpets and drums and fife, we weighed and turned up with the
wind at south-west as high as Lambeth, with multitudes of boats and
people attending upon us. As we passed by Whitehall, I saluted the
Court with a volley of small shot and our great ordnance, and upon
the ebb, turning down again, we did the like, and then taking in our
sails we came to an anchor right against the Privy Stairs.
On Monday the 19th day his Majesty went by barge to the Parliament.
We shot our great and small ordnance of round,[235] both at his
taking barge and landing.
All Tuesday and Wednesday we rode still, without doing anything but
giving entertainment to gentlemen of the King's and Prince's servants
that hourly came aboard of us.
On Thursday morning, being the 22nd day, I received a commandment
from the Lord Admiral to prepare the ship and all things fitting
to receive the young prince aboard of us in the afternoon; who
accordingly presently[236] after dinner came aboard us in his barge
accompanied with the Lord High Admiral, Earl of Worcester, and divers
other noblemen. We presently weighed and fell down as far as Paul's
Wharf,[237] under both our topsails and foresail, and there came to
an anchor; and then his Grace,[238] according to the manner in such
cases used, with a great bowl of wine christened the ship and called
her by the name of the Disdain.
His Grace then withdrawing himself with the lords into the great
cabin, there my honourable lord, and till then master,[239] with his
own hands presented me to his Grace, using many favourable words
(beyond my deserts) in my commendations, with this addition, that I
was a servant worthy the acceptance of the greatest prince of the
world. From his hands it pleased his Grace very thankfully to receive
me as his servant, with many promises of his princely favour to me.
The next day, being Friday and the 23rd of March, it pleased my Lord
Admiral to entreat my worthy friend Sir John[240] Trevor to accompany
me to the Lord Thomas Howard, then Lord Chamberlain, from whom
receiving a ticket, I was sent to St. James', the Prince's house,
where by Mr. Alexander and Mr. Abington, then gentlemen ushers, I was
sworn his Grace's servant, and by them presented to the Prince before
he went to dinner, with as much favour and respect as I could desire.
During this time of my attendance at the Court as his Grace's Captain
of his ship, it pleased my honourable Lord Admiral to give order
to Sir Thomas Windebank,[241] one of the Clerks of the Signet, to
draw me a bill for the reversion of Mr. Baker's or my brother Joseph
Pett's place, which first should happen to be void, notwithstanding
the letters patent formerly granted to Mr. Stevens; which accordingly
was with all expedition performed, and the 11th of April following
was presented to his Majesty and signed, and shortly after passed the
great seal; for the whole charge whereof I gave Sir Thomas Windebank
17_l._ About the same time Sir Robert Mansell had his patent passed
for the Treasurer of his Majesty's Navy.
The 3rd of May, after my return to Chatham from my attendance at
Court, I began to set up a small ship at Gillingham in David Duck's
yard at my own charges; and the 17th day of the same month also
was launched the Answer, whom I had new built, who by carelessness
ran off before her time without any great hurt, thanks be to God
therefor. About the midst of June following, the preparation was
begun for the entertainment of his Majesty aboard the ships at
Chatham, where I took both extraordinary care and pains, which my
envious enemies Mr. Baker and Mr. Bright sought by all means to
disgrace, even at the instant time when his Majesty was to come on
board the Elizabeth; but the Lord diverted all their malice by the
countenance of my old master the Lord Admiral who, approving my
honest endeavours and finding the success answerable in all respects
to his Lordship's expectation, dismissed them with sharp rebukes and
encouraged me with no small commendation. This happened the 4th of
July, 1604.
The 12th of November after, I launched the new ship at Gillingham,
which was begun in May preceding, and called _her[242] name_ the
Resistance.
_And in the beginning_ of December following _I carried her up to_
Limehouse, and _there hauled her on shore at the_ south _side of my
brother Joseph's wharf, where she lay till I had sold away part of
her_.
_The 21st of January following I sold one-third part of her to Sir
Robert Mansell and another third to Sir John Trevor, and the other
third I reserved to myself._
I rigged her and prepared her with all her furniture to attend the
Lord High Admiral of England in his journey into Spain when he went
Ambassador, and made ready the Bear and the rest of his Majesty's
ships at Chatham that went that voyage, myself being commanded by
his Lordship to wait upon him in his own ship, the Bear, which
accordingly I performed.
The 24th of March I took my leave of the most noble Prince my master
at Greenwich, being Sunday in the afternoon; and the 28th day of the
same month following I took leave of my wife and children at Chatham
and attended the Lord Ambassador on board the Bear in his own barge,
the whole fleet then riding at Queenborough, from whence we set sail
the last day, being Sunday and Easter day.
The 4th day of April _we[243] came to an anchor_ in _Dover Road, and
the 10th day after we lost the sight of the Lizard. The next day,
being the 11th, the Lord Ambassador sent me aboard my own ship, the
Resistance, with one Captain Morgan, with certain directions, to the
Groyne.[244] But by the overbearing of Captain Morgan, his Lordship
altering his determination came into the Groyne two days before us,
where we also arrived the 16th day, being Tuesday._
The 20th of April, being Saturday, I set sail with the Resistance out
of the Groyne, with instructions to go for Lisbon, where I arrived
the 24th after, and there stayed to despatch my affairs till the 9th
day of May following; from whence I set sail for St. Lucar,[245] and
arrived there the 11th day in the afternoon, being Saturday; from
whence I went by passage boat, leaving my ship at Bonanza,[246] to
Seville;[247] from whence, after three days stay there, I returned to
my ship the 17th day of the same month.
From St. Lucar I set sail the 2nd day of June, and plying it up for
Cape St. Mary's[248] with a contrary wind, I put room[249] the 5th
day for Cales[250] road, from whence, putting to sea again the 8th
day, I arrived back again at the Groyne the 19th day, according as
my instructions directed me. Where going ashore to the Governor and
understanding the fleet to be all gone to St. Anderas[251] and that
the Lord Ambassador was already (as he said) embarked for England, I
put to sea again presently, directing my course for England. The 23rd
day I made the Start, and the 26th day of June, being Wednesday, I
landed at Rye in the forenoon; from whence I came post to my house at
Chatham, with much rain, thunder, and lightning all the way, where I
lighted about 10 of the clock at night.
In the midst of July, after my return home, I let out my ship, the
Resistance, to merchants for a voyage into the Straits by the month,
one Mr. Burgess going master, and my friend William Gibbons, his mate
and purser. I docked her, sheathed her, and fitted her, and she went
from Gravesend the 23rd day of August following.
In the midst of October following I made a journey into Hampshire, to
make a survey of a part of the forest of East Bere,[252] being then
in the occupation of the Right Honourable the Earl of Worcester, of
whom, after my return, Sir Robert Mansell and Sir John Trevor bought
3000 trees.
At my return to London from that journey I found my eldest brother
Joseph Pett, then dwelling at Limehouse, very dangerously sick, of
the which he never recovered but departed this life the 15th day of
November about 9 of the clock in the forenoon, being Friday.
He was buried in the chancel in Stepney Church the 18th day of
November in the forenoon, accompanied with my good friends Sir Robert
Mansell, Sir Henry Palmer, Sir John Trevor, then Principal Officers
of His Majesty's Navy, and many other good friends and neighbours,
who after the funeral returned to my brother's house, where they all
were welcomed with a very great dinner and feast.
Presently after my brother's decease, it pleased my very good lord,
the Lord High Admiral, to grant his warrant for my entrance into my
brother's place, to the effect of my letters patent, notwithstanding
the claim made unto it by one Edward Stevens[253] of Limehouse,
who had formerly procured a general reversion of all the Master
Shipwrights' places, but by reason the fee was mistaken, wherein
his Majesty was abused and charged with an innovation, he could not
prevail in his claim, albeit he often petitioned the Lords of the
Council and made great friends against me; yet it pleased God, by
the noble favour of the Prince my master, and the Lord Admiral's
countenance, I enjoyed my place with a general approbation both of
the State and Officers; and so finished this year of 1605.
I had forgotten[254] to insert in his proper place the birth of two
sons, which it pleased God were born unto me, the eldest whereof
named John was born at Highwood Hill, in my wife's father's house, in
the Parish of Hendon in Middlesex, the 23rd day of March, 1600. The
second son named Henry was born in my house at Chatham in Kent the
18th of March in anno Domini 1602.
The 12th of January following I began a journey into Hampshire,
into the forest of East Bere, where I spent the rest of that month
in making choice of the trees were bought of the Earl of Worcester;
which business performed, and my good friend David Duck undertaking
the whole charge of the same in the behalf of Sir Robert Mansell
and Sir John Trevor, I returned home to my house at Chatham in the
beginning of February.
The 21st of June succeeding it pleased God my wife was safely
delivered of our third son Richard Pett at my house in Chatham.
The 8th day of July I took another journey into Hampshire into Bere
forest, as well to survey how the business was ordered as to carry
down money to David Duck; from whence I returned home the 14th day of
the same month.
The 17th day of July, his Majesty the noble King of Denmark arrived
in England, against whose coming, being but only supposed some two
months before, I received private directions from the Lord Admiral
and some of the Principal Officers to have all the ships put into a
comely readiness, which accordingly was performed in a decent and
warlike manner, as if they had been prepared to sea; but upon the
news of his certain arrival they were all rigged and furnished with
their ordnance, and a great preparation was made aboard the Elizabeth
Jonas and the Bear, for entertaining the Kings, Queen, Prince, and
all the other State and Troupes;[255] wherein I confess I strove
extraordinarily to express my service for the honour of the Kingdom,
but by reason the time limited was short, and the business great, we
laboured night and day to effect it; which accordingly was performed,
to the great honour of our sovereign King and Master and no less
admiration of all strangers that were eye witnesses of the same.
The solemnity of this entertainment was performed the 10th day of
August, being Sunday. At this time Sir Oliver Cromwell[256] and other
gentlemen, my good friends, were lodged at my house.
Presently after the King of Denmark was returned into his own
country, order was taken by the Lords of his Majesty's Council,
together with the Lord Admiral, for the dry docking of four of his
Majesty's ships, videlicet, the Ark Royal, the Victory, the Golden
Lion, and the Swiftsure; the two latter being appointed to be docked
at Deptford, commended to the charge of old Mathew Baker; the other
two, being ships royal, appointed to Woolwich and committed to my
charge (by reason the Victory was given by the King to the Prince,
whose servant I being, it was held fit to be most proper to me, which
bred me no small trouble and question afterward).[257]
About the beginning of September following I received warrant and
directions from the Principal Officers of the Navy for preparing the
dock at Woolwich to receive the ships formerly appointed for that
place; which accordingly being effected, the 8th of October ensuing I
docked the Victory, and the next day after, being Thursday, I docked
the Ark, hastened the shutting in of the dock gates, shored them, and
discharged my company the 3rd day of November following; but the 21st
day of the same month I had order to press in new men, to rip and lay
open the state of the ships, which in a short time being performed, I
discharged my company the 11th of December after.
Towards the fine of January ensuing, I received warrant for the
surveying of the forest of Alice Holt[258] in Hampshire, and the
forest of Shotover near Oxford. I began my journey thither from
London the 27th day of the same month, and returned back to London
the second day of February, with a good account of my service; within
short time after, warrants being granted for the number of trees to
be taken in both these places, I substituted my brother Peter, my
purveyor in Alice Holt, and one Richard Meritt, purveyor for Shotover.
About the 15th day of April 1607, I received warrant for going in
hand with the ships at Woolwich, whereupon I removed thither with my
household presently after, and began first to work upon the Ark with
a small company, till provisions could be brought in to put on more
workmen, which was not till the beginning of August following, at
which time I began to victual all the workmen, on a Monday, being the
3rd day of the same month.
The 25th day of the same month, I was elected and sworn Master of the
Company of Shipwrights, and kept a solemn feast with a great number
of our friends, well stored with venison, at the King's Head in New
Fish Street.[259]
After my settling at Woolwich I began a curious model for the Prince
my master, most part whereof I wrought with my own hands; which being
most fairly garnished with carving and painting, and placed in a
frame arched, covered, and curtained with crimson taffety, was, the
10th day of November, by me presented to the Lord High Admiral at his
lodging at Whitehall. His Lordship, well approving of it, after I
had supped with his honour that night, gave me commandment to carry
the same to Richmond, where the Prince my master then lay; which
accordingly was performed the next day after, being Tuesday and the
11th day.
On Wednesday morning, being the 12th day, having acquainted Sir
David Murray[260] with my business, and he delivering the same to
his Highness, order was given to have the model brought and placed
in a private room in the long gallery, where his Highness determined
to see it in the afternoon, but my ever honoured old lord and
master, unknown to me, studying by all means to do me good, had
acquainted his Majesty with this thing, and the same day, unlooked
for of any, procured his Majesty to make a purposed[261] journey
from Whitehall to Richmond, to see the same model, whither he came
in the afternoon about 3 of the clock, accompanied only with the
Prince, the Lord Admiral and one or two attendants. His Majesty was
exceedingly delighted with the sight of the model, and spent some
time in questioning me divers material things concerning the same,
and demanding whether I would build the great ship in all points like
to the same, for I will (said his Majesty) compare them together when
she shall be finished.
Then the Lord Admiral commanded me to report to his Majesty the story
of the 3 ravens I had seen at Lisbon, in St. Vincent's Church,[262]
which I did as well as I could, with my best expression, though
somewhat daunted at the first at his Majesty's presence, having never
before this time spoken before any King. It pleased his Majesty to
accept all things in good part, and to use me very graciously; and so
returned back to Whitehall again the same night.
The succeeding year brought with it many great troubles, for the Lord
of Northampton having, by the instigation of some that were no great
well willers to the honourable Admiral and some of the Principal
Officers of his Majesty's Navy in especial favour with his Lordship,
had procured a great and large[263] commission from his Majesty
for the inquiring of all abuses and misdemeanours committed by all
Officers in their several places, under colour of reformation and
saving great sums to his Majesty, which he expended yearly in the
maintenance of his ships; which inquisition was presented with such
extremity of malice as not only many were brought into great question
and tossed to and fro before the commissioners at Westminster, to
their no small charge and vexation, but the government itself of that
Royal Office was so shaken and disjointed as brought almost imminent
ruin upon the whole Navy, and a far greater charge to his Majesty
in his yearly expense, than was ever known before. In this great
inquisition it pleased God, for punishment of my sins, to suffer me
to be grievously persecuted and publicly arraigned, as shall be in
his proper place at more large described.
The parties informers[264] were many, whereof some were principal
members of the Navy and had been raised from nothing by the noble
favours of the good Lord Admiral, against whom they were contented
to take party; by name Sir Peter Buck, Clerk of the Ships, Thomas
Buck, his brother, under clerk to him, Mr. Mathew Baker, William
Bright, principal Master Shipwrights to his Majesty, Hugh Meritt, one
of the six Masters, Hugh Lydiard, Clerk of the Check at Woolwich,
Thomas Norreys, and one Clifton, a baker, sometime Pursers of ships
in the Navy, with divers others, Pursers, Boatswains, Gunners, and
Carpenters. These were assisted with many others, as one Edward
Stevens, a shipwright and yard keeper of Limehouse, and was in
reversion for a Master Shipwright's place[265] to his Majesty, Thomas
Graves of Limehouse, shipwright and yard keeper, Nicholas Clay of
Redriff,[266] shipwright and yard keeper, George Waymouth, sometime a
master and mariner, one Tranckmore, a shipwright; with divers others
that were either drawn into this business upon private ends of their
own or wrought in with great hopes of future preferment.
The persons principally questioned and aimed at (leaving the great
master of the office) were Sir Robert Mansell, then Treasurer, Sir
John Trevor, Surveyor, Sir Henry Palmer, Comptroller, Captain Thomas
Button, John Legatt, Clerk of the Check at Chatham, myself, and Sir
Thomas Bludder,[267] then Victualler to the Navy.
This year, in the end of July, I began the new gates for Woolwich
Dock, and set up a dam without them, so that we wrought always dry;
which gates were placed, set up, and finished, and the dam taken
away, within the space of nine weeks; wherein I saved to his Majesty
above four hundred pounds, according to a former estimate made of
the charge of the same under the hands of his Majesty's Master
Shipwrights.
During this business at Woolwich it pleased God that my wife was
safely delivered of her fourth son in Mr. Lydiard's house in the yard
the 27th April 1608, and was baptized in Woolwich Church the 5th of
May following, and named Joseph.
About the beginning of August it pleased the Prince's Highness my
master to send me word that he would come to Woolwich at his return
out of Essex from the Lord Petre's,[268] whither his Grace was then
going in progress; and on Saturday after, being the 13th day of
August, his Highness took his barge at Blackwall, and came by water
to Woolwich about noon, accompanied only with his own train, where
I received him on shore at the yard stairs. On the poop of the Ann
Royal was placed a noise of trumpets, an ensign, and two ensigns
upon the heads of both the mizens. After my duty presented to his
Highness with the best expression I could, to cause him to understand
his welcome to that place and how much it would joy all seamen's
hearts to perceive his Highness so well addicted to his Majesty's
ships and the sight of them, I conducted his Highness round about the
dock, and so directly aboard the Ann Royal to the very top of her
poop where, after my duty performed, I gave a secret signal (as was
before concluded between us) to my good friend Mr. William Bull, then
Master Gunner of England, who stood ready prepared upon a mount in
Mr. Hugh Lydiard's garden with thirty-one great brass chambers,[269]
orderly and distinctly placed, which, with Mr. Gunner's help, I had
procured from the Tower for that purpose. He, presently receiving the
signal, diligently attending the same, gave fire to the train, and so
discharged the whole volley with so good order as gave a marvellous
pleasing content to his Highness (and the more because he expected no
such thing, but that it was done suddenly).
When the ordnance gave over, I then kneeled down to his Highness and
besought him to be pleased to accept this poor sea entertainment
from me, as an unfeigned earnest of my duty to him, which I would
hereafter strive to express in better manner if his Highness would
be pleased graciously to receive this his first homely welcome. His
Highness then, having answered my request with a princely acceptance,
commanded me to lead into all the places of the ship; which having
viewed with a great deal of delightful judgment, I led his Grace
into the Yard, and so to the place where the keel, stem, and stern
of his own ship, which was to be built, lay ready framed; which
having perused very seriously, and caused the length of the keel to
be measured, I besought his Grace to walk into the house to rest
himself, which his Highness willingly condescending unto, I conducted
him unto Mr. Lydiard's parlour where was prepared a set banquet of
sweet meats and all other fruits the season of the year could yield,
with plentiful store of wine, both Rhenish white, sack, Greek wine
and claret. His Highness was well pleased to take his refection, and
after the banquet done, giving his hand to kiss to divers gentlewomen
of the town that were in the room together with my wife, his Highness
desired to be brought to the mount where the chambers were placed,
which were again laden in this interim and ranged in their first
order with the train made ready. This sight so much pleased his Grace
that he was very desirous to have the train fired, his Highness
standing by, but at my humble entreaty, understanding what danger was
incident to such a business, he gave me order that, at the holding up
of his handkerchief in his barge, I should see them put off; and so
taking notice of Mr. Bull and giving him his hand to kiss, taking his
leave, I conducted his Highness to his barge, being the top of full
sea; where kissing his hand upon my knee, he expressed how kindly
he accepted his welcome, using many gracious speeches to me, and so
putting off. I returned to the mount, and, upon his Highness' signal
given me, the train was fired and the chambers delivered their loud
voices in as distinct order as at the first, to the great delight of
his Highness, and general applause of all others there present.
Having now finished, by God's providence and gracious assistance,
the Ark, which I began to repair in Woolwich Dock in May, was
twelve-month before, on the 29th day of September, 1608, I launched
her. It was a very blustering day, the wind at south-west, but,
thanks be to God, with a little difficulty she was launched and
brought safely to her moorings. Her name was altered and given by
the mouth of my very good friend Sir Oliver Cromwell, in presence of
Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor and Captain Button, divers other
gentlemen being on board, with his Majesty's trumpets and drums;
her name was given the Anne Royal. These knights, with the Lady
Mansell, the Lady Trevor, Mrs. Button, and sundry others, dined this
day with me at Woolwich in Mr. Lydiard's parlour, my lodgings being
as yet not altered, and therefore inconvenient for entertaining of
any friends of account; which lodgings I after by warrant repaired
and made as they now are, for which I was greatly questioned by the
Lord of Northampton in his inquisition, and stand upon his book of
reformation at large recorded.
The 20th October following, being Thursday, by God's good help I lay
the keel of the new great ship[270] upon the blocks in the dock, and
the 28th day following, of the same month, I raised her stern, and
presently after the stem, and proceeded in order with the floor[271]
as fast as I could, notwithstanding the many practices underhand
attempted to have diverted the whole course of that building, as
hereafter in his proper place shall be discovered.
During the time that I proceeded on with the new frame, the
inquisition against the Navy then growing to the height and
prosecuted with extremity of malice against Sir John Trevor, Sir
Robert Mansell, and some others, amongst whom myself held not the
least place, about the fine of March, 1609, there was discovered
unto me (by Mr. Sebastian Vicars, Carver to the Ships, my ever true
and faithful friend) a secret combination against me concerning the
building of the great ship, suggested first by the practice of my
fellows, old Mr. Mathew Baker and Mr. William Bright, old adversaries
to my name and family, assisted by Edward Stevens, a Master
Shipwright, who laid great claim to my place by a former patent
to him granted under the broad seal of England, with some other
shipwrights also joined with them by especial warrant from the great
Lord of Northampton, my most implacable enemy; my fellows bearing me
no small grudge because by the Prince's Highness' means, my master,
I was preferred to that great business before them; and Mr. Stevens
malicing me because he could not prevail against me to recover my
place from me.
They had also won to their party by much importunity, and by means
of a particular letter directed from the Lord Northampton to him
to that very purpose, a great braggadocio, a vain and idle fellow
sometime a mariner and master, called by the name of Captain George
Waymouth; who, having much acquaintance abroad amongst gentlemen, was
to disperse the insufficiency of my business, reporting how I was no
artist, and altogether insufficient to perform such a service, of
no experience, and that the King's Majesty was cosened and all the
charge lost, and the frame of her was unfit for any use but a dung
boat, with many other such false opprobrious defamations, wherein he
was better practised than in any other profession.
These rumours being thus divulged, the report thereof coming to Mr.
Sebastian Vicars' ears was the cause that he, out of his great love
and honesty to me, wrote to me what he heard abroad, wishing me to
keep a careful watch over myself, for that they would bend all their
practices, powers and friends, to the disgracing of the building
and ruining of me. But I, being very confident of the goodness of
my cause (though I received that admonition as from a dear friend
with much acknowledgment of his love and care of me), yet, little
regarding what their malicious practices could bring forth, made
small reckoning of their plottings till such time as the good honest
man, understanding from some of their own mouths what was intended
against me, made a purposed journey to me to Woolwich (though he was
then scarce able to travel by reason of a tedious[272] sickness) and
there thoroughly possessed me of the certainty of what he before by
his writing had truly informed me.
I, now perceiving it was no idle flim flam[273] as I before supposed,
considered that the goodness of my cause might by my secure[274]
neglect either suffer hazard, or be overborne by greatness, began
to call my wits about me and to advise what was to be done in the
business; at which time, to make good the supposition, I received a
message by word of mouth from a worthy gentleman, and good friend
of mine, Mr. William Burrell, principal Master Workman to the East
India Company, of all their project, which was discovered to him
particularly by that Captain Waymouth, being at that instant time
between drunk and sober.
The 13th of April this Waymouth was, by consent of the rest, sent to
Woolwich to survey my work, and thereupon to deliver his opinion, and
I in the mean time was appointed to be at Redriff at a meeting at a
court held for the incorporation of Shipwrights, whereof I was then
Master, that in my absence he might have the better opportunity to
perform his malicious instructions, as he was directed by his great
masters; of the which his purpose I receiving certain intelligence,
leaving my intended journey to Redriff, I awaited his coming, and,
receiving him after a courteous manner, after some discourse and
ordinary compliments he returned back to his confederates, frustrate
of his great purpose.
Within some few days after, I wrote something to this purpose to my
very good friends Sir Robert Mansell and Sir John Trevor, being then
Treasurer and Surveyor of the Navy, desiring them, for that it was
a business highly concerning the honour of our honourable lord the
Lord High Admiral and their own particular reputations, they would be
pleased to take the pains to make a sudden journey to Woolwich, there
truly to inform themselves not only concerning the state of the work
but of divers other material business wherewith I was to acquaint
them at their coming thither. According to my request, they both came
the next day; where being throughly possessed of all the passages and
occurrences concerning the project of our adversaries, after they had
carefully also surveyed the work, with all other things necessary to
be advised of, leaving with me, with good deliberation, instructions
how to proceed in my defence, they departed again to Westminster the
same afternoon.
Presently after the departure of these gentlemen, desiring first the
Lord to guide and direct my pen so as might best tend to his glory
and the discharge of my duty, I betook myself to my study and in the
briefest manner I could I certified the Lord Admiral of the truth
of all the whole project plotted against me, with the names of the
principalest actors therein, and the reasons inducing them unto it;
withal earnestly beseeching his Lordship to be pleased, since the
matter so nearly concerned his Majesty's profit, the honour of the
state, his Lordship's own safety, and the reputation of his Office,
to leave all respect of my particular good and to procure such a view
to be presently made of the work, by judicious and impartial persons,
as his Majesty might receive no loss, the strength of the kingdom no
prejudice, his honour no impeachment, and the Officers of the Navy no
just calumniation nor blame.
It pleased his Lordship, then lying at Whitehall, presently
after the receipt of my letter (wherewith he was not a little
troubled to observe their malicious practices) to send for me to
wait upon him, that by conference with me his Lordship might be
better informed of each particular passage in this so dangerous
information and conspiracy; and after his Lordship had received from
me such satisfaction as he desired, comforting me with many noble
encouragements, as being (as he said) sufficiently persuaded both of
my skill, experience and honesty, wishing me to take a good heart
and never a whit to distrust the goodness of my cause, albeit I had
strong adversaries, for that God in his mercy would never permit
such a malicious practice to prevail against those that relied upon
him, with many other fatherly instructions; and so, being somewhat
late, for that night his Lordship was pleased to dismiss me, giving
me commandment to attend his further pleasure the next morning; and
this was the 20th day of April.
It was no sooner day the next morrow but his Lordship, very careful
of doing something in this weighty business, made himself ready,
and by 4 of clock, taking my letter in his hand, speeds himself to
his Majesty's chamber, lying then also at Whitehall, and sending
in word that his Lordship was there to acquaint his Majesty with
some business of great consequence, was presently admitted to his
Majesty's bedside, and, having in few words given his Majesty a taste
of his errand, delivered him my letter and besought him to be pleased
thoroughly to peruse the same. The letter his Majesty twice read
over, and perceiving how malice was the original of all this stir,
seemed greatly to pity the wrong and injury done unto me, using this
gracious speech in my behalf, that whatsoever my act was he knew not,
but I deserved great commendation for my honest plainness delivered
in my letter, and that it was great reason I should be justly
proceeded withal.
To the end therefore I might not be wrongfully oppressed, and
the works disgraced without just cause, his Majesty took present
order with the Lord High Admiral that he should join unto him the
right honourable lords, the Earls of Worcester, then Master of his
Majesty's horse, and of Suffolk, then Lord High Chamberlain, and
repairing to Woolwich, should there, upon their oaths, honours, and
faithful allegiance to his Majesty, without respect of any particular
person, call before them my accusers, and, as well by examination of
them as trial of the work itself, both in point of sufficiency, as
well of matter as manner, should truly inform themselves whether this
main accusation so much concerning his Majesty's honour were justly
commenced or no; which charge of his Majesty being performed, they
should return the true report thereof with all speed to his Majesty,
as they would answer it upon their allegiance.
Whilst these things were thus ordering, my malicious adversaries
were not idle, but plotting as fast against me, and had so far
prevailed with the Lord Northampton that there should be a private
warrant directed to the chief of them, vide; to Mr. Baker, Bright
and Stevens, and to some other whom they should associate with
them, which warrant should have been signed with the King's own
hand, to authorise them to repair to Woolwich, and there strictly
to make a survey of the work; which being done, upon the return of
the insufficiency of the same under their hands and confirmation by
oath, it was resolved amongst them I should be turned out and for
ever disgraced, the work utterly defaced, and I never to come to any
personal answer; and one of them that could make his party strongest
should undertake the business, about which they were in great
contention amongst themselves who should be preferred to it.
But it pleased my good God, that never leaves his servants destitute
of his help when all other means fail them, so mightily to work for
me by means of my letter sent to my honourable Lord Admiral, and, as
is shewed afore, delivered to his Majesty, so far to prevent their
purposes, that upon that very day wherein they had determined to have
displaced and disgraced me, that they were, unawares to them, warned
by one of his Majesty's messengers to appear before the three Lords
before named, to answer them at that very place and time wherein they
made their account to have triumphed over me. This was the Lord's
doing and it is marvellous in our eyes, and this day was appointed
to be on Tuesday the 25th day of April, which time was accordingly
kept, and the Lords were come to Woolwich by nine of the clock the
same morning. The first thing they did was to take a diligent survey
of the work, first touching the form and manner of the same, and then
concerning the goodness of the materials; which having very carefully
perused, they repaired into the house and sat at a little table
in the middle of my dining room. Their Lordships being set, first
Mr. Baker was called and demanded, for the good of his Majesty's
service, to deliver plainly what he could justly except against the
ship, either in point of art or in sufficiency of the materials, and
leading him from point to point concerning her proportion of length,
breadth, depth, draught of water, height of tuck,[275] rake afore
and abaft, breadth of the floor, scantling of timber, and other
circumstances, after a deal of frivolous arguings to no purpose,
their Lordships found by his examination nothing worthy of observing;
and directly finding him to be led more out of an envious malicious
humour against me than upon any certain ground of error in the
mould, or probability of insufficiency of any of the materials used
in the frame; whereupon he was dismissed.
After him was Bright called, and then Stevens, who were so tripped
in their several examinations as their Lordships found them in their
answers clean contrary one to another almost in every question, by
which their Lordships concluded, as they did of Mr. Baker, that all
this question and infamous report of the business was plotted by
them out of some malicious respects to disgrace me and my works, and
not of any care or conscionable regard of the good of his Majesty's
service; and so they were dismissed.
Then was great killcow[276] Waymouth called, who being examined
as the others before him were, was able to say nothing to any
purpose, but held their Lordships with a long tedious discourse
of proportions, measures, lines, and an infinite rabble of idle
and unprofitable speeches clean from the matter, wherewith their
Lordships were so tired as he was commanded silence. Then every man
being dismissed the room, they consulted in private about some half
hour, and then we were all called in again; where their Lordships,
addressing their speech to me, delivered that, by all this enquiry,
they in their judgments could find no just cause of exception
against the business, and this accusation grew for aught they could
perceive out of envy and malice, and therefore I had no cause to
be discouraged in my service but to go on both comfortably and
cheerfully, assuring me they would so effectually return the account
of the particulars of this their day's work to his Majesty as should
not only give his Majesty satisfaction, but also secure and defend
me from all the opposition any of my adversaries could practise
against me, with many other noble speeches of encouragement. And so
about 4 of the clock in the evening, taking their caroches,[277] they
returned to the Court to Whitehall.
The same night, after their coming to the Court, their Lordships
repairing to his Majesty, they there delivered the account of their
journey, together with all the particular passages in the same; there
offering to prove upon their honours, allegiances, and their lives,
the ground of that conspiracy to spring from no other reason than
inveterate malice to me, and that they found the business in every
part and point so excellent, as befitted the service of so royal a
king; with which his Majesty rested marvellous well satisfied.
My adversaries, whose malicious practices nothing could daunt,
hunting after nothing so much as my ruin and utter disgrace, were so
fired with this prevention that, redoubling their fury, [they] went
all together the next morning to their great patron and abettor,
the Lord Northampton, who being vehemently incensed before, to have
such an affront to the proceeding of his commission, as he termed
our courses to have wrought, was willing to entertain anything that
carried but likelihood to give him means to be revenged on me for it.
After therefore these caterpillars had discovered to his Lordship
all the circumstances of the hearing before the Lords, complaining
very grievously as they termed it, of their partiality towards me
and bitterness to them, and that they were not suffered to speak,
nor could be heard in any[thing] they could inform against me, they
offering upon their lives to make good all their informations against
me to be true, so that they might but gain an equal hearing, his
Lordship promised to move his Majesty in the granting of a second
hearing; wherein he doubted not, as he said unto them, but they
should have amends made to them for the former injuries and obtain
their purpose against me in despite of all my friends and upholders.
His Lordship immediately upon this repaired to his Majesty, and
there made a grievous complaint against the partiality of the three
Lords, which they shewed in the examination of the business; there
in the behalf of the plaintiffs--tendering to his Majesty that they
did offer upon their lives to prove all their informations true,
and besought his Majesty very earnestly there might be a second
examination committed to his Lordships care, whereby all partiality
should be prevented and his Majesty receive better confirmations
of their good service than what the Lords had before, upon their
superficial survey and partial examination, exhibited to his Majesty.
His Majesty made answer that upon his Lordship's first complaint
he had made especial choice of three principal peers of the realm,
of whose faithful fidelity he was so confidently assured that he
could not but give credit to that account their Lordships had
returned upon the serious examination of that so weighty a business.
Notwithstanding, seeing his Lordship urged so earnestly a review and
second examination, since it was a business of such main consequence,
for his better satisfaction and clearing all doubts and scruple, his
Majesty resolved to take the pains in his own person to have the
hearing of the cause indifferently between all parties; appointing
Monday the 8th of May following to be the time for the same hearing
at Woolwich in the yard where the ship was then in building; giving
order to the Lord High Admiral of England to provide for the same,
and to command all such persons as were any ways interested in that
business to give their personal attendance upon his Majesty at the
same time and place.
This resolution of his Majesty made known, there was preparation on
both sides, to be provided both of information and defence, to give
his Majesty satisfaction; but the contrary parties doubting their
malicious practices would now be plainly discovered, never dreaming
of such a course, they still laboured to bring disgraces upon me;
informing, in this interim of ten days, if I might be suffered to
continue the workmen upon the frames, I would so handle the matter
that all things should be reformed that had by them been formerly
found defective, both in point of materials and proportions; and
therefore were earnest suitors to have all the workmen presently
discharged, and the work to stand. His Majesty, upon the advice of
some of the Lords, whereof the then Lord Treasurer, Sir Robert Cecil
and Earl of Salisbury[278] being chief, would not consent on any
condition to have the workmen absolutely discharged, but that order
should be taken the work should cease, and the men continued at his
Majesty's charge till the hearing should be past, and his Majesty
determine what was after to be done. Whereupon his Majesty commanded
a letter to be written to me to the same effect, charging me upon
my allegiance to follow the directions therein contained, which I
accordingly very carefully observed. In the mean time no day almost
passed wherein Mr. Baker, Bright, Stevens, Clay, Graves, Captain
Waymouth, with their malicious associates, did not meet at Woolwich
to take all the dimensions of the ship, to deface the work by
striking aside the shores, and condemning the materials, aggravating
continual disgraces upon me, and railing despitefully to my face;
which I was forced to endure with patience and put up with silence,
flying to God, on whose mercy I wholly depended in these extremities.
The good Lord Admiral was not idle in this interim to provide
for to give his Majesty full satisfaction in all things could be
objected by the informers, and to that purpose carefully advising
with Sir Robert Mansell and Sir John Trevor, principal Officers of
his Majesty's Navy, together with myself, whom it did most concern,
what course was to be held to meet all objections could be any ways
produced against me; and for that the adverse part had made choice of
a certain number of masters and builders in the river of Thames to
strengthen their proceedings, it was held fit and resolved the like
course should be taken by us for our better defence; whereupon sundry
experienced men known to be honest and impartial of both kinds were
nominated and appointed by warrant from the Lord Admiral to attend
this service, some inhabiting about the river of Thames and others
of remote places, with whom divers consultations were held, as well
to inform them of the truth of every particular as also to satisfy
their doubts in anything wherein it was fit they should be throughly
resolved. I, for my own part, confident of mine own integrity,
commending my cause to God, provided myself to be able to answer all
objections whatsoever could be alleged against me, either in point of
art, experience, or care, in this so weighty service of trust and
consequence.
I must not here forget the princely favour of my royal, then master,
Prince Henry, of ever famous memory, who in his noble care of me in
the interim of the time appointed by his Majesty for my hearing did
almost every day send me a comfortable encouragement by some one of
his principal gentlemen to heart me on and put life into me, lest I
should any ways be disheartened with the apprehension of the power
of my great and potent adversary; and when the time grew near for
my trial sent me a commandment to wait upon his Grace, the Sunday
preceding the day, at St. James, which I accordingly performed; where
his Highness vouchsafing to lead me in his hand through the park
to Whitehall, in the public view and hearing of many people there
attending to see him pass to the King, his father, did in such loving
manner counsel me with such comfortable, wise, and grave advice
touching my carriage and resolution in my trial, as was no little
testimony of his principal care of me, to my great comfort, and joy
of all those that were both eye and ear witnesses of it; besides
casting[279] the worst that might be, if I had been overthrown by
the censure of his Majesty, his Highness had graciously determined
to have received me into a place in his house, and resolved to have
provided for me whilst I had lived.
The time drawing now near, there was sent from London at the
appointment of the Lord Admiral, hangings to furnish the room where
his Majesty was to sit, and the next room to it where he was to
withdraw, the one being the common dining room of the workmen, and
the other my own dining room, both which I caused to be hanged and
trimmed up with such furniture as was befitting such a presence, with
all convenience the place could any ways afford.
On Monday morning, being the eighth day of May, the Lord Admiral came
betimes to Woolwich, attended by Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor,
and others, where his Lordship was met by all those persons which
were formerly[280] warned to be there on our part, and his Lordship
took those rooms which were fitted for his Majesty. Presently after
came the Lord Northampton attended with all the spiteful crew of
his informers, and he took Hugh Lydiard's house, being Clerk of the
Check, which was fitted for him, and was there attended with all his
rabble.
Before his Majesty's coming, Waymouth and his associates pryed up
and down the yard, belching out nothing but disgraces, despiteful
speeches, and base opprobrious terms, being so confident of their
wished ends as they before had given out that I should be hanged and
the work defaced at the least; which was likely enough to have proved
so, had not God put a hook into their nostrils and by the justice
of the King caused themselves to fall into the pit they digged for
another.
The noble Admiral spent the time till his Majesty's coming very
quietly and privately, consulting advisedly with those appointed for
the business, never so much as taking notice of the base usage of
them on their side.
All things being in a readiness, about eight of the clock his Majesty
came in his caroche attended with Prince Henry and the principal
Lords of his Majesty's Council. The Lord Northampton met him before
he came to the ordinary gate of the yard, and used all the means he
could to have led his Majesty through Lydiard's garden by a back
way into his house; but his Majesty told his Lordship that the Lord
Admiral, whom he espied waiting with his train at the ordinary gate
of the yard, would justly take exception at his so doing, for that
it belonged properly there to his Lordship to receive and entertain
him. So alighting, the Lord Admiral, after his duty performed, guided
his Majesty in the rooms provided purposely for the business, whom I
ushered as belonged to my place.
After his Majesty had a little reposed, he desired the Lord Admiral
to bring him to the sight of the work then in hand, which accordingly
was done, directing his Majesty to a brow[281] or stage made at the
stem of the ship, where he might perfectly take a perfect view of
the whole ground work of the frame, being then about half set up
and planked as high as the rungheads,[282] no foot-waling[283] as
then begun. After his Majesty had satisfied himself sufficiently, he
returned back to the place again, and there seated himself in the
chair under the state,[284] at a little table standing right before
him; the Prince and Lords taking their stands on his Majesty's right
hand, with the Lord Admiral and all those warned on our part; and the
Lord Northampton on the left hand of his Majesty, with all his crew
of informers and others appointed to assist him on his part, of sea
masters and shipwrights of the Thames.
These things thus ordered, his Majesty, silence be[ing] commanded by
his gentlemen ushers, his Majesty began a very worthy speech; first
to signify the cause of his coming to that place and how much it
imported the royal care of a king to take to his personal examination
a business of such consequence, as so much concerned the strength and
honour of his Kingdom and State, besides the expense of his Treasure.
Next he addressed his speech to the actors on both sides, to those
that were informers and to those that were defendants; the substance
of his royal speech tending to a religious exhortation that none of
both sides should either accuse for malice or other pretence, or
excuse for love, favour, or other particular respects, for that his
Majesty, in the seat of justice presenting God's person, would not
be deluded, nor led by any coloured pretences from understanding
the very plain truth of that business which was to be handled; and
therefore willed such on both sides whose conscience accused them
either of malicious proceedings, private ends, or partial favour, to
give over and depart before they took the oath to be administered
unto them; threatening severe punishments to those should be found
offenders herein; declaring what danger it was to be perjured before
the Majesty of God and the King.
His Majesty's speech so effectually delivered to the purpose of the
matter in hand to the admiration of the hearers, commandment was
given to call the names of those to be sworn on both sides.
On Lord Northampton's side were:
_Seamen._
Sir Henry Middleton.[285]
Mr. Hugh Meritt.[286]
Captain Watts.[287]
Captain Norreys.[288]
Mr. Chester.[289]
Captain Waymouth.[290]
Captain Newport.[291]
Robert Rickman.[292]
Thomas Redwood.[293]
Captain Geare.[294]
Captain Moore.[295]
Mr. James Woodcott.[296]
Mr. Mathew Woodcott.[297]
Captain Miller.
_Shipwrights._
Mr. Mathew Baker.[298]
Mr. William Bright.[298]
Mr. Edward Stevens.[298]
Captain Waymouth.
Mr. Clay.[299]
Mr. Graves.[300]
Mr. Tranckmore.[301]
Mr. Lydiard.[302]
_Other Informers._
Thomas Buck.[303]
Clifton, a baker.[304]
Sworn on our part:--
_Seamen._
Mr. William Jones.[305]
Mr. William Bygatt.[306]
Mr. Michael Meriall.[307]
Mr. John King.[308]
Mr. George Ireland.
Mr. Arthur Pett.[309]
Mr. John Woodcott.[310]
Mr. Thomas Fuller.[311]
Mr. Robert Wright.[312]
Mr. Thomas Johnson.[313]
Mr. John Dawes.
Mr. Nicholas Diggens.[314]
Mr. Jorden.[315]
Mr. Michael Edmondes.
_Shipwrights._
Mr. William Burrell.[316]
Mr. Nicolas Simonson.[317]
Mr. Thomas Jenkins.[318]
Mr. Thomas Cole.[319]
Mr. Thomas Prime.[319]
_Carpenters of his Majesty's Navy._
Lawrence Andrews.[320]
David Duck.[321]
Robert Bromadge.
Thomas Cateroll.
John Elye.
Thomas Hampton.
Nicholas Surtis.[322]
Robert Sharpe.[322]
These several persons being called and appearing, the form of the
oath was read unto them by the Right Honourable Sir Robert Cecil,
Earl of Salisbury, and then Lord Treasurer, who personated the Clerk
of the Session, and the book was presented to them by the Right
Honourable Charles Howard, Earl of Nottingham, Lord High Admiral of
England.
These ceremonies performed, his Majesty willed the Lord Northampton
to begin his accusation, and then I was called personally to answer
and kneeled right before his Majesty, near the side of the table; the
Lord High Admiral standing at my left hand, Sir Robert Mansell and
Sir John Trevor standing both right behind me. The accusation against
me was exhibited by the Lord Northampton in writing,[323] containing
sundry articles in point of my sufficiency, art, and experience, and
in point of my care and honesty in discharge of my duty in putting
in unserviceable materials to the great detriment of his Majesty's
Service. His Majesty perceiving the articles to be many and very
intricate to answer each particular, very judiciously contracted all
the business to three principal heads: the point of art, the point of
sufficiency of materials, and the point of charge; and to these heads
I was commanded to frame my answers, and they their accusations. I
must confess that at the first I was so daunted with the majesty of
the King, the power of my adversary, and the confused urging of the
objections, that I was confounded in myself till it pleased God, by
the helps of the Lord Treasurer and his discreet directions,[324] I
was recollected and recovered my spirits, and so orderly answered to
each objection; his Majesty still holding us on both sides to the
proposition.
Much time was spent in dispute of proportions, comparing my present
frame with former precedents and dimensions of the best ships, for
length, breadth, depth, floor, and other circumstances; in all
which they could not fasten anything upon me but reflected to their
disgrace and apparent breach of oath, and plain demonstration and
expression of combined practice.
One point of proportion was mainly insisted upon and with much
violence and eagerness urged on both sides, which was the square of
the ship's flat in the midships,[325] they affirming constantly upon
their oath it was full thirteen foot, we as constantly insisting that
it was but eleven foot and eight inches; but because this difference
was long and could not be tried upon the small plates his Majesty
referred the trial to be made upon the great platform, which was
purposely framed of planks, to the full scale of the ship, where all
the lines of the midship bend[326] were drawn, and the square of the
flat truly described, with their centres, perpendiculars, and sweeps;
which trial, because it much concerned the truth or falsity of all
the rest, his Majesty would not give trust to any of those that were
by oath interested in the same, but made choice of the noble and
worthy knight, Sir Thomas Chaloner, then Governor of the Prince's
Highness' household, and of the learned reverend gentleman Mr.
Briggs,[327] reader of geometry lecture in Gresham College in London,
and Master of Art and student in St. John's in Cambridge, who were to
decide this controversy.
This thus concluded, we came to the point of charge; to which was
answered that the charge of the building of this ship should not
exceed other ships that had been built in her Majesty's times, I
mean Queen Elizabeth of famous and happy memory, allowing proportion
for proportion, the garnishing not exceeding theirs. This gave
full satisfaction to this point of charge, being the second head
propounded. It then being almost one of the clock, his Majesty called
for his dinner, referring the other points to be handled in the
ship, after dinner. All this time I sat upon my knees, baited by the
great Lord and his bandogs; sometimes by Baker, sometimes by Bright,
Stevens, Clay, gaping Waymouth, and sometimes confusedly by all; and,
which was worst, his Majesty's angry countenance still bent upon
me, so that I was almost disheartened and out of breath, albeit the
Prince's Highness, standing near me, from time to time encouraged me
as far as he might without offence to his father, labouring to have
me eased by standing up, but his Majesty would not permit it.
So soon as his Majesty and the Lords had dined, the King rose and
went into the body of the frame of the ship, to make trial of the
goodness of the materials. All the lower futtocks[328] were placed,
and many upper futtocks also. The adverse part had chalked with a
mark almost half the lower futtocks for red[329] wood, cross-grained,
and merely[330] unserviceable, all which timbers his Majesty caused
to be dubbed[331] by the workmen ready with their tools for that
purpose, and being tried they were all approved very sound and
serviceable; and touching the cross-grained timber his Majesty
protested very earnestly the cross grain was in the men and not
in the timber. His Majesty spent much time in the survey of these
things, still giving way to what objections the adverse part could
allege, and what answer I could make in my defence.
This business performed within board and his Majesty well satisfied
in every particular, he openly delivered that the ship would be too
strong if one third of the timber[332] were left out; and then began
to give me a princely countenance and encouragement, protesting
oftentimes that all this grievous accusation proceeded of nothing
but malice. Then his Majesty came without board and curiously[333]
surveyed the planks, trenails, and workmanship, all which gave him
such good satisfaction as still confirmed his opinion of their
malicious proceedings.
All the while his Majesty was intentive upon this search, the
gentlemen forenamed, that were appointed for the trial of the point
of the true flat of the floor, they were busied in taking off the
measures from the ship and bringing them to the platform; and when
they found by due trial all the lines to be truly set off, they
acquainted his Majesty that all things was in readiness. His Majesty
then, having received satisfaction of all things about the frame,
repaired to the platform, attended with the Prince, the Lords, and
many thousand spectators besides. His Majesty then caused those
gentlemen to measure each dimension of breadth and depth for his
own satisfaction, and then coming to the point of the square of
the floor, whether it were answering their assertion of 13 foot,
or agreeable to ours of eleven foot eight inches, the square of 13
foot was tried from the true centre and perpendicular, which being
applied to the sweeps of the mould did differ above 16 inches at the
runghead, the like trial made by our true centre and perpendicular
fell as just in our lines as could be possibly; which done, his
Majesty with a loud voice commanded the measurers to declare
publicly the very truth, which when they had delivered clearly on
our sides, all the whole multitude heaved up their hats, and gave
a great and a loud shout and acclamation, and then the Prince's
Highness called with a high voice in these words: 'Where be now these
perjured fellows that dare thus abuse his Majesty with these false
informations, do they not worthily deserve hanging?'
By that time all these things were thus performed and his Majesty
wonderfully satisfied, and it growing somewhat late, his Majesty
returned again into the hall where he formerly sat; and being placed,
and the room filled as full as it could be packed, his Majesty began
a most worthy and learned speech for conclusion of the business,
the scope of his words tending first to a full declaration of the
satisfaction he had received touching this great business, wherein he
expressed with many effectual speeches what content he received in
bestowing his pains that day to so good a purpose; next his Majesty
addressed himself to give thanks to the Lord Northampton for his
great care and diligence to search out such errors in the Office of
the Admiralty, wherein his Majesty and the State were abused, with
encouragement for him to go forward with prosecuting his commission,
notwithstanding his Lordship had been misinformed by being drawn to
question this present business; next, his Majesty directed his speech
to Mr. Baker, Bright, Stevens and the rest of the informers, very
bitterly reprehending their malicious practices, more to bring to
effect their own private ends than out of any conscionable care of
the good of his Majesty's Service or benefit of the State, repining
at the preferment I had and the countenance of the Prince, his son,
and therefore combining together to disgrace and ruin me, though
otherwise they envied one another and were at controversy who should
be preferred to my business; with many good exhortations to will
them to beware how they did abuse the Majesty of God and himself,
his substitute, with malicious informations in which he could do no
less than think them perjured, as in the prosecuting of this whole
business was too apparent to himself and all the world, whereby they
deserved to be severely punished, if he should censure them as they
worthily merited.
His Majesty then began to shew me a very pleasing countenance and
turned his speech to me, willing me not to be discountenanced
with these proceedings against me, since he was now sufficiently
persuaded of my honesty, integrity and abilities to perform what
I had undertaken, advising me not to refuse counsel of my fellow
servants since it was his service, wherein we ought to join together
for his good and the honour of the State; with many other princely
expressions of his good opinion of me and readiness, not only to
give me countenance, but assurance of future favour towards me;
and lastly he cleared all imputations and aspersions unjustly cast
upon the Lord High Admiral, with recital of all his honourable
services performed to the honour of the State and his perpetual fame,
commending his great wisdom and impartial carriage of himself in this
day's trial, wherein he was never observed to give any impediment to
his Majesty's judicial proceedings but all furtherance possible, as
was both evidently manifest to his Majesty by the great pains he had
endured that day and the noble patience he had given public testimony
of to all present which were eye witnesses of it; with many other
gracious speeches to put new life and power into him to go on as he
had begun to the perpetual eternizing his name and honour: then,
giving general thanks to those that had taken pains in that day's
business, with protestation of his princely care in all matters of
such consequence for the safety and honour of the State and Kingdom,
he concluded his speech.
Then the noble Admiral, as his Majesty was rising, humbly besought
his Majesty to license him to speak a few words, as well to declare
his own innocency concerning these unjust accusations, as to clear
me in the point both of my sufficiency and my care and honesty
to perform the service entrusted to me, to which his honourable
request (though it grew now to be late) his Majesty most willingly
condescended.
The sum of his Lordship's speech tended to admire[334] and extol his
Majesty's justice, great wisdom, and princely care of the good of the
commonwealth, in that he had refused no pains (as this day's work
and honourable assembly could justly witness) to provide to rectify
and set straight, to the wonder and admiration of them all, a work
of so great a consequence, and of such a kind of intricacy as his
Majesty had never been accustomed to before, and yet so clearly to
examine and try in so short a space, as if he had only [been] bred
and accustomed to such elements, with many other honourable speeches
tending to that purpose. His Lordship then laying his hand upon my
head, standing next unto him upon his right hand, did there freely
offer to pawn all his lands, his honour, and his life, in my behalf
for the performance and finishing of this royal work; which being
once perfected, if his Majesty (by the advice of the best experienced
artist and seamen of the Kingdom) should dislike, he would willingly,
with help of his, take off from his Majesty's hands at his and their
proper charge with[out] any damage or loss to his Majesty; and
this did his Lordship deliver with such bold, assured, confident
earnestness as gave much content to his Majesty and satisfaction to
the Prince, the Lords, and most part of the rest of the standers by.
To this speech his Majesty replied briefly with gracious
acknowledgments of his princely acceptance of his Lordship's true,
faithful service and zeal expressed in that his worthy speech, of
which he had so great assurance as he confidently protested never
king could be more happy than himself in the service of such an
honourable subject; and therefore there was no need why he should any
ways engage neither himself nor his honour in that which his Majesty
had, by the course of upright justice, before the face of God and the
world, so apparently cleared; this said, his Majesty rose.
In passing through the hall, the Lord Admiral going before and
leading me in his hand, the Lord Thomas Howard, then Lord Chamberlain
of the Household, made a motion to his Majesty to lay a charge upon
me that I should not make any quarrel against any person or persons
that had that day given information against me, alleging he knew
my stomach to be such as, if I were not contained by his Majesty's
commandment, I would call them to account for their doings, whereupon
blood might ensue.
His Majesty, giving ear to what his Lordship advised, gave him thanks
for his worthy counsel; and calling me unto him before the whole
company, I sitting upon my knees, he gave me an especial charge upon
my allegiance and life that I should not quarrel or challenge any
person or persons whatsoever that had that day given information
against me, alleging I had honour sufficient to have been cleared of
all questions and objections unjustly laid to my charge by the equity
of my cause and his justice.
This speech concluded, his Majesty hastened to take his caroche which
attended at the gate: the noble Lord Admiral brought me in his hand
to his Majesty, to kiss his royal hand and take my leave. His Majesty
gave me his hand to kiss with such an expression of his princely
favour and encouragements to proceed cheerfully in my business as did
not only infuse new life into me, but also gave great comfort and
content to all the standers by.
Then I presented myself upon my knee to the most noble Prince my then
master, who, taking me from the ground, did so affectionately express
his joy for my clearing and the satisfaction his father had received
that day, that he protested he would not only countenance and comfort
me hereafter but care to provide for me and my posterity while he
lived. I received the like noble courtesy from all the lords, who
declared their joy for the happy success[335] God gave me in this
great deliverance.
The great Lord of Northampton, seeing the event of this business, and
that all things sorted out clean contrary to his expectation, railing
bitterly against his informing instruments, took the back way to his
coach and would not so much as take any leave of his Majesty, but
posted away with no little expression of great discontentment, as did
also the rest of his partakers.
The Lord Admiral attended his Majesty, being never better contented
in all his life, and returned to Whitehall with the company, it being
almost eight of the clock before they went from Woolwich.
Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor, Captain Button,[336] and the
rest of my good friends followed, amongst whom was the good old
Lady Mansell and Mrs. Button, who had taken the pains to attend the
hearing in an inner room all that day.
This day, as it was a very tedious day unto me by reason I was to
answer all objections and kneel so long together, so was it a day of
jubilee to me, a day never to be forgotten of me nor mine; wherein
my good God shewed me wonderful favour and mercy to enable me to
endure the frowns of the King, and to strengthen my weak abilities
to withstand the malice of such and so many powerful adversaries by
the space of one whole long summer's day, for his Majesty (albeit he
was sufficiently persuaded of their malice and my integrity) yet till
he had cleared all doubts by the course of strict examination, and
found me in his justice guiltless, he would show me no countenance at
all; but after their malice was discovered, and all those heads and
points fully answered and clearly resolved, his Majesty then both in
countenance, words, and all other princely expressions, declared his
royal disposition towards me.
The next day, being the 9th of May, I began the work again, every man
striving to express his willingness thereunto by reason of the great
encouragement his Majesty had publicly and generally given to them;
and within two or three days after, the Lord Admiral, Sir Robert
Mansell, and Sir John Trevor, advising together with me, we resolved
to move the Lords of the Council to have two principal men, which
were Master Shipwrights, to be by their order appointed to repair
twice at least in the week to Woolwich, to survey the provisions, and
to foresee that no unserviceable materials should be wrought upon
the ship, which we did to clear all suspicions of any ends of our
own. This accordingly was consented to of the Lords, and Mr. Mathew
Baker and Henry Reynolds were appointed to be the overseers, who
for fashion's sake some three or four times came to Woolwich, but
finding our care to be more to perform honestly than theirs could
be to prevent with their best endeavours, they gave over the trust
recommended to them and left me to myself.
The 7th of June following, the Red Lion, which was newly rebuilt by
Mr. Baker at Deptford, was launched; where was present the King's
Majesty and the Prince, I attending then near the place at the great
storehouse end, where his Majesty had his standing; he was pleased
very graciously to confer with me and to use me with extraordinary
expressions of his princely favour.
The 8th day of June, being the Thursday in Whitsun week, his
Majesty began to hear the great and general cause of the Navy in
his Presence Chamber at[337] Greenwich, wherein three whole days
was spent in several examinations of the truth and circumstances of
the informations delivered by the Lord Northampton and his agents,
against Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor, Captain Button, Sir
Thomas Bludder, Mr. Legatt,[338] myself and many others.
The first day the Lord Northampton made the very entrance into the
business a great complaint of the dishonour he reaped by my hearing
at Woolwich, insisting very maliciously in incensing his Majesty
against me and others, who, as he said, traduced him in every tavern
and ale bench, to his great dishonour; and therefore humbly besought
his Majesty that business might be again called in question, alleging
the confidence of the informers who were ready to maintain the truth
of their former informations with their lives.
His Majesty, taking it ill that my Lord should dare to question his
just proceedings, which he had taken such pains personally to hear
[and] determine, took him short off with a sharp reprehension and
willed him no further to insist upon that whereof his Majesty and the
whole world were so sufficiently satisfied; but if he had aught else
to say he should proceed with that, and he was there ready to hear
and to do him all right. Then his Lordship began to deliver sundry
particular bitter accusations against Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John
Trevor, and the rest, all savouring more of malice than of truth, as
was apparent by every man's answer when they were called to speak for
themselves.
On Saturday, being the 10th of June and the last day of hearing,
to conclude all, I was called the last man to answer a grievous
accusation for my Spanish voyage made in the Resistance, when I
attended the Lord Admiral for the conclusion of the peace. Captain
Norreys being then the principal informer, it was laid to my charge
I had transported and sold to the Spaniards divers tons of brass
ordnance and other provisions of powder and shot, but after it came
to the trial all proved nothing but ridiculus mus;[339] his Majesty
being made privy to all the proceeding in that business by the Lord
Admiral when he was in Spain, so that I was fully cleared of all
those scandalous and false informations by his Majesty's own mouth,
to the shame and disgrace of those that were the principal actors and
prosecutors of it; and thus was that great hearing fully concluded at
Greenwich.
It must not be forgotten how the Lord in his justice did revenge my
injuries and wrongs even upon all those that were sworn against me;
but because in modesty I will spare to nominate some, and in what
particulars they were afterwards in special matters beholding to me,
yet I must not pass over one remarkable accident that happened to one
of them in this manner.
Captain George Waymouth before mentioned, being one of the most
violent and bitterest adversaries that came against me, happened to
have drawn in a knight of Hampshire to be so credulously confident
of his special art in building of ships, that he trusted him to have
the oversight and direction of building a small ship for him, which
was expected to have been so rare a sailer, and every way so well
conditioned, as she should run beyond the moon; but in the end,
when she came to be tried, she proved the veriest bauble and drown
devil[340] that ever went to sea; and so plainly cozened the knight
both of his charge and expectation.
The provisions of cordage, anchors, sails, munition, and other
furniture were to come from London, and Captain Waymouth was trusted
both to ship them and to convey them to the vessel; and for the
better security he resolved to embark himself with them, and falling
down as low as the North Foreland, there mistaking his course (as he
did in the North-west Passage[341]), instead of going to Shoreham
in Sussex, he went for Flushing; and so, pretending some lame excuse
to colour his pretence, passed from thence to Antwerp, where it is
most certain he proffered to sell all his commodities and his service
also, had he not been prevented, albeit he enjoyed a pension[342] of
ten groats per diem here in England from his Majesty under the title
of Master Engineer.
This his juggling was not so privately conveyed but notice and
advertisement was given and sent to the Lords of the Council, and by
their Lordships to the Lord High Admiral; whereupon strict order was
taken that he should be apprehended as a pirate if he at any time
were found in England.
Upon knowledge hereof, he secretly stole over and got to London, and
there very privately, by means of one Mr. Poory,[343] a gentleman
having some near dependence upon the right honourable the Earl of
Salisbury, then the Lord Treasurer of England, his case was made
known to his Lordship to be a means to his Majesty for his pardon.
His Lordship, very well remembering what part he played at my hearing
at Woolwich, and what particular notice his Majesty and the Prince's
Highness took of his dishonest and base carriage, utterly disclaimed
him so much as to hear him named; but being very much importuned by
Mr. Poory and one, old Keymer,[344] he advised his safest course to
be to make his way to the Lord Admiral, in whose power he was now
fallen by piracy, and that he had no better or readier way to effect
this but to repair to me and to confess his former injuries and truly
to deliver by what means and working he was drawn into that business,
and so to offer me as public satisfaction as he had done me public
injury, that I might be a mean both to the Prince's Highness and to
the Lord Admiral he might, upon this submission, be both pardoned
and received into favour. This counsel was presently followed, and a
great supper bespoken at the Three Cranes in the Vintry by Mr. Poory
and Mr. Keymer, to which I was trained by a solemn invitation by them
both, by a letter sent to me to Woolwich that very morning before the
supper intended.
We met according to appointment, and, after some compliments passed,
Poory and Keymer, drawing me aside into a private room, there
discovered unto me the cause of their meeting and sending for me,
which when I throughly understood I refused either to stay or see
Waymouth; but at length won by their importunities, and the rather
for that they confidently assured me this was done by the advice of
my most honourable good Lord, the Lord Treasurer, I was contented to
stay supper with them, and Waymouth came in and sat at the same table
without any speech concerning the business. Supper ended, Mr. Poory
began to break the matter to this effect: that Captain Waymouth there
present, acknowledging his error in doing me so great an injury, was
purposely come in their company to offer me what satisfaction I would
desire, confessing it now lay in my power either to undo him or to
recover his lost reputation, and to perform what I should enjoin him,
in what public manner I would require.
To this I answered that, first, I never had any conversation with
Waymouth, nor did ever give him any cause to be my enemy in so great
a height as to accuse me before a king in the presence of such an
audience, wherein no less than my life was questioned, aggra[va]ting
each circumstance of his malicious carriage towards me as well as I
could then remember.
To be short, Captain Waymouth, there rising from the table, in the
presence of all that were there, fell on his knee and desired me as
I was a gentleman to pardon what he had inadvisedly done against me;
all the circumstances he would truly discover, if I would give him
leave to speak; and then, rising from the ground, laid down his sword
at my feet, there vowing in the presence of God and that company,
both himself, his life, and sword, should be ever at my command and
service.
He then freely delivered by whom he was first solicited to join in
that business against me, which was Mr. Baker, Bright, and the rest,
for the space of two months together; to whom he made flat denial to
join in such a malicious practice, and did never condescend till they
procured him to be sent for by a letter from the Lord Northampton to
come to speak with him, by whose flatteries and fair promises he was
enticed to be a party with them; and this he offered to make good
upon his oath whensoever he should be called.
Upon this his submission, I was contented to forgive the injury
done to me in my own particular, but I could not promise to mediate
betwixt him and the Prince my master, nor the Lord Admiral. This was
accepted upon my promise I would not aggravate anything against him,
and thus spending almost the whole night I took my leave, and so took
boat and returned that morning to Woolwich; and this was about the
18th of November.
This meeting was not so private but that his Highness and the Lord
Admiral had notice of it, whereupon the Prince sent for me and
commanded me to deliver the truth, which I accordingly did in each
particular. His Highness disliked that I did not acquaint him with
it, but when I assured him of the manner of my training thither,
with some little check[345] he was satisfied; and the Lord Treasurer
did so mediate for him to the good Lord Admiral that his pardon was
granted, but himself from that time after (till his dying day which
shortly followed) was never received to favour, nor good opinion.
In the beginning of January following, there were two new ships,
builded at Deptford[346] for the East India Merchants, to be
launched; whereat his Majesty with the Prince and divers lords were
present, and feasted with a banquet of sweetmeats on board the great
ship in the dock, which was called the Trade's Increase[347]; the
other was called the Peppercorn,[348] the names being given by his
Majesty. I did there attend, and received gracious public usage from
his Majesty, the Prince, and the Lords; but the tide was so bad
that the great ship could not be launched out of the dock, and the
smaller, which was built upon the wharf, was so ill stroken[349] upon
the launching ways that she could by no means be put off, which did
somewhat discontent his Majesty.[350]
The last day of January, the Prince's Highness came to Woolwich, to
see in what forwardness the ship was in, where I gave him and his
followers entertainment.
The 7th day of January, by commandment from the Prince's Highness, I
attended at the great feast made by him at St. James's to the King,
Queen, Duke of York, Lady Elizabeth, the Lords of the Council, and
all the Knights that were actors at the barriers.[351] The supper was
not ended till after ten at night, from whence they went to the Play,
and, that ended, returned again to a set banquet in the gallery where
the supper was, the table being above 120 foot long, and it was 3 of
the clock in the morning before all was finished.
The 9th of February, my wife's brother, John Nicholls, being a linen
draper dwelling in Friday Street, died of the sickness.
The 25th April the Prince's Highness came to Woolwich and dined
there, with all his train, in my dining room.
The 27th April, my sister Lydia, whom I was glad to maintain a
long time before, with a poor man that was her husband, died at
Plumstead, and was there buried at my charge.
The 30th of this month, the Resistance was launched out of my brother
Simonson's Dock at Ratcliff, where she was newly repaired.
The second of May, the Lady Elizabeth with her train came to see the
great ship at Woolwich, and was entertained by my wife, I being then
at London.
About the 10th of May, this present year, I bought Sir John Trevor's
third part of the Resistance, so that I had two third parts of her to
myself.
The 18th of June the Prince's Highness came to Woolwich, to see the
ship, who was now in great forwardness and almost ready; and the next
day after he came thither again in company of the King his father,
and a great train attending on them, in the afternoon. His Majesty
spent almost two hours in great content in surveying the ship, both
within and without, protesting it did not repent him to have taken
such great pains in examination of the business of that work, since
the fruit thereof yielded him such contentation.[352] His Majesty
then did me the honour to come into the house, where my wife had
prepared a banquet of sweetmeats and such fruits as were then to
be had, whereof he was pleased to taste plentifully and did very
graciously accept of his homely entertainment, giving me especial
commandment not to launch the ship till his progress was ended.
Between Easter and Michaelmas that the ship began to be
garnished,[353] it is not credible what numbers of people continually
resorted to Woolwich of all sorts, both nobles, gentry, citizens,
and from all parts of the country round about; which was no small
charge to me, in giving daily entertainment to all comers, which
could not be possibly avoided in that place at such a time.
In the beginning of August I was summoned to Chatham with my fellow
Master Shipwrights, there to take a survey of the Navy according to
the yearly custom. Sir John Trevor, then Surveyor, attended that
service personally; where we spent four days in performing that
business, and so returned to Woolwich.
The 6th of this month of August, my wife was delivered of her fifth
son, at Woolwich in my own lodgings, between the hours of 6 and 7
of the clock in the morning, being Thursday.[354] And the 16th day
of the same month he was baptized in the church at Woolwich, upon a
Thursday in the forenoon.
The witnesses were my brother Peter and brother William Brooke,
godfathers, and my wife's mother, Mistress Katherine Nicholls,
godmother.
The 22nd of this month, I let out the Resistance for a voyage into
the Straits at the rate of 100_l._ per mensem, with 36 men; Mr.
William Gibbons appointed the master.
The 31st day, I rode to Nonsuch,[355] to the Prince, that then was
there in hunting, who of his nobleness promised to send me a buck to
Woolwich, because he had then given all away that were fallen that
day.
The 9th of September, being Sunday, about six of the clock in the
evening, divers London maids, coming to see the ship, brought in
their company a little boy of 12 years old, the only child of his
mother, a widow woman dwelling in Tower Street, who, carelessly going
up and down upon the main orlop,[356] fell down into the hold of
the ship and was thereby so broken and bruised that he died before
midnight, being the first mischance that did happen in the whole time
of the ship's building.
About the middle of this month, being ready to have the ship stroken
down upon her ways, I caused 12 of the choice master carpenters of
his Majesty's Navy to be sent for from Chatham to be assistance in
her striking and launching; and upon the 18th day, being Tuesday, she
was safely set upon her ways, and this day Sir Robert Mansell came
and dined with me in my lodgings.
The 20th of this month, the French Leaguer[357] Ambassador came to
Woolwich, to see the ship, whom I entertained in the best manner I
could; and in the time of his being within, the Prince, my royal
master, sent me a wonderful fat buck which he killed with his own
hand.
Now began we on all sides to make preparation for the launching of
the ship, and for that purpose there was provided a rich standard of
taffety,[358] very fairly gilt with gold, with his Majesty's arms,
to be placed upon the poop, and a very large ensign of crimson rich
taffety, with a canton of the Prince's crest, to be placed upon
the quarter deck, and all other ornaments were carefully provided
for, befitting that purpose. There was a standing set up in the
most convenient place in the Yard for his Majesty, the Queen, and
their royal children, and places fitted for the ladies and Council,
all railed in and boarded; all the rooms both in my own lodgings
and at Mr. Lydiard's were[359] prepared and very handsomely hanged
and furnished with a cloth of state, chairs, stools and other
necessaries; nothing was omitted that could be imagined any ways
necessary, both for ease and entertainment.
Upon Sunday in the afternoon, being the 23rd day of September,
Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor, and Sir Henry Palmer came to
Woolwich to see how everything was ordered, and finding all things
prepared and fitted to their likings, about three of the clock they
returned all to Deptford, where they lodged that night at Sir Robert
Mansell's. This evening, very late, there [came] a messenger to me
from them, bringing a letter which was sent to them from Court, at
Theobalds, to give me order to be very careful to search the ship's
hold for fear some treacherous persons might have bored some holes,
privily, in the ship, to sink her after she should be launched; but
my care had prevented their fears aforehand, so far as possibly could
be searched or discerned.
On Monday morning, assisted by the help of my brother Simonson and
sundry other my friends, we opened the dock gates and made all things
ready against the tide, but the wind blowing very hard at south-west
kept out the flood so as it proved a very bad tide, little better
than a neap, which put us afterwards to great trouble and hazard.
The King's Majesty came from Theobalds, though he had been very ill
at ease with a scouring taken with surfeiting by eating grapes,
and landed here about eleven of the clock. Prince Henry attended
him, and most part of the Lords of the Council. The Lord Admiral,
attended by the Principal Officers of the Navy together with myself,
received him on land out of his barge and conducted him to the place
provided for him in Mr. Lydiard's house; his dinner was dressed in
our great kitchen. After dinner came the Queen's Majesty, accompanied
with the Duke of York, Lady Elizabeth, and divers great lords and
ladies in her train. The drums and trumpets [were] placed on poop
and forecastle and the wind instruments by them, so that nothing was
wanting to so great a royalty that could be desired.
When it grew towards high water and all things ready, and a great
close lighter made fast at the ship's stern, and the Queen's Majesty
with her train placed, the Lord Admiral gave me commandment to heave
taut the crabs[360] and screws,[361] though I had little hope to
launch by reason the wind over-blew the tide; yet the ship started
and had launched, but that the dock gates pent her in so strait that
she stuck fast between them, by reason the ship was nothing lifted
with the tide as we expected she should, and the great lighter by
unadvised counsel being cut off the stern, the ship settled so hard
upon the ground that there was no possibility of launching that tide,
besides that there was such a multitude of people got into the ship
that one could scarcely stir by another. The noble Prince himself,
accompanied with the Lord Admiral and other great Lords, were upon
the poop, where the great standing gilt cup was ready filled with
wine to name the ship, so soon as she had been on float, according
to ancient custom and ceremony performed at such times, by drinking
part of the wine, giving the ship her name, and heaving the standing
cup overboard.
The King's Majesty was much grieved to be frustrate of his
expectation, coming on purpose, though very ill at ease, to have done
me honour, but God saw it not so good for me and therefore sent this
cross upon me both to humble me and to make me know that howsoever we
purposed, he would dispose all things as he pleased; so that about
five of the clock his Majesty with the Queen and all their train
departed away to Greenwich, where then the household were removed.
Prince Henry stayed behind a good while after his Majesty was gone,
conferring with the Lord Admiral, Principal Officers, and myself what
was to be done; and, leaving the Lord Admiral to stay here to see all
things performed that was resolved on, he took horse and rode after
the King to Greenwich, with promise to return back presently after
midnight.
So soon as the multitudes were gone and things quiet, we went
presently in hand to make way with the sides of the dock gates, and
having great store of scavelmen[362] and other labourers, we made
all things ready before any flood came; which performed, every man
applied himself to get victuals and to take rest. The Lord Admiral
sat up all the night in a chair in his chamber, till the tide was
come about the ship; and Sir Robert Mansell, Sir John Trevor, and Sir
Henry Palmer made shift in my lodgings to rest themselves.
The beginning of the night was very fair and bright moonshine, the
moon being a little past full, but after midnight the weather was
sore overcast, and a very sore gust of rain, thunder and lightning,
which made me doubt that there was some indirect working amongst our
enemies to dash our launching; this gust lasted about half an hour
with great extremity, the wind being at south-west.
In the midst of this great gust, Prince Henry and all his [train]
were taken upon the top of Blackheath in their coming to Woolwich,
but his invincible spirit, daunted with nothing, made little account
of it but came through, and was no sooner alighted in the yard but,
calling for the Lord Admiral and myself and Sir Robert Mansell, went
all presently on board the ship, being about two of the clock, almost
one hour before high water; and was no sooner entered but, the word
being given to set all taut, the ship went away without any straining
of screws or tackles, till she came clear afloat into the midst of
the channel, to the great joy and comfort of the Prince's Highness,
the Lord Admiral, and all the rest of my noble loving friends, which
mercy of God to me I pray I may never forget.
His Highness then, standing upon the poop with a selected company
only, besides the trumpets, with a great deal of expression of
princely joy, and with the ceremony[363] of drinking in the great
standing cup, threw all the wine forward towards the half deck, and
solemnly calling her by the name of the Prince Royal, the trumpets
sounding all the while, with many gracious words to me, gave the
standing cup into mine own hands, and would not go from the ship till
he saw her fast at her moorings. In heaving down to the moorings we
found that all the hawsers that were laid on shore for land-fasts
were treacherously cut, to put the ship to hazard of running on
shore, if God had not blessed us better.
In the interim of warping to the moorings, his Highness went down
to the platform of the cook-room where the ship's beer stood for
the ordinary company, and there finding an old can without a lid,
went and drew it full of beer himself, and drank it off to the Lord
Admiral, and caused him with the rest of his attendants to do the
like.
About nine the same morning, being very rainy, he took his barge,
accompanied with the Lord Admiral and the rest of his train, and,
giving us a princely gracious farewell, rowed against the tide
to Greenwich, where he made relation of all the business and the
circumstances thereof to the King his father.
We then came on shore to refresh ourselves with victuals, and to take
some rest, having toiled all the night before; and, amongst the rest
of the company, Sir Henry Palmer was pleased to stay dinner, where we
drank Prince Henry's health round, to hansel[364] the standing cup
given at the launching.
The 8th day of October I began to kill beef at Woolwich for the
victualling of the Resistance, for a voyage into the Straits.
The 20th of October were discharged most part of all the workmen
which wrought upon the Prince, and were paid at Deptford [the] same
day.
The 22nd day of this month, the Resistance fell down to the
wall,[365] and the 27th day she came down to Woolwich, and there
anchored by the Prince.
This day also I shipped away my household stuff from Woolwich to
Chatham.
The 29th day, being Monday, I removed from Woolwich to Chatham, with
my wife, children, and my whole family, and the next day I returned
again to Woolwich, and the next day divers Straits ships fell down to
Woolwich, and we caused them to anchor by the Prince, and to help us
with all their men to set the Prince's masts.
The first of November, being Thursday, was set the Prince's foremast,
and on Saturday, being the 3rd day, her boltsprit was set also, all
the merchantmen's companies helping us.
The 8th day, being Thursday, the Resistance and the rest of the
Straits ships set sail for Gravesend, and I went down thither in the
Resistance, and that night went to Chatham, and the next day returned
to Gravesend and cleared away my ship.
The 10th day, being Saturday, betimes in the morning the Resistance
and the rest of the Straits ships set sail from Gravesend, and went
over the next tide. I went in the Resistance, Captain John King went
in his own ship, the Mathew, and Mr. Jenkins the shipwright went with
Mr. Wills in the Althea, and Mr. Newport went master in the Centaur.
We all anchored in the Gore,[366] and lay ashore at Birchington that
night, old Thomas Puniett in our company. The next day Captain King,
Mr. Jenkins, Mr. Puniett,[367] and myself, came post to Chatham; they
lay at my house all night, and the next day I came up to Woolwich
with them in my company.
The Prince by this time was wholly rigged and made ready to go to
Chatham, of which having made Prince Henry's Highness acquainted, he
was pleased to come on board her at Woolwich on Thursday, being the
6th December, where he stayed some 3 hours, being wonderful desirous
to [have] had us set sail, if we could possibly have done it without
danger. Sir Robert Mansell that day attended upon the Prince, and
was by him commanded to go down in her to Chatham with us. Captain
King was master, thereto being appointed by the Prince, old John a
Vale was our pilot, Mr. John Reynolds the master gunner, and Lawrence
Spencer, boatswain. So soon as it was high water, which was about 3
of the clock, his Highness went on shore at Woolwich where his coach
attended; at his landing we gave him eleven pieces of ordnance, which
was all we had then aboard.
The 7th day of this month, Sir Robert Mansell sent his bedding and
provision on board the Prince, and necessaries for the journey, and
that night he came on board and lay there all night; and the next
day, being Saturday, the wind being at south-west, we made ready to
set sail and got our anchors on board, but it was a great fog all the
morning, and at noon it cleared up, but it was so little wind that
we could scarce bear ahead with all our sails and boats, yet we with
much ado got as low as Halfway Tree,[368] and there, the water being
much fallen, we anchored all that night.
The next day, being Sunday the 9th December, we set sail about one of
the clock, with a fresh gale at south-west, and that night anchored
at the lower end of Gravesend. Monday, the 10th day, we set sail
into Tilbury Hope, and, for that we wanted a great anchor and cable,
Sir Robert thought it fit for us to stay there till we were supplied
with all wants, for which purpose Sir Robert went back to London that
night, and I went home to Chatham.
On Friday after, being the 14th day, I returned on board the ship
into Tilbury Hope, and presently after Sir Robert came on board, and
having received the supply of our wants, we made ready to set sail
again the next day.
Saturday morning, we set sail from Tilbury Hope and anchored thwart
the Nore, where we lay all that night; Sunday, the 16th day, we
weighed and anchored within Sheerness; and on Monday we got up as
high as St. Mary's Creek;[369] and the next day, being Tuesday and
the 18th day, we brought the ship safe to her moorings within the
chain at Upnor, for which we gave God thanks.
So soon as the ship was safe moored, Sir Robert Mansell rode away
post for London, and I went home to my house. On the Wednesday after
I made a journey to London to wait upon the Prince, my master, where
I stayed till the Saturday after, being the 22nd day, and then
returned home to Chatham; and thus ended the year of 1610.
Anno 1611. There passed little worth note till towards the end of
April, this present year; and the 29th day of this month, being on
a Monday, I was by the Prince's Highness' command sent for to come
to London, to be at Westminster with Sir Robert Mansell that night
at supper. The message came to me between 2 and 3 [of the] clock in
the afternoon. I presently caused my horses to be taken up and made
ready, and presently took horse and according to appointment came
thither by seven that night, where I found Sir Robert Mansell and Sir
Oliver Cromwell expecting my coming.
The next morning Sir Robert Mansell and myself repaired to St.
James's, where I received from the Prince's own mouth his Highness'
intent to make a private journey to Chatham, and to go down in his
barges round about by Queenborough; giving me strait charge I should
acquaint none with it, but make preparation for his lodging and diet
and his small train in Chatham, Mr. Legatt's house being appointed
the place to receive his own person. So, being taught my lesson, I
returned to Chatham, taking present order for the preparing of all
things for his entertainment.
There was a small merchantman bound for the East Country, which was
purposely sent down into Tilbury Hope, to ride there, to refresh his
Highness on board her and to relieve the watermen; to which purpose
she was quaintly fitted with all things, and a great breakfast
prepared for that purpose, Sir William St. John[370] having the
charge of seeing it performed, being as Captain of the ship for
present.[371]
The 5th of May, being Sunday, after dinner I took horse to Gravesend,
where met me Captain King, who had part of that merchant ship and was
commanded to attend, and we lay all night at Gravesend.
On Monday morning, being the 6th of May, the Prince's Highness
took his barges at Whitehall by 5 of the clock. He was accompanied
with the Earls of Shrewsbury, Arundel, and Earl of Mar, Sir Thomas
Chaloner, Sir Oliver Cromwell, Sir Robert Mansell, and some others
of his household servants. About 9 of the clock his Highness came on
board, where we were ready to receive him after the sea manner, with
trumpets and drums, and after he had refreshed himself, the Lords
broke fast, and the watermen relieved with fresh spells, we went on
against the tide till we came within Queenborough water, and it was
ebbed before we could get as high as Upnor; and so, passing along by
all the ships, his Highness was landed at the old dock at Chatham a
little before 6 at night, and thence walked on foot to Mr. Legatt's
house, where his supper was ready prepared for him and his train, to
his great content.
The Earl of Arundel was lodged at a boatswain's house next Mr.
Legatt's, the Earl of Shrewsbury and Earl of Mar were lodged at my
house, the other train in other convenient places.
Tuesday morning betimes, according to his Highness' directions
overnight, barges and boats were ready prepared to attend his
Highness; who had broke fast and was ready by seven of the clock, and
took his barge and went first on board the Prince, and so from ship
to ship of the lower reach, taking particular private information
from Sir Robert Mansell and myself (none else suffered to come near)
of the state and condition of each several ship in his own table
book. This done, landed and went to dinner, where he was very merry
and pleasant; we having placed 15 great brass chambers in the garden
to be fired when his Highness drunk any healths, and were attended
by Mr. John Reynolds, master gunner of his own ship, who carefully
performed his charge.
Dinner done, his Highness proceeded again in viewing all the ships
and pinnaces in the upper reach, not leaving out any one which he was
not on board of, taking[372] the same course with them as was done
with the other in the forenoon, by which time the day was far spent,
and his Highness returned to his lodging, supper being ready against
his coming.
Wednesday, after his Highness had broke fast, he took his barges and
went up to Strood by water, all the ships of both reaches giving
him a royal farewell with their ordnance, which he commanded to be
shot, even over his barge, notwithstanding all the persuasion to the
contrary.[373] He was landed at Strood, where his coaches attended
him, and thence went to Gravesend, whither I also waited on him,
and there his Highness was received by the magistrates of the town
with all their small shot and the ordnance of the blockhouses: at
his putting in his barge he was pleased to grace me with kissing
his hand, expressing how well he was pleased with his journey and
entertainment; thence I returned home to Chatham.
The 4th of June, being Tuesday, being prepared to have gone to London
the next day, about midnight one of the King's messengers was sent
down to me from the Lord Treasurer to man the light horseman[374]
with 20 musketeers and to run out as low as the Nore head to search
all ships, barks, and other vessels, for the Lady Arabella[375] that
had then made a scape and was bound over for France; which service
I performed accordingly, and searched Queenborough, and all other
vessels I could meet withal, and then went over to Leigh[376] in
Essex and searched the town; and when we could hear no news of her
went to Gravesend, and thence took post horse to Greenwich, where his
Majesty then lay, and delivered the account of my journey to the Lord
Treasurer by his Majesty's command; and so was dismissed, and went
that night to Ratcliff, where I lay at Captain King's.
The 10th of June, being at London, I had news of the arrival of the
Resistance from the Straits, whereupon I went presently for Chatham,
and the next morning returned to Gravesend and shipped myself in
a ketch, and was before night set on board the Resistance in Gore
End road, where were other ships that came thither in company, and
amongst the rest one of the East India ships newly come, of whom one
David Middleton[377] was captain. I stayed in the Gore till the 17th
day, at which time we were purposed to have weighed and come over,
but there rose such a storm at west, and so over-blew, that divers
ships venturing were cast away, and they that scaped best lost their
masts and ground tackle, but God blessed us that we did not lose
the ship at all. I then, having earnest business to be at Chatham,
was set on shore at Margate, from whence I took post horse and came
safely that night to Chatham, giving God thanks for his merciful
deliverance.
About this time Sir John Trevor, having sold his place of Surveyor
of the Navy to one Captain Richard Bingley,[378] was come down to
Chatham to surrender his place unto him at the pay then made; and
thereupon there was by the new Surveyor's means a strict survey
made of the whole Navy, wherein I denied to join before I knew the
Prince's pleasure, but was afterwards persuaded to yield unto it by
Sir John Trevor's importunity; whereby I incurred great blame and
a sharp check from the Prince's Highness, which I had much ado to
pacify by the help of the best friends I had about him, being sent
for on purpose to Richmond to give his Highness satisfaction therein.
About the 8th day of July I paid the company of the Resistance for
their voyage, and presently graved her for another, and at the same
time I was sent for by the Lord Admiral of England, to Hampton
Court, to give an account about the proceedings of the survey, made
a little before at Chatham, of the state of the Navy; and then I was
also sent for to attend the Prince at Richmond, to give his Highness
satisfaction concerning the proceedings therein, which he took as an
affront, because I had not made his Grace acquainted with it, being
hindered by Sir Richard Bingley.
The 17th day of this month,[379] being Saturday, having fitted the
Resistance in all points for her voyage into the Straits, she set
sail to Blackwall, and the next morning came to Gravesend, where I
left her and went to Chatham; and next day, being Monday morning, I
brought my wife to Gravesend with me, where we lay that night, and
having cleared the ship from thence, saw her set sail on Tuesday
morning betimes, and then returned home to Chatham.
In the end of this month I caused the little Disdain, Prince Henry's
pinnace, to be rigged and fitted for me to take the air of the sea to
the river's mouth.
The 3rd of September, being Tuesday, I set sail with the Disdain
betimes in the morning from Upnor, having the ship manned with divers
of my friends in the Navy, which voluntary went with me, as David
Duck, Nicholas Surtis, Robert Sharpe, cousin[380] Peter Pett, and
others, whom I royally victualled, and put out of Queenborough, and
with the next flood, the wind westerly, we turned up as high as Hole
Haven,[381] where we anchored all night; next morning I turned up
to Gravesend, where we anchored in expectance of the company of my
friend Captain John King, who was to come from London to meet me
there upon his faithful promise, but he failing, I with my company
dined on shore at Gravesend, and in the afternoon set sail into
Tilbury Hope where we anchored all night.
The next morning, being Thursday and the 5th day, we weighed betimes
in the morning with a fair gale of wind at west and went down as
low as the buoy of the Oase edge, where we anchored till the flood,
before which time the wind harted[382] in and blew a very fresh
gale, and before a quarter flood it blew so much wind as we could
not maintain our topsails abroad, and the sea was so high grown that
our little ship would not work, so that we had much ado to get up as
high as thwart of Minster Church upon the Island of Sheppey,[383]
where, close under the edge of the Cant, we came to an anchor in
shoal water; by which time it blew up a very great storm, the wind
at west-south-west, and there we were forced to ride it out till the
next day at half flood, not without some danger; and then the wind
beginning to duller[384] we weighed and got up under Sheerness,[385]
where we anchored all night, and the next day, being Saturday and the
7th day, we brought our ship safe to Gillingham, giving God thanks
for our safety and deliverance.
About the middle of December, the Honour[386] and Defiance being
appointed to be brought into dry dock at Woolwich, the Honour to
be repaired by Mr. Baker, who first built her, and the Defiance
commended to me, we began to prepare the dock for the receiving of
them in after Christmas; and so ended this year of 1611.
The 6th day of January I went from Chatham to Woolwich to dock the
Honour and the Defiance. On the 9th day we opened the gates and
brought in the Defiance; the next day proved so much wind as we could
not stir the Honour from her moorings, so that she was not docked
till the night tide; the 11th day the gates were shut in and caulked.
About the middle of this month, Prince Henry lying at Greenwich,
all the King's Master Shipwrights were commanded by his Highness to
attend him about a resolution of building ships in Ireland, and a
proposition was made by Mr. William Burrell to undertake to build
one of six hundred tons in the room of the old Bonaventure, at a
rate,[387] to build her in Ireland, myself being appointed to have
gone over thither to see him to perform his bargain; and every Master
Shipwright brought in plats,[388] to the end his Highness might make
the better choice for what proportions and kinds of moulds[389] he
did best approve of for fitness of service.
About this time also I did accompany Captain Thomas Button to make
choice of a ship[390] for the North-west Passage, in which journey
he was to be employed by the appointment of the Prince. Towards
the end of this month I attended at Deptford to the docking of the
Dreadnought.
About the 6th of March, the Resistance returned home of her voyage,
and the 23rd of the same I paid all her company.
The 14th day of April, being Easter Tuesday, I came to Gravesend to
meet Captain Button, who was then going away upon his voyage, and
we parted together[391] on board his ship, from whence I returned to
Chatham.
About the middle of June, by the commandment of Prince Henry, I
began to make ready a frame for a small new ship, who was to be as a
pinnace to the great ship, the Prince, in which the Prince's Highness
did purpose to solace himself sometimes into the Narrow Seas; and
therefore she was appointed to be fitted with a very roomy cabin and
all other accommodations for that purpose; the keel of which ship was
laid in the launching place at the old dock at Chatham the last day
of June, being in length 72 foot, in breadth 24 foot, and to draw 11
foot water, of the burden 250 tons and tonnage,[392] or thereabouts.
Much about the 10th July, I sold the good ship called the Resistance
to one Mr. Henry Mainwaring,[393] brother to Sir Arthur Mainwaring,
for 700 and odd pounds, whereof I received 450_l._ down and gave time
for the payment of the rest, having Sir Arthur Mainwaring bound for
the payment of the same, which was not performed in more than two
years after. The cause that I sold this lucky ship was for that Mr.
William Gibbons,[394] that was my master in her, was by my consent
licensed to go with Captain Button (being his near kinsman) to the
North-west Passage.
The 1st of August, being Saturday, the Prince's Highness being to
take his progress from Richmond, I rode from Chatham to Richmond,
accompanied with Captain John King and Mr. John Reynolds, then master
gunner of the Prince. The next day, being Sunday, I waited on his
Highness to chapel and at dinner; he had this day a great deal of
private conference with me concerning affairs of consequence. After
his Highness was risen from dinner and had talked with me awhile at
the bay window of the presence,[395] he was pleased to license me to
depart to dinner, which was prepared for me and my company by Mr.
Alexander, the principal gentleman usher, at Mr. Wilson's house,
then his Highness' tailor; from whence I was three times sent for by
his Highness in dinner time, to attend him to give him satisfaction
about sundry material questions wherein he desired to be satisfied;
which done, he sent me to dinner, commanding me after I had dined to
wait upon him again. Between two and three of the clock, I attended
according to his Highness' commandment, at what time he was pleased
to deliver his pleasure to the full unto me, with protestation of
the trust he reposed in me and the good opinion of my performance
of what he was pleased to commend to my charge, with many princely
passages of his gracious favour and intendiments to provide for me.
In conclusion, upon my parting, with a most princely loving gravity,
he gave me a farewell in these words 'Go on cheerfully' saith he
'in that which I entrust you with, and let not the care for your
posterity incumber you any ways, for you shall leave the care both
of yourself and them to me, who have a purpose carefully to provide
for you'; which gracious speeches took such impression in me, that
when I came to kiss his Highness' hands at parting I could not choose
but shed some tears, though I little thought (as God knoweth) that
had been the last time I should have seen him alive, and those the
last words that ever he spake unto me. This night we took our leaves
at Richmond and came to Greenwich, and lodged that night with Mr.
Reynolds.
At the time of our being at Richmond, it was concluded by Mr.
Alexander and some others of the Prince's servants (not without his
Highness' knowledge) to come to Chatham with their wives to be merry,
and it was agreed also that we would fetch them to Chatham by water
in our pinnaces, to go round about by water; which accordingly was by
us performed, and upon the 12th day of this month we embarked them
at Greenwich, about five of the clock in the morning, to the number
of some twenty persons, men and women, being provided of all manner
of victuals and store of wine for our passage, and by 6 at night
we arrived at Chatham, where they were that night entertained at
supper and lodged with me, as many as we could receive; the rest were
billeted with Mr. Legatt and other neighbours; they were entertained
by none but the Prince's servants. The first day I feasted all the
company; the second day they were feasted with great royalty on
board the great ship, the Prince, dinner and supper, accompanied
with the Principal Officers of his Majesty's Navy, where the King's,
Queen's, and all their children's healths were drunk round with loud
report of the ordnance, a noise of music attending us all the day.
We took leave on board about ten of the clock at night, our music
playing before us, and for our farewell there were 25 pieces of great
ordnance discharged after the watch was set. On the Saturday, being
the 15th day, all the company were feasted, dinner and supper, at
Mr. John Legatt's. On the Sunday we were all invited to Rochester by
Doctor Milbourne, one of his Highness' chaplains, and then Dean of
Rochester, who bestowed upon us a sermon, himself preaching; with him
we dined and supped, and then returned to Chatham.
Monday proved so foul and rainy that the company could not take their
journey towards London as was purposed; they all dined with me and
supped at Captain King's.
The next proved very fair, so that after breakfast some in coaches,
and some on horseback, rode for Gravesend, accompanied with Mr.
Legatt, Captain King, and myself; where we saw them shipped in a
barge, and then took our leaves, bidding them farewell with some
ordnance from both blockhouses.
The 25th day of September, the new charter[396] for incorporating the
shipwrights of England, granted by King James, in which by the same
charter I was ordained the first Master. I was sworn in my place of
Mr. Master, the dinner being kept at the King's Head in Fish Street,
Mr. Doctor Pay[397] making the sermon at the next church adjoining.
About this time my picture was begun to be drawn by a Dutchman
working then with Mr. Rock[398] at Rochester.
The 15th day of October, my eldest and first daughter Ann was born
at my house [at] Chatham between one and two of the clock in the
afternoon, and at that time I had a little fit of sickness which made
me keep house 9 or 10 days.
The 25th day of this month the noble Prince my master, the hope of
Christendom, sickened.
The 26th of this month my daughter was baptized in the forenoon at
Chatham Church, where Mr. Doctor Milbourne, then Dean of Rochester,
preached; where a great company of my friends dined with me and
were very merry, little thinking of the calamity that so soon
followed to us all in general, but to myself in particular, by the
death of that ever renowned branch, Prince Henry, my royal and most
indulgent master; at which time began my ensuing misfortune and the
utter downfall of all my former hopes, to the ruin of all my poor
posterity, being now exposed to the malicious practices of my old
enemies, having nothing but the mercies of my good God to trust unto
and to comfort me withal.
The 6th day of November, I being the same day come up to London, in
the afternoon I came to St. James about four of the clock, where I
found a house turned to the very map[399] of true sorrow, every man
with the character of grief written in his dejected countenance, all
places flowing with tears and bitter lamentations; and about 6 of the
clock the same evening, the most renowned Prince of the world, our
royal and most loving master, departed this life, not only to the
loss and utter undoing of his poor servants, but the general loss of
all Christendom of the protestant religion.
The beginning of December, I had warning to attend at St. James upon
the preparation for the funeral of our master, and had black cloth
delivered to me according to the place I was ranked in above stairs,
which was a gentleman of the Privy Chamber extraordinary; and the 6th
day after, being Sunday, all his Highness' servants waited at St.
James upon his hearse, then standing in the Chapel, to whom Doctor
Price, then one of his Highness' chaplains, directed an excellent
sermon, his text being taken out of the 3rd chapter of the second
book of Samuel, the 31st verse, in these words:--'Rend your clothes,
put on sackcloth, and mourn before Abner.' There were very few
present at the sermon that did not bitterly mourn and shed tears in
abundance.
The next day, being Monday the 7th December, we did attend his
Highness' corpse to the funeral in the Abbey at Westminster, which
was the most lamentable march that ever I went. It was three of the
clock in the afternoon before his body was placed under the hearse.
The Lord of Canterbury's Grace preached the funeral sermon: there,
with his body, I burying all my hopes of my future preferments. I
came with an exceeding heavy heart that night to Ratcliff, where that
time I lodged.
After the ceremonies of the funeral were performed, I returned to my
house at Chatham, where I stayed till the 27th day of this month, and
then, being sent for by the Lord High Admiral's messenger to attend
his pleasure, I rode to London by land, where I stayed till the end
of December, and then returned again to my house at Chatham.
The 6th day of January I received a letter from the Lord High
Admiral, together with the list of those ships that were appointed
to be made ready for the transportation of the Lady Elizabeth,[400]
with warrant to put them presently in hand to be graved and fitted
accordingly.
The 11th day I was sent for from Chatham by a messenger, to
attend the Lord Admiral, lying then at Chelsea; which accordingly
I presently performed and rode to London, where I stayed full
three days, the Lord Admiral sitting every of those in council,
attended by the Principal Officers of the Navy, the Masters and
Master Shipwrights, to resolve not only for the preparation of the
fleet to attend the transportation, but also for preparing many
vessels, to be built upon long boats and barges, for ships and
galleys for a sea-fight to be presented before Whitehall against
the marriage of the Lady Elizabeth; the manner whereof concluded
and ordered in writing, I was licensed to go to Chatham, to take
order for the Disdain and sending up of as many long boats and sea
barges as could be spared from the Navy; which having ordered, I
returned again presently to London, and did there attend daily in
overseeing these businesses, which were put out by the great[401]
to divers yardkeepers,[402] by reason of the shortness of time
limited for making them ready against the marriage. By reason of
this my continual attendance, not only upon that service but also
upon the Admiral and Sir Robert Mansell (principally entrusted
for the ordering of the whole service), I first took a lodging at
Westminster, near Sir Robert's house, in St. Stephen's Alley,[403]
which I continued many years after. Amongst other vessels fitted for
this piece of service was an old pinnace of the King's called the
Spy, of the burden of 60 tons, having 9 pieces of brass ordnance,
appointed to serve as an Argosy, whereof I was (somewhat against my
will, by the Lord Admiral's persuasion) made to serve as a Captain,
in which jesting business I ran more danger than if it had been a sea
service in good earnest.
After the sea fight was performed, I was entreated by divers
gentlemen of the Inns of Court, whereof Sir Francis Bacon was chief,
to attend the bringing of a mask by water in the night from St. Mary
Overy's[404] to Whitehall in some of the galleys, but, the tide
falling out very contrary, and the company attending the maskers very
unruly, the project could not be performed so exactly as was purposed
and expected, but yet they were safely landed at the Privy Stairs at
Whitehall; for which my pains the gentlemen gave me a fair recompense.
The marriage consummate and these royalties ended, the Lord Admiral
gave me a present despatch to post to Chatham, to make all possible
haste for to make ready the fleet, the Prince being appointed to go
Admiral,[405] and to transport the Lady and the Palsgrave's[406]
person and the Lord Admiral to command her. So that upon the 21st day
of February I took my journey from London to Chatham, and about the
middle of the week ensuing I caused the Anne Royal and the Lion to be
brought on the ground and graved.
On the 27th of this month I launched the small ship I had begun to
build the summer before, which the Lord Admiral was pleased to call
by the name of the Phœnix, and was also appointed to be one of [the]
Fleet for the transportation, being commanded by Sir Allen Apsley,
then Victualler of the Navy.
The 5th and 6th days of March I careened the Prince, and might with
much ease have brought her keel above the water but that I received
a strict commandment from the Lord High Admiral that I should not
careen her but within six strakes[407] of the keel, to which purpose
Mr. Thomas Aylesbury,[408] then his Lordship's secretary, was sent
down to see me perform it.
About the 14th of this month the Lord Admiral, very careful to have
all things ordered as befitted the royalty of such a service, came
down to Chatham in person, where he stayed two days to direct all
things according to his liking; wherein I gave his Lordship much
satisfaction, and by the end of this month I had by my care and
diligence fitted the whole Fleet to set sail to Gillingham.
The 1st of April, being Maundy Thursday, the Prince set sail over the
chain,[409] Captain John King being master. The Lord Admiral, being
newly come to Chatham, came on board of us as we were under sail and
went down in her to Gillingham, coming to an anchor at St. Mary
Creek's mouth. His Lordship lay at Mr. Legatt's.
On Easter day, being the 4th of April, the Lord Admiral with his
retinue received the holy sacrament in the parish church at Chatham.
Doctor Pay that was chaplain to the Lord William Howard, Baron of
Effingham and Vice Admiral in the Anne Royal, preached and delivered
the sacrament.
On Easter Tuesday in the afternoon the Lord Admiral with all his
retinue removed from Chatham, and came on board their several charges
at St. Mary Creek at Gillingham, and lay on board in his own cabin
this night. So soon as prayers were done this evening and the tables
covered, the Lord Admiral, out of his noble favour to me, called me
unto him and there gave me special charge to take my place at his
own table all the voyage; and would not commonly have grace said
before his Lordship had seen me set down, except I had been upon some
earnest business, giving charge also to all his officers to let me
have any thing of his own provisions which I should send for at any
time. I lay in a settle bed on one side of the master's cabin.
Wednesday being the 7th day, at quarter flood, being about eleven
of the clock, we set sail from Gillingham, the wind at south-west,
a pretty fresh gale: the ship wrought exceedingly well and was so
yare[410] of conduct, as a foot of the helm did steer her: we came to
an anchor at Queenborough a great while before high water, where we
rode all that night.
The next day, being Thursday, the wind south-west and a very fair
gale, the Admiral had given order we should weigh betimes to get
out, and accordingly the Anne Royal, being Vice Admiral, in whom
Hugh Meritt served Master, was fitted and prepared for the purpose,
having one anchor on board by the time the ship was went up upon the
flood, and was ready with his other anchor on peak,[411] supposing
we had been so provident to have our ship in the like readiness; but
our master, willing to do his countryman a courtesy, that lay by our
side in a hoy with forty tons of beer of our provision to take in,
neglected the time so long, being not accustomed to command such
great ships, that it was more than half flood before we could get our
anchor on board; by reason whereof, the tide running very strong and
the wind hartening[412] in, it was almost high water before we were
fitted to set sail and our other anchor got up. The wind then having
power on our weather quarter, and the tide upon the lee bow, kept our
ship from flatting;[413] and in the setting of our sails, many seamen
being with us that were prime commanders and captains, attending the
Lord Admiral as his retinue, had every one their voice in commanding
and countermanding one another, that they bred a mere[414] confusion
and put the master clean besides almost his senses; so that in fine
the ship was put on ground at the top of high water, upon the tongue
of the spit of the sand going into Queenborough, where, do what we
could with all our wits and endeavours, she sat all the tide of
ebb and almost ebbed dry; which unfortunate accident gave not only
great discouragement to the Lord Admiral, to have such a chance
befall him, but also gave great advantage to the enemies of the
ship, of whom the Lord Northampton was chief, to persuade the Lady
Elizabeth not to venture her person in such a vessel that had so ill
a beginning, but rather to embark herself in some other and to return
her[415] home.
When we saw we were so fast as there was not hope of getting the ship
off that tide, I desired liberty to sound the place where she sat,
which the Lord Admiral easily gave his consent to do. I then calling
into the boat with me some of the captains that were masters and
mariners, amongst which I chose Captain Robert Bradshaw and Captain
Geare for two principal, with others, and John Reynolds, then Master
Gunner of the ship, taking lead lines with us, we sounded both on
head, stern, and sides; and finding soft ground and little difference
in depth, we were satisfied that the ship could take no hurt if she
had strength sufficient to bear herself with so massy a weight as
she had in her of ordnance, victuals, and other things in hold, and
her masts and sails above head, with so much company, both of the
mariners belonging to the ship and the Lord Admiral's retinue, being
not so few in all as 800 persons; but God be thanked, the ship took
no harm at all; and we, having sounded the depth of the same furrow
she made in running on shore, we caused an anchor to be laid right
a-stern as her dock[416] directed us, and so with little difficulty
she was heaved afloat into the channel in the morning tide, to the
great satisfaction and content of[417] the Lord Admiral and general
joy of the whole company, for which we gave God thanks.
The next days, being Friday and Saturday, we lay still to
prytly[418] the ship and take in such provisions as were wanting.
The 11th day, being Sunday, we weighed and set sail, and anchored for
that night at The Spits[419]; next day we weighed and anchored short
of the Long Sand head[420]; next day we weighed and anchored middle
of the Channel[421]; next day anchored short of the North Foreland.
The 15th day, being Thursday, we came to an anchor in Margate Road.
The next day the Lord Admiral went on shore to Margate, where he lay
3 days at the house of Mr. Roger Morice, one of the 4 Masters of His
Majesty's Navy, and then returned on board.
The 21st day, being Wednesday, [the] Lady Elizabeth's Grace [and]
the Palsgrave, with all their train, came to Margate; there were
embarked in barges and the ships' boats, and were received on board
the Admiral, where they lay all the night.
The 22nd day, the wind being got easterly and likely to be foul
weather, her Highness, with the Palsgrave and most part of her train,
were again carried on shore to Margate and there landed.
The 25th day, being Sunday, they were all again embarked in the
barges and boats and received on board the ships; presently we set
sail and that night anchored without the Foreland.
The 26th day the wind shortened[422] upon us, so that we were
constrained to anchor in the midst of the Channel in 25 fathom, being
a windy, rainy, foul night.
The 27th day, being Tuesday, was a very wet forenoon, but about 11
of the clock whilst her Highness was at the sermon, it cleared up
and the wind veered southerly, so that we weighed, both having fair
weather and a fair wind; standing our course, quarter winds, a little
before we made the land we lost a man through his own wilfulness.
This evening we anchored under Blankenberghe[423] Sconce,[424] being
very fair weather.
The 28th day we weighed about noon, and anchored thwart of
Sluis,[425] where came on board us with his yachts,[426] the Prince
of Orange, Grave[427] Maurice, with a great train of gallantry and
followers, who all lay this night on board the Admiral.
The 29th day we weighed upon the flood and turned up to Flushing.
Some mile short of the town, her Highness, with the Palatine and most
part of her train, were embarked in the barges and boats, being very
fair weather, and was saluted with all the ordnance of the whole
fleet, and landed at Flushing, where they were received with all
royalty and saluted with all the ordnance of the town and castles
and guarded with the soldiers and garrison of the town; our ships
anchored a little above the Rammekens.[428] This afternoon I went on
shore to attend the Lord Admiral and lay in Flushing, our charges
being defrayed by the town. The 30th day, being Friday, the Count
Palatine took leave of her Highness and went post to the Palatinate.
This afternoon I, with others of the Lord Admiral's retinue, took
coach to Middelburg and were lodged and billeted for our diet at the
English house with him.
This forenoon, being May Day, divers of our retinue took a coach and
rode to Camphire[429] to see the Island; this afternoon her Highness
and her train were received into Middelburg with all royalty.
The second day, being Sunday, the Burghers feasted her Highness at
the Town House; this evening the Lord Admiral brought me to take
leave of her Highness and to kiss her hand; the next day her Highness
took leave of the Lord Admiral and his train, having attended her
to the place where she was embarked; which done, the Lord Admiral
returned from Middelburg in his barge on board the Prince, where he
found such a multitude of people, men, women, and children, that came
from all places in Holland to see the ship, that we could scarce have
room to go up and down till very night, which confluence of people
lasted from the time we anchored at Flushing till we weighed thence.
Fourth day; [the] Lord Admiral gave order we should weigh from
Flushing to avoid the trouble of people, which accordingly was done,
and we fell down to Cassant Point,[430] where we anchored all that
day and next night.
The 6th day, in the morning, we weighed with the wind at
east-north-east, a fresh gale and very fair weather, and this evening
we anchored under the Gunfleet.[431]
The 7th day, the wind continuing easterly, we weighed and set sail,
and by 12 of the clock we came to anchor at Gillingham, from whence
I attended the Lord Admiral in his barge to Chatham, where he lay
that night at Mr. Legatt's house. I found my wife and family all in
health, and gave God thanks for his preservation of us in our journey
and safe return home to our mutual comforts.
Sir Robert Mansell lay at my house. On Saturday morning, being the
8th day, the Lord Admiral went from Chatham, on whom I attended to
Gravesend, and there taking leave returned back to my house [at]
Chatham.
At Whitsuntide Sir Robert Mansell was committed to the
Marshalsea,[432] upon some displeasure[433] his Majesty took against
him by the instigation of the Lord Northampton, where he was detained
prisoner, till the 13th June following [he] was released at Greenwich.
In the latter end of July I received commandment to take the charge
of new building the Defiance, being then in dry dock at Woolwich. Old
Mr. Baker having the charge of new building the Merhonor at the same
time in the same dock with her, upon which business I was entered the
second August.
About the middle of August, old Mr. Baker sickened and, perceiving
his sickness was to death, was desirous to recommend the finishing of
the Merhonor to me, and to that end importuned me to ride to Windsor
to the Lord Admiral to signify his earnest suit to his Lordship in
that behalf; which was willingly condescended unto, and I had his
Lordship's warrant at the same time for it; he deceasing the last of
this month, and his funeral was solemnized at Deptford, the second of
September, where myself was present.
About the midst of September, my good, faithful friend, Mr. Sebastian
Vicars, the carver, departed this life; and the 27th day of this
month my second son Henry departed this life at Chatham; and at the
very instant my noble, worthy friend, Sir Thomas Button, then Captain
Button, alighted at my house, newly being returned from the dangerous
voyage of the North-west Passage, where he had wintered.
The 16th of October, I escaped a great danger by the fall of my horse
within one mile of Dartford, being riding to Chatham.
The 28th of October, I was taken very sick, going by water from
Woolwich to Westminster to accompany the ordinary shipwrights and
other of Chatham to move the Lord Admiral about their pay, being
much behindhand. I was forced this night to lie at the King's Head
in Fish Street, whither I came from Westminster on foot, to have
prevented my sickness. The whole company having appointed to dine
there, most part of them waked with me all that night. The next
day, accompanied with my brother Peter, I took oars to Gravesend,
and from thence rode home, being taken with a fit upon Gad's Hill,
with much ado recovering my own house, presently taking my chamber,
and being dangerously sick; from whence I did not stir down stairs
till Christmas holidays after; which happened ill for my business at
Woolwich, where in my absence, through the careless neglect of the
foremen, the workmen made wonderful spoil and havoc.
The next week after I took my sickness, and the news thereof, brought
to London, came to the ears of the Lord Admiral, who acquainted his
Majesty therewith; whereupon I received two several letters from the
Lord Admiral by post, and special commandment from his Majesty to
be certified the truth, and to let me know that, if I needed, some
of his own physicians should be sent unto me; which exceeding great
grace from his Majesty and expression of love from the Lord Admiral
was no small comfort unto me in my extremity.
The end of this month my wife's cook-maid died in the house, and was
buried on New Year's Day.
The seventh of January, I returned from Chatham to Woolwich with my
wife and some of my children and family; and because my lodgings at
the Dock were not fitted, I lay in the town at the house of a widow
woman called Mistress Spicke, for the space of a month, till the
lodgings in the King's Yard were prepared and made ready.
The 14th of February, I began to victual all the shipwrights and
workmen employed upon the Merhonor and Defiance at Woolwich.
The 28th of March it pleased God miraculously to preserve me from
loss of life by a fall on board the Honor, which was only from deck
to deck, by God's merciful providence very hardly escaping to fall
into the hold, which would have beat me all to pieces.
The 14th of June, my honourable and implacable enemy, the Earl of
Northampton, departed this life at his house at Charing Cross.
The 22nd of July, the King of Denmark came suddenly to Somerset House
unexpected.
The first of August, my gracious master, King James, accompanied with
the King of Denmark, Prince of Wales, Lord Admiral, and many other
lords, came to Woolwich and went on board the Merhonor, then being in
dry dock and almost finished, which ship liked them wondrous well:
here our King took leave of his Majesty of Denmark and returned to
Whitehall. From hence the King of Denmark took barge to Gravesend,
being accompanied with the Prince and Lord Admiral; Sir Robert
Mansell and myself were commanded to attend them.
The second of August, the King of Denmark was entertained on board
the Prince, riding at her moorings in the river of Chatham, the
Prince of Wales and the Lord Admiral of England accompanying him, Sir
Robert Mansell and myself attending. The ship was completely rigged
and all her sails at the yards, and richly adorned with ensigns and
pendants, all of silk, which gave very great content to the King of
Denmark; yet it was a very foul rainy day. From thence they returned
to Gravesend, where they took leave and the King of Denmark embarked
in his own ships.
In the end of November, all the workmen that wrought upon the
Merhonor were discharged from Woolwich.
The 6th of March,[434] the Merhonor and Defiance were both launched
out of the dry dock at Woolwich in one tide, and the 25th day of
April following they set sail from Woolwich, and the next day came to
their moorings at Chatham.
In May the dock at Woolwich was prepared for the receiving in of the
Elizabeth Jonas and the Triumph, who were appointed to be new built;
which ships were accordingly brought from Chatham, and were both
brought into the dock, the first and second days of June, and the
gates shut again and the ships shored.
The 25th of July, the Lord's Grace of Canterbury lay at Rochester,
and went on board the Prince, riding at her moorings, where he was
entertained with a banquet of sweetmeats by Sir Robert Mansell,
myself attending there.
The 29th of August, I removed from Woolwich to Chatham with my wife
and family, and the next day after my wife sickened of a surfeit,
eating too many grapes, which had like to have cost her her life.
The 9th of October, my wife was delivered of her 7th child, being
a son, between the hours of 10 and 11 [o']clock at night: the 22nd
day after he was baptized at Chatham Church and called by mine own
name, Phineas; the witnesses were Mr. Robert Yardley and Mr. King,
godfathers, and my sister Simonson, the godmother.
About the 27th day of March I bargained with Sir Walter Ralegh[435]
for to build him a ship of 500 tons, which I procured leave for from
the Lord Admiral, to build her in the galley dock in his Majesty's
Yard at Woolwich, towards which I presently received 500_l._ to begin
withal, and the 8th day of April following I began to set men on work
upon her.
The 8th day of April, I bought a piece of ground of one Christopher
Collier, lying in a place called the Brook at Chatham, for which I
paid him 35_l._ ready moneys.
The 18th day of April, I was elected and sworn Master of the
Corporation of Shipwrights at our common hall and meeting place at
Redriff.
The 13th day of May, I bought the rest of the land at the Brook,
of John Griffin and Robert Griffin, brothers, and a lease of their
sister, belonging to the College of Rochester.
The 22nd of May, I removed my wife and some of my family from Chatham
to Woolwich.
In July Sir Henry Mainwaring caused me to build a small pinnace of
40 tons for the Lord Zouch, being then Lord Warden of the Cinque
Ports, which pinnace was launched the 2nd of August and presently
rigged and fitted, all at my charge; and the 6th day we set sail with
her from Woolwich accompanied with Sir Walter Ralegh and his sons,
Sir Henry Mainwaring, Mr. Christopher Hamon,[436] cousin William
Hawkridge,[437] myself, son, and divers others. The first tide we
anchored [at] Gravesend; next night at the North Foreland; next
tide in the Downs, where we landed and rode to Dover Castle in the
Lord Warden's coach, sent purposely for us, leaving the pinnace to
be brought in to Dover Pier with the pilot and mariners. We stayed
at Dover till the 16th of August and then took leave of the Lord
Warden, and came to Woolwich the 17th day at night.
Towards the whole of the hull of the pinnace and all her rigging
and furniture I received only 100_l._ from the Lord Zouch, the rest
Sir Henry Mainwaring cunningly received in my behalf, without my
knowledge, which I could never get from him but by piece-meal, so
that by the bargain I was loser 100_l._ at least.
The 3rd day [of] December following, died my brother Cooper at
Chatham. The 16th of December I launched the great ship of Sir
Walter Ralegh's called the Destiny, and had much ado to get her into
the water, but I delivered her to him on float in good order and
fashion; by which business I lost 700_l._ and could never get any
recompense at all for it, Sir Walter Ralegh going to sea and leaving
me unsatisfied.
This year of 1617 proved a very fatal and troublesome year unto me.
The 14th day of March I removed my wife and family from Woolwich to
my house at Chatham, she being so big with child that I was forced
to carry her by coach, and that very leisurely for that she was with
child with two twins. The 20th of this month my wife's own father
died at his house at Highwood Hill.
The 15th day of April my wife was safely delivered of two daughters
at 12 of the clock at night: they were both baptized in Chatham
Church the 22nd day in the afternoon, being Tuesday; the eldest named
Mary; the other Martha.
About the midst of May, I was sent for by the Lord Treasurer, then
Earl of Suffolk, and Sir Fulke Greville, then Chancellor of the
Exchequer, and by them employed in a most troublesome business into
the New Forest in Hampshire, where one Sir Giles Mompesson[438] had
made a vast waste in the spoil of his Majesty's timber, to redress
which I was employed thither to make choice, out of the number of
trees he had felled, of all such timber as was useful for shipping;
in which business I spent a great deal of time, and brought myself
into a great deal of trouble.
The 6th of November my daughter Mary, the eldest of the twins,
departed this life at Chatham, and was buried 2 days after at Chatham.
The 8th day of December my young son Phineas departed this life after
he had lived 2 years 2 months and odd days,[439] and was buried at
Chatham.
My dear loving wife sickened at Chatham the 29th day of December, and
hardly escaped with life, yet it pleased God she did recover.
The last of this month my brother Simonson made himself away in the
garret of his own house at Ratcliff, to the utter undoing of his poor
wife and children.
In the month of June[440] there was a commission granted by his
Majesty to certain Commissioners for the reformation of the abuses in
his Majesty's Navy, the names of which Commissioners were Sir Lionel
Cranfield,[441] Sir Thomas Smith,[442] Sir Richard Weston,[443] Sir
Francis Gofton,[444] Sir Richard Sutton,[445] Mr. John Coke,[446]
Mr. Pitt[447] of the Exchequer, Sir John Osborne, Sir John
Wolstenholme,[448] Mr. Burrell, and Captain Thomas Norreys.
The 6th day of July these Commissioners came to Chatham in great
state, having called to assist them divers masters of the Trinity
House and divers shipwrights of the river of Thames, where,
commanding also the masters and master shipwrights of his Majesty's
Navy, they went on board the Prince and there publicly caused their
Commission to be read, the Officers of the Navy being present; which
done they proceeded to give order for a general survey of all the
ships in the Navy, with all their furniture, and all other things
belonging unto them; in the which was spent a great deal of time,
for they returned not to London till the 16th day of the month
after. Myself was commanded in particular from his Majesty to give
them the best assistance I could, which accordingly I did with all
diligence and carefulness; which proved afterwards to the ruin and
undoing to me and all mine, the whole bent of Mr. Burrell tending
only to overthrow me and root my name out of the earth, by his means
procuring most part of the Commissioners to join with him in his
malicious practice; so that from the time that he was settled, I
was sequestered from meddling with any business, and all employments
and privileges taken from me, Captain Norreys being brought over me,
and I forced to live as a slave under them the whole of the time of
their Commission, undergoing many disgraces and contempts which I
could not possibly have undergone had not the Lord been exceedingly
merciful unto me in giving me patience to submit myself to his will
and pleasure.
The whole year of '18, '19 and part of '20, I attended altogether at
Chatham, being employed upon the making of the new dock and other
businesses under the command of the Commissioners; the reward of my
extraordinary pains was recompensed with no other reward than base
usage and continual counsels and plats to ruin me, wherein they
obtained the sum of their desires to the utter undoing of me and
mine; Mr. Burrell and Norreys my greatest enemies.
The 24th of January in this present year my wife was delivered of a
young son at Chatham, who was, the 3rd day of the next month, being
Sunday, baptized in Chatham Church by Mr. Pyham; his name called
Phineas. The witnesses were my wife's sister Russell and niece
Hawkridge, godmothers, my nephews Peter and William Pett, godfathers.
The 19th day of this present month of July in the year 1619, the
great Duke of Buckingham, lately made the Lord Admiral of England,
came to visit the Navy then riding at Chatham, being accompanied with
divers lords and Sir Robert Mansell; who in his being here used me
with such extraordinary public respect that wrought me much prejudice
in the opinion of the Commissioners, who ever after plotted to ruin
me and to bring me out of favour both with the Lord Admiral and the
King himself.
The 20th day of November, attending at Theobalds to deliver his
Majesty a petition, his Majesty in his princely care of me, by the
means of the honourable Lord High Admiral, had before my coming
bestowed on me for supply of my present relief the making of a knight
baronet,[449] which I afterwards passed under the broad seal of
England for one Francis Radclyffe[450] of Northumberland, a great
recusant,[451] for which I was to have 700_l._, but by reason that
Sir Arnold Herbert[452] (that brought him to me) played not fair play
with me, I lost some 50_l._ of my bargain.
About this time the Commissioners of the Navy had finished two new
ships built by Mr. Burrell at Deptford in his Majesty's Dockyard, and
had procured the King's Majesty to come thither and see them, and
named[453] the one the Happy Entrance, and the other the Reformation.
The 14th day of May in the year 1620, my wife was delivered of her
eleventh child, being the last she had, being a son born at my
house in Chatham. The 25th day after, it was baptized and called
Christopher. Sir Christopher Cleve[454] and his brother-in-law, Mr.
Samuel Heyward, being godfathers, and my good neighbour, Mistress
Legatt, godmother.
The 12th day of June this present year, Sir Robert Mansell being
ordained Lord General of the Fleet for the expedition against the
Pirates of Algiers, by his great importunity with his Majesty I was
commanded to go in hand with building two new pinnaces for that
voyage, whereof the one was to be of burden 120 tons, and the other,
80 tons; for which I did contract with certain merchants of the
city that were appointed Committees for that business, whereof Sir
Thomas Smith, Mr. Burrell, and divers others of my great enemies
were of the quorum; but I, upon some hopes of thanks and reward,
enlarged them to a greater proportion than my contract, making the
one wherein I was myself to serve as Captain in the voyage, of 300
tons, called the Mercury, and the other, called the Spy, of 200 tons,
wherein Captain Edward Giles served; and for that I exceeded the
contract, the unconscionable merchants and Committees cast upon me
all the whole surplusage[455] of the charge, to the value of 700_l._,
notwithstanding I was forced to hasten the business and to keep
extraordinary numbers of workmen at great rates, and in a place where
the provision and materials were nightly stolen and embezzled to my
utter undoing; whereof I never could obtain any recompense, though to
my great expense and charge I made means both to his Majesty and the
Lords of the Council, and had warrant against the Committees, but was
continually overborn by their greatness and malice.
The 16th and 18th days of October, both the pinnaces were launched
at Ratcliff, where they were built, and all expedition was used to
rig and make them ready to set sail; I preparing myself, to my great
charge, to proceed in the voyage and to get the ships to Erith,
because of ice in the river, where we rode till we were cleared
thence by the Committees, which was about the 22nd of December; at
what time Mr. Puniett the pilot came on board me to carry me into the
Downs, and Sir John Ferne,[456] that went passenger with me to the
Fleet; my wife also came then on board of me.
The 27th day of December, we weighed and turned down from Erith into
Tilbury Hope, where we rode till the 29th day, and then weighed, and
anchored at the buoy of the Oaze Edge.[457]
The 30th day of December, I parted with my wife and sent her to
Gravesend in a light horseman that came to the ship with some
provisions.
We set sail from the buoy of the Red Sand[458] the first of January,
being New Year's Day, and anchored in the Gore, where we rode one
day, and thence into the Downs, where we landed our pilot.
We rode in the Downs till the 13th day, and then set sail and were
put into the Needles, and anchored at the Cowes two days; then set
sail, and the 4th of February we made the South Cape.[459] The 8th
day we entered into the Straits of Gibraltar,[460] and the 8th day at
night came to an anchor in Malaga Road.
The 19th day of September, 1621, we arrived in the Downs, and the
20th day at night, I came safe to my house at Chatham, finding my
wife and children all in good health, for which mercy of God I gave
God thanks, as did also my whole family.
All the year 1622 I did nothing but follow the Court with petitions,
to my infinite charge and trouble, and all to little purpose, for
I could never prevail against my adversaries, who detained all my
entertainment for the Algiers voyage, both for myself, son, and
servants; which cost me 300_l._ setting out, and the expense of the
voyage.
I must not forget that in the beginning of the year 1621, before I
was two months out of England, [through] the malice of Mr. Burrell
and some of the rest of the Commissioners for the Navy, that there
were divers master shipwrights of the river of Thames and some
masters of the Trinity House sent down to Chatham to survey the
state of the Prince;[461] amongst which Commissioners was, beside
old Burrell and his son, my fellow,[462] Stevens, Graves,[463]
Dearslye,[464] Bourne,[465] Thomas Brunning of Woodbridge, and
one Chandler,[466] a creature of Mr. Burrell's, and divers
other mariners, who maliciously certified the ship to be merely
unserviceable and not fit to be continued, and what charge soever
should be bestowed upon her would be lost, which they certified under
their hands. But the 24th of February succeeding, by special command
from his Majesty, who well understood their malicious proceedings,
the selfsame surveyors were again sent to Chatham and under their
hands certified that the ship might be made serviceable for a voyage
into Spain with the charge of 300 pounds,[467] to be bestowed upon
her hull and the perfecting her masts, which certificate was returned
under their hands and delivered to his Majesty. Whereupon present
warrant was granted to have the ship docked and fitted for a Spanish
voyage; which was accordingly done, and brought into the dock the 8th
of March, 1623, at Chatham, and was launched the 24th day of the same
month.
About the 17th of this month of February, I attended at Theobalds
the very morning that the Prince's Highness and the Lord Duke of
Buckingham took leave of the King to take their journey for Spain,
being carried so privately that few knew of their intent. At their
taking horse I kissed both their hands and they only gave me an
item[468] that I should shortly come to sea in the Prince.
After the Prince and the rest of the Fleet were all fitted and
prepared to set sail from their moorings, the St. George fell down to
Gillingham with the Antelope, being both appointed to go before to
Santander with the jewels and other provisions. The noble gentleman,
my honoured friend, Sir Francis Steward,[469] commanding in her, whom
my eldest son, John Pett, attended as one of his retinue in that
journey, and Captain Thomas Love[470] commanded in the Antelope.
The 2nd of May being on a Friday, the Prince removed from her
moorings to St. Mary Creek, where she anchored. Thither came down
from London many of the Commissioners of the Navy, with Sir Thomas
Smith and the Lord Brooke,[471] who all plotted together to have
hindered me from going the voyage which the King had commanded me
unto, but their malicious practices were prevented and their purposes
frustrated.
The 17th day of May I took leave of his Majesty in the park at
Greenwich and kissed his hand, with many expressions of his favour,
which was not very pleasing to Sir John Coke, then there present.
The 20th of May, the Prince set sail from St. Mary Creek and anchored
at Queenborough; the 21st day we set sail from Queenborough and
anchored at Whitaker;[472] 23rd day anchored [at the] Gunfleet;
24th day anchored short [of the] North Foreland; 25th day we came
and anchored in the Downs, where we rode till the 28th day of June,
having three several times proffered to go on, but were still put
room[473] again; but the 28th day, being Saturday, we weighed and
got as high as Fairlight,[474] where we anchored all the flood and
so plyed to windward all the ebbs, being fair weather. On Tuesday
after, being the first of July, we came to anchor in Stokes Bay by
Portsmouth. The 20th day of August, his Majesty, then lying in the
New Forest at Beaulieu[475] House, embarked himself and train and
came on board the Prince, then riding in Stokes Bay, accompanied with
Marquis Hamilton,[476] the Lord Chamberlain,[477] Holderness,[478]
Kellie,[479] Carlisle,[480] Montgomery,[481] and divers other
attendants, who all dined on board the Prince; our Admiral, the Earl
of Rutland,[482] being absent at London. His Majesty was very well
pleased, and after dinner, again embarking in the barge, lay hovering
in the midst of the Fleet till all the ships had discharged their
great ordnance, and then returned on shore at Calshot Castle.
In the interim of our stay in Stokes Bay I procured leave of the
Admiral to go to London, and the 2nd day of August, being Saturday, I
met my wife at Lambeth with my son Richard. There we lay that night,
and the next day took oars to Kingston, where we lay till Tuesday
following, on which day I went to Hampton Court to take leave of my
honoured lord and good master, the Earl of Nottingham, who then lay
there in his old lodgings, which was the last time I ever saw him,
being the fifth of August. The next day I took leave of my wife and
friends at Kingston; she returned home, and myself to Portsmouth on
board the Prince again.
The 24th day of August, being Sunday and Bartholomew's day, we set
sail out of Stokes Bay in the afternoon; the 25th day, the wind
taking us short[483] put us into the grass[484] at Weymouth, where
we rode till the 26th at night; and thence setting sail with the
wind easterly, on the 28th day, being Thursday, we came to anchor in
Plymouth Sound.
The 2nd day of September, being Tuesday, in the morning betimes
we set out of Plymouth Sound, and by contrary winds we beat it up
till, the 9th day following, being Tuesday, we made the Cape of
Ortegal[485] bearing south-west of us. The 10th day we lay becalmed,
and the 11th day about 2 of the clock in the forenoon we came to an
anchor in the river of Santander.
The 12th day, it pleased God, the Prince and all his train came to
Santander and presently took his barge, being there ready attending
for him, and came on board the Prince, accompanied with all the
Spaniards that attended him thither, where we all joyfully received
him. After some stay on board, his Highness resolving to lie at
Santander Town that night, where provision was made to entertain him
and his train, he took his barge to go back; whereinto we, being
overjoyed with his safe arrival, forgot to send either master, pilot,
or mariner to conduct him to the town, being a dangerous rocky way,
and the tide of ebb bent,[486] which runneth there with a very swift
stream; which had likely to have proved a very dangerous accident,
for that at the instant of embarking there arose a very great tempest
of rain and wind and darkness withal, so that the barge could not
possibly row ahead[487] the tide, whereby she was in great danger to
have been driven to sea out of the harbour's mouth, to the utter loss
of all in her, had not God in mercy prevented it by the vigilant care
of the captain and officers of the Defiance, Sir Sackvill Trevor[488]
being the commander,[489] who seeing the danger they were in, veered
out casks and buoys with lights fastened unto them, by small warps,
of which they taking hold, were rowed and haled on board the ship,
where the Prince with all his train were entertained and lodged all
this night, the weather proving so stormy and rainy that no provision
from any other ship could be brought unto them.
The 13th day, being Saturday, the Prince came on board his own ship
and lodged in his own cabin.
The 14th day, being Sunday, the Prince feasted all the Spaniards
that accompanied him to the waterside, the Cardinal Zapata and his
brother, who was a grandee, being the chief, with Gondomar[490] and
divers others of the King of Spain's servants; whom he feasted with
no other provisions than such as we brought out of England with us:
stalled oxen, fatted sheep, venison and all kind of fowls and other
varieties in abundance, wanting no ordnance to welcome them withal,
loudly speaking every health; but it was a very foul rainy day.
Notwithstanding, at their going from the ship all the ordnance was
discharged in our ship, all the rest of the Fleet following in order
as they passed by to the town of Santander.
The Rainbow, wherein Sir Henry Palmer commanded as captain, and John
King, one of the four Masters, being master, by neglect of following
the Admiral, could not get within the river's mouth, but was forced
to leeward, where she rode three days and nights in such extremity
as every hour it was expected when she should drive upon the shore,
which she hardly escaped by God's great mercy, and upon the Tuesday
after, came safely off and anchored under the Prince's stern.
On Thursday, being the 18th day of September, we set sail out of
Santander River, the wind somewhat southerly, from whence we beat it
to and fro with contrary winds till the 26th day after, being Friday,
at which time a little before noon we had sight of Scilly, which bore
north-east of us, about some 8 leagues off.
This day we met 4 Dunkirk men-of-war, very well fitted, chased by
Holland men-of-war, whom the Prince caused to come to leeward, and
their commanders to come on board; whom his Highness laboured to have
accepted a peaceable course, which the Hollanders durst not accept,
whereupon they were dismissed, the Dunkirkers having liberty to have
the start of the Hollanders, which many disliked.
Saturday all day we plied to and fro, and got within some four
leagues of the Islands, the wind at north-east but fair weather.
On Sunday a Council of War was summoned, wherein was principally
propounded his Highness landing upon the Island of Scilly[491] in
the ketch, some pilots of the island being come off unto us, but
it was generally protested against under all the Council's hands,
and so were dismissed to their charges; but after supper, beyond
expectation, order was given to make ready the long boat and to call
the ketch, and the Prince made choice of all the company should
accompany him on shore, and so about one of the clock after midnight,
with great danger to his Highness' person and to the Lord Duke of
Buckingham, they were put into our long boat, which was veered astern
by a long warp, where the ketch, laying the long boat on board, and
the sea going somewhat high, they entered the ketch disorderly,
without regard to any, but everyone shifting for themselves. Being
all shipped, the ketch was so over burdened as she could make but
little way, so that after we had taken farewell with the discharge of
a volley of our great ordnance we tacked into the sea and left the
ketch to ply into the island, which she safely gained by 7 of the
morning, and had landed the Prince and all his company on St. Mary's
Island.
The next morning our Admiral advised with me what course we should
take with ourselves, for the Prince had commanded Sir Henry
Mainwaring, who was Captain under the Admiral, and Mr. Walter
Whiting, the Master of the ship, to attend him in the ketch, I being
left purposely to supply both their places in their absence. After
serious consultation with the master's mates and two pilots of
the island, who all assured us we might safely go in, the Admiral
resolved on that course, and after two or three boards we laid it in
quarter winds,[492] and came to an anchor in the best of the road
about 2 of the clock afternoon; the Prince and all his train standing
upon the lower point of land, and welcomed us in as we passed close
by with much expression of joy and heaving up their hats. The Prince
and his train lay in the Castle[493] four nights.
On Friday morning, being the 3rd of October, we set sail out of
Scilly, and on Sunday following, being the 5th day, we came into St.
Helen's and anchored on Nomans Land,[494] and shipped the Prince and
his train into our long boat and other ships' boats, who were safely
landed at Portsmouth about 11 of the clock; we taking our farewell
with discharge of all our great ordnance, seconded by all the Fleet,
with general thanksgiving to God for our safe arrival, to the joy and
comfort of all true hearted subjects.
The 14th day of October, we set sail from St. Helen's Point, being
Tuesday. The 16th day after, being Thursday morning, we came to an
anchor in Dover Road, where, having leave of the Admiral, I went
into a fisher boat, and taking in my son John out of the St. George,
wherein he had served the whole voyage under Sir Thomas Steward,
we landed at Dover, from whence we took horse to Chatham, where we
alighted at my house about 4 of the clock in the evening, finding
my wife and family in good health; for which great mercies in our
preservation in the whole journey and safe return we all gave thanks
to our good God.
The 24th of May, 1624, being sent for to St. James's, I there
received from Sir Robert Carr,[495] by the Prince's Highness' order,
a gold chain of the value of 104_l._ in way of reward for my
attendance in the voyage into Spain in bringing his Highness home,
which chain I was commanded to wear one day, and to wait upon the
Prince to the Parliament, which I accordingly did and received very
gracious respect from his Highness.
About this time I was joined Commissioner with Captain Love, Captain
Edward Giles, and Mr. John Reynolds, the Master Gunner of England, to
take up divers colliers, and to put them out to sundry shipwrights
to be fitted for men-of-war, for which service I never received
allowance.
In the beginning of October this present year, happened a wonderful
great storm, through which many ships perished, especially in the
Downs, amongst which was riding there the Antelope of his Majesty,
being bound for Ireland under the command of Sir Thomas Button, my
son John being then passenger in her. A merchant ship, being put
from her anchors, came foul of her, and put her also from all her
anchors, by means whereof she drove upon the Brakes,[496] where she
beat off her rudder and much of the run[497] abaft, miraculously
escaping utter loss of all, for that the merchant ship that came foul
of her,[498] called the Dolphin, hard by her utterly perished both
ship and all the company. Yet it pleased God to save her, and got off
into the Downs, having cut all her masts by the board, and with much
labour was kept from foundering. My son John was sent post from the
ship to Sir Thomas Button, who was presently sent by the Lord Admiral
on board, and brought warrant for me to attend him to the ship, to
use the best means we could to save her. After our coming on board,
by placing chain pumps into the steward's room, we kept the water
easily under, and then fitted a rudder and jury masts, by which means
she was safely brought to Deptford Dock and her defects perfected.
About the end of December this present year, the Prince was
docked, to be prepared and fitted to sea, meanwhile the Duke of
Brunswick[499] came to Chatham accompanied with divers of the
Prince's servants, and went on board the ship in the dock.
The 29th day of January after, the Prince was launched, and soon
after had her masts set; and divers other ships graved and made ready
for a voyage to sea.
The 28th of March 1625, certain news was brought to Chatham of King
James' death; and the next day after, his Majesty was proclaimed
amongst us in the Navy at the Hill House;[500] the Masters,
Boatswains, Gunners, Pursers, and all belonging to the Navy were
present.
All April and May I attended at Chatham, to prepare the Fleet that
was then bound to fetch over the Queen. In the latter end of May
his Majesty came to Rochester, where I presented myself unto him in
the Dean's Yard and kissed his hand and had speech with him, till
he came into the house, where he dined and I attended him all the
dinner while. Thence I hasted home, and waited his Majesty's coming
by towards Canterbury, who alighted at my house and stayed there
awhile and gave me leave to drink his health, and then returned to
his coach, giving me charge to follow him and to hasten on board
the Prince, being then in the Downs. According to his command, I
presently took horse and followed him, and lay at Sandwich that
night, and next day came into the Downs; went on board to the
Vanguard, commanded by Captain Pennington, bound for France, where
I met Sir Thomas Button, Captain Ned Giles, and other good company;
there dined, and after was set on board the Prince.
Saturday the 4th of June, his Majesty came on board the Prince,
riding then in Dover Road, where he dined and was safely landed
again. Yet this evening we let slip and went room[501] for the Downs
with very foul weather.
Thursday the 9th of June, we got over to Boulogne[502] and anchored
in Boulogne Road. The 10th day we had a great storm, the wind
north-west, where all our ships drove,[503] and we brake our best
bower and were forced to let fall our sheet anchor, which put us both
to great danger and puzzle[504] of loss of men and boats, and had
also one of our men belonging to the steward-room drowned.
Sunday morning, being the 12th day, all things prepared fit and
the great storm allayed, about 11 of the clock we received our
young Queen on board, and having a fair leading gale, fitting the
entertainment of a Queen, we set sail out of Boulogne Road about one
[of the] clock, and before 8 had safely landed her and her train at
Dover.
Monday morning I left the ship and went on shore at Dover, and
missing my horses was forced to go to Sandwich, where I lay all
night, and next day hired post horse home. The boatswain of the ship,
John Handcroft, died so soon as I was landed upon the beach.
The 14th day of July 1625, my eldest son John Pett was married to
Catherine Yardley, youngest daughter to Mr. Robert Yardley, of
Chatham, deceased. The wedding was kept at our own house.
The 24th of September my wife's mother sickened at my house [at]
Chatham, and the 4th of October she died, and the 6th day, being
Thursday, she was buried in the chancel of our parish church: Mr.
Pyham[505] made her funeral sermon.
The last part of this Christmas quarter, I was posted to and again
from Chatham to London and Hampton Court, about building of small
ships and presenting plats[506] of them, both to the King and
Commissioners of the Navy, to very little purpose and my great
trouble and charge.
* * * * *
My son Joseph died in Ireland in February this year.[507]
* * * * *
In the year '26 I was called to sundry employments, the one to have
built a new ship at Chatham of 300 tons, and Mr. Burrell was to have
built another, for which I made moulds and sent them into the woods
by one Thomas Williams, shipwright, who hewed the frame in the woods,
which was brought into the yard with an excellent provision of long
straight timber; but by the malice of Mr. Burrell the business was
hindered, and not suffered to go forward, so that the frame was kept
in the yard till it was good for no use of shipping; but afterward
I was employed to build two small pinnaces of 70 tons a piece or
thereabouts, which I performed accordingly at Chatham, my son Richard
being my principal foreman. They were called, the one the Henrietta,
the other Maria, after the Queen's name.
Also, the Commissioners of the Navy growing to be called in question
for their actions, in the latter end of this year,[508] there was
a great commission of Lords and divers other experienced captains
granted under the Broad Seal[509] for inquiry of their actions,
amongst which number I was chosen one: much doing was about it, but
in the end it trenched so far upon some great personages, that it was
let fall and nothing to any purpose done in it, but divers of the
Commissioners came to Chatham, and surveyed the state of the ships
and other things; and so in the end of January following returned all
to London.
The 14th of February, being Wednesday and St. Valentine's Day, my
dear wife Ann departed this life in the morning, and was buried the
Friday after in Chatham Church in the evening, leaving behind her
a disconsolate husband and sad family. Not long after, I being at
London, my only sister then living, Mary Cooper, departed this life
the fifth of March for very grief of the loss of my dear wife.
This summer, my son John was made captain of a merchant ship, and
served under Sir Sackvill Trevor's command at the taking of the
French prize called the St. Esprit.[510]
In July, I was contracted to my second wife Mistress Susan Yardley,
the widow of Mr. Robert Yardley, whose daughter my son John had
formerly married. The 16th of the same month we were married at St.
Margaret's Church, by Mr. Franklyn; Mr. George Wilson[511] gave her
in the church.
The 20th of February, 1627,[512] the Commissioners of the Navy
were summoned before the Lords, and their commission called in
and dissolved, and the government of the Navy conferred upon the
Principal Officers then being, to be carried as in former times.
The 26th of February, attending the Officers of the Navy at Sir
Sackville Crowe's[513] house by Charing Cross, Sir[514] John
Pennington came thither to acquaint them with a warrant from the
Lord Duke, directed to him and myself, for present bargaining with
the yard-keepers[515] of the river for the building of 10 small
vessels[516] for the enterprise of Rochelle, of some 120 tons
a-piece, with one deck and quarter only, to row as well as sail.
The 28th day of the same month we concluded our bargains with the
several yardkeepers and drew covenants between us, and delivered
them imprests[517] accordingly. In this business I was employed till
the latter end of July, that the ships set sail to Portsmouth. My
son John was placed Captain in the sixth Whelp, built by my kinsman
Peter Pett; having liberty from the Lord Duke to make choice for him
amongst them all, I chose that pinnace before the rest, supposing she
would have proved best, which fell out afterward clean contrary.
The 21st of this month of July, as I was going in London to attend
the meeting of the Officers of the Navy, I was arrested at the
suit of one Freeman, upon 3 executions for timber delivered to the
building of Sir Walter Ralegh's ship and the two pinnaces built at
Ratcliff[518] for the expedition of Algier, and was forcibly carried
to prison to the Counter[519] in the Poultry, where I was lodged
all night. The next morning, the King and the Lord Duke being made
acquainted by Sir John Pennington with the business, the Lords of
the Council were twice assembled about my clearing, and the care
recommended to the Lord Treasurer Weston, who employed his secretary,
Mr. John Gibbons, to see me freed, which was done by a habeas corpus
to remove me to the Fleet,[520] where I was carried and there put in
bond for my appearance the first day of Michaelmas term; so for that
time discharged, Mr. Gibbons defraying the whole charge. A little
before this his Majesty gave me a blank for making a baronet, which
was signed by his hand.
I received warrant from the Lord Duke to go to Portsmouth, there to
attend the setting out of the Fleet; which accordingly I did, taking
my journey from Lambeth the first of August, accompanied with my son
Richard, William Dalton, and some other shipwrights. When I came to
Portsmouth, by means of some friends I procured a convenient lodging
in a private house, where I lay all the time of my being there, in
which I saw many passages and the great disaster happening unto the
Lord Duke. After the mutiny upon the Green on Friday in the evening,
about the execution of a poor seaman that was hanged upon a gibbet
on the beach, and the next day, being Saturday and the 23rd day,
about 10 of the clock, the Duke was murdered in Captain Mason's[521]
house by a private[522] discontented lieutenant called Felton, being
stabbed with a knife to the heart as he was talking with Sir Thomas
(_left blank in MS._)[523] at the parlour door.
The 4th of September, my son John took leave of me in the evening and
went on board his ship; whom I never saw after, being unfortunately
cast away in the return from Rochelle; both ship and men perishing
in the sea, as it was supposed foundered in the storm, which was a
grievous affliction to myself, my wife [and] his own wife, left great
with child at his going to sea.
The 6th September, the service concluded and all the Fleet sent away,
I left Portsmouth accompanied with son Richard and returned for
Chatham, coming thither on Monday the 8th day, finding my wife and
family in good health, praising God for our comfortable meeting.
After divers passages and journeys from Chatham to London and
Hampton Court, to my great expense, and could conclude nothing for
clearing my arrest, I was forced, for saving harmless my sureties in
the Fleet,[524] to deliver myself a prisoner the first day of the
term, going thither in the evening, taking possession of the chamber
provided for me with a heavy heart, my son Richard accompanying me.
Afterward, being advised by my worthy friend, Captain Pennington,
who never forsook me in all my troubles, but furnished my wants
continually, way was made to acquaint his Majesty with my case; who
very graciously gave order to the Lord Treasurer to see me freed from
prison, where I continued, notwithstanding, six or seven days before
I could be released and an agreement concluded with Freeman for his
debt by the Lord Treasurer; which done, I presented myself to his
Majesty who used me very graciously.
In this interim I received certain intelligence of the great loss
of my son John, his ship, and all his company, who foundered in the
sea about the Seames,[525] in a great storm about the beginning of
November; not one man saved to bring the doleful news; no ship near
them to deliver the certainty, but a small pink belonging to the
Fleet, that was within ken of her, and saw her shoot 9 pieces of
ordnance, hoping of succour. This affliction was the greater for
that his dear wife was, much about the time of her husband's loss,
delivered of a son at my house at Chatham, having a mournful time of
lying in, which son was baptized at Chatham Church on Sunday the 23rd
day, afternoon, called Phineas. The witnesses:--my wife, godmother;
myself and good friend, Mr. George Wilson, being godfathers.
Towards the end of December, I was appointed by the Officers of the
Navy to take charge of docking the Vanguard at Woolwich, which I
presently took order in, to have the dock fitted and prepared for
that purpose.
I docked the Vanguard and caused a dam to be made without the gates;
then took down the gates and wharves within the dam, and made all
new, both floor, wharves and gates; which was finished in a short
time. About this time, riding from Woolwich to Greenwich, sent for
by Captain Pennington, mid way betwixt both, the horse gave me a
dangerous fall, close by a ditch side full of water; by which I
received a great hurt upon my right leg and thigh, which was sore
bruised by the fall, in so much as I had much ado to get back again,
and was not recovered of the hurt in six weeks time, but was forced
to use crutches.
About the beginning of June, by Captain Pennington's procurement
I passed the baronet given me formerly by the King, for which the
Captain received for me 200 pounds, which he sent me to Woolwich in
gold.
About this time I gave over my house at Chatham and surrendered the
lease thereof to Mr. Isackson,[526] the painter, who renewed it for
longer time with Sir Robert Jackson, then Lord of the Manor.
Towards the end of September, I was employed by the Lord Treasurer
Weston as a Commissioner for his Majesty to the forests of Shotover
and Stowood, near Oxford, which forests were granted from his Majesty
by letters patent to the Earl of Lindsey;[527] wherein I discharged
my duty so effectually as gained me a good opinion both from his
Majesty and the Lord Treasurer; from which employment I returned
to Woolwich the 8th day of November, having finished a tedious and
troublesome business.
The 27th day of November, it pleased God to take from me my dear
beloved son Richard, who died with me at Woolwich and was buried in
the church chancel next day after; being a great affliction unto me,
by reason he was my eldest son then living, being a very hopeful
young man, and for his years an excellent artist, being trained by me
to that purpose for making of ships.
A little after Christmas, I was employed as a Commissioner with Mr.
Treswell,[528] Surveyor of his Majesty's Woods, to view certain parks
of his Majesty: as Ditton Park, Sunning Park and Folly John[529]
Park, lying near about Windsor; which we despatched in four or five
days, and returned back to Westminster, and delivered in the account
and certificate of the business to the Lord Treasurer.
Towards the middle of February, there was a resolution by his Majesty
and the Lords of the Admiralty to make an addition of assistants
to the Principal Officers of his Majesty's Navy, for the better
managing of that great business by experienced men; to which purpose
Mr. William Burrell was nominated as one and myself by his Majesty's
own appointment was chosen for the other, not without some strong
opposition which could not prevail; so that there was a letter under
his Majesty's signet directed to the Officers, and ourselves to sit
with the Officers, and to authorise us to proceed together in all
businesses concerning his Majesty's Service, which was twice read in
public court at their meeting in Mincing Lane, the 8th day of March
1629, and then we took place first with them; where it was concluded
to begin first with a general survey of the whole Navy at Chatham,
and all stores within and without doors, and to put out by the great,
as we should hold fitting, the repair of all apparent defects in the
ships, which was recommended wholly to the care of Mr. Burrell and
myself; which was effectually performed by us, and the works of the
ships put to Mr. Goddard,[530] one of the Master Shipwrights, to be
done by contract; which business we fully concluded by the end of
March, 1630.
After we had settled all business at Chatham, Deptford and
Woolwich, Mr. Burrell and myself took our journey, the 6th of May,
to Portsmouth, where we arrived the 8th day after; taking up our
lodgings at [the] Dock with the Clerk of the Stores,[531] where Mr.
Burrell lay, and myself at the Clerk of the Check,[532] both Mr.
Brookes and brothers; here we stayed upon despatch of all business
concerning the defects of the ships, surveys, and other material
business; which having all ordered, settled, and graved the ships, we
returned thence and came to London the 4th day of June following.
The 4th of August, there was a great Commission sent to Portsmouth,
to take a view of the harbour and the river running up to
Fareham,[533] for the removing of his Majesty's ships to a more safe
place of riding; all the Principal Officers of his Majesty's Navy
being Commissioners, together with Mr. Burrell, his Majesty's Masters
of the Navy, and six of the chief Masters of the Trinity House. There
was much dispute and contrariety about the business, but in the end
a fair agreement was concluded. Some of the Masters of the Trinity
House there sickened, which hastened both their returns and ours
back. In our return home, myself was taken very sick at Farnham,
where Mr. Burrell and myself parted, he staying behind about some
particular business of his own, but we never saw one another after,
being the 13th day of August. It pleased God that I got home to
Woolwich that very night very dangerously sick, and stirred not out
of my chamber in eight weeks space, in which interim Mr. Burrell died
in an inn, as he travelled toward Huntingdon, the end of this present
month.
About the 23rd day of November following, I was sent again to
Portsmouth with a commission to search and enquire about the worm
which was reported to eat the ships in the Road, to their endangering
and hazard. There were divers Master Shipwrights joined with me in
the business, but upon strict examination upon oath there could be no
such matter found, but only a rumour raised to hinder the keeping of
any his Majesty's ships in that harbour.[534]
About the end of December his Majesty signed my letters patent for
the place of a Principal Officer and Commissioner of his Navy, and
the 19th day of January following I had my letters patent publicly
read at the meeting of the Principal Officers of his Majesty's Navy
in Mincing Lane in London, and accordingly took my place amongst
them; the 26th day after, they were publicly read before the whole
Navy men at Chatham.
The 23rd of February I brought my wife from Woolwich to Chatham in a
coach all the way by land; we alighted at son Yardley's door where we
took up our lodging.
The first of March I received from Mr. Robert Smith, Messenger of the
Navy, 8 commissions of purveyance and other business concerning the
Navy under the Broad Seal of England directed to me.
The 21st day of April, being Thursday, his Majesty, accompanied
with divers of the lords, as the Treasurer,[535] Chamberlain,[536]
Marquis Hamilton, Holland[537] and others, came to Woolwich to see
the Vanguard launched that day, which was performed to his Majesty's
great content. I entertained them in my lodgings with wine, cakes and
other things, which were well accepted. His Majesty commanded me into
the barge with him, purposing to have landed at Deptford to have seen
the St. Denis,[538] newly repaired in dry dock, but the rain hindered
his landing, and I was taken out of his Majesty's barge into a pair
of oars. On Friday morning was launched the Victory, lying above the
Vanguard in the same dock [at] Woolwich.
On Friday, being the 13th of May, I shipped all my goods and
household stuff from Woolwich in one Starland's hoy, which were all
safely landed at his Majesty's new dock [at] Chatham the next day. On
Monday, the 16th day, I brought myself and family into my lodgings at
the new dock.
Wednesday, being the 15th day of June, all the ships in the Navy at
Chatham being completely trimmed in all points, rigged, and all their
sails at yards, and ordnance on board, his Majesty, attended with
divers lords, came to Strood[539] about 2 o'clock afternoon, where
the Officers of the Navy attended his Highness with barges and boats,
and being embarked rew[540] down the river on board the Prince,
and from her on board all the ships riding in that [place]. At his
Majesty's embarking, the ships did orderly discharge their ordnance.
The King went to his lodging at the Crown, Rochester.
Next morning betimes, his Majesty took his barge again, and went on
board the rest of the ships riding in the upper reach, beginning
with the Lion, being the uppermost ship; so to the rest in order,
observing the course and order of the discharging their ordnance
as the day before; then landed at the old dock and viewed all the
ordnance upon the wharves; then walked on foot to the new dock, by
the way taking notice of the ropehouse and storehouses without the
dock gates; then came into the yard and viewed the stores and houses;
after came into my lodgings, where he stayed a pretty while; then
went to the top of the hill on the back side, where his Majesty stood
to see the ordnance fired from the ships; from thence walked back to
the old dock, where his Highness took his barge to Rochester, by the
way hovering to observe the trained-band placed in two battalions and
skirmished in warlike manner, to his Majesty's great content. His
Majesty landed at Rochester and went to dinner; then called for the
Officers of the Navy, giving[541] them many thanks for their care
and pains; then took his coach to Gravesend, thence up by water to
Greenwich.
Monday morning, being the 25th of July, I took my journey from
Chatham towards Portsmouth, riding through Sussex. We came to
Portsmouth [the] 27th day at night and lodged at the Queen's Head. We
were sent to provide and prepare all the ships riding at Portsmouth
in manner as they were at Chatham, to entertain his Majesty, resolved
to view them all; which was accordingly performed.
The second of August, being Tuesday, his Majesty came to Portsmouth
accompanied with divers lords, and presently took boat and went on
board each several ship, from thence treatably[542] returning, and
the ships saluting him with their ordnance. His Majesty was landed
by six of the clock and went directly to the Governor's house,
where he was lodged, and called for supper as soon as he came. Next
day I attended his Majesty for order for removing the ships, which
presently was done by his Majesty's own mouth; and waiting at dinner,
his Majesty commanded me to attend the Lord Treasurer and others, to
transport them into the Isle of Wight and bring them back; which I
carefully performed in his Majesty's pinnace, the Maria, appointed
for that purpose, and safely landed him from the Cowes at Titchfield
Haven, being attended with one of the Whelps. I returned to Chatham
from Portsmouth the 10th of August after.
The 25th of this month, being Thursday, my son John's wife, lost in
the sixth Whelp, was married to Edward Stevens,[543] a shipwright, in
Chatham Church, the wedding being at my house in the new dockyard,
where we gave entertainment to all his friends till Monday after,
when they returned for London.
_In[544] the beginning of this year, 1632, I was commanded from
his Majesty to assist my son Peter in the building a new ship at
Woolwich, which was begun in February, being of the burthen of 800
tons and tonnage; most part of the frame and provisions being made
in the forests of Shotover and Stowood, Oxfordshire; my son had the
oversight of the work. About the 8th of June, his Majesty came to
Woolwich to see the work, where I entertained him afterwards in my
lodgings and attended his Majesty to Deptford in his own barge, where
he landed to view the other new ship built by Mr. Goddard._
_The 30th day of January, 1633, the new ship at Woolwich was
launched, the King's Majesty being there present, standing in my
lodgings. It proved a fair day and good tide, so that the ship was
put out without strain of tackle, which much contented his Majesty,
who soon after took his barge and returned to Whitehall. The ship was
named the Charles after his own name._
_The next day the new ship at Deptford built by Mr. Goddard was
launched, the King and Queen's Majesties being present, and was
called after the Queen's name, Henrietta Maria._
_By the beginning of March, the Henrietta being come to ride at
Woolwich by the Charles, both being ready fitted to set sail for
Chatham, his Majesty was pleased to come down in his barge on board
the Charles. We presently weighed with both ships and set sail with
the wind at south-west and better; his Majesty went in her a little
beneath[545] Barking Creek, and then took his barge and returned,
we taking leave after the manner of the sea with our voices and
whistles, and the King's trumpets upon the poop. By low water we were
got beneath the Nore a good distance, and there anchored all night,
and the next flood we turned up as high as Oakham Ness[546] and there
anchored, and on Monday after came over the chain._
_The 22nd of March, I was appointed to make a journey to Portsmouth
to take survey of all the business there, both on float and on the
shore. Mr. Edisbury,[547] Mr. Goddard, Mr. Goodwin[548] the Master,
Mr. Apslyn,[549] and our clerks going along with us. We took our
journey from London on Friday morning, and came to Portsmouth on
Sunday afternoon. It was the 6th of April following before I returned
to home to Chatham. The 11th day, son Peter first time took his
journey to Woodbridge in Suffolk to see Mrs. Cole's eldest daughter._
_The 15th of June, 1633, I went a journey to Portsmouth from Chatham,
through part of East Kent, accompanied with Sir Henry Palmer,
Captain William Hawkridge, newly returned from captivity,[550]
our clerks and servants. Saturday and Sunday night we lay at
Buckwell,[551] at Captain Moyle's, whose wife was sister to the Lady
Palmer. Monday we rode to one Sir William Campion's, where we were
very kindly entertained till Wednesday morning; thence taking leave
we rode to Lewes to dinner; thence to Shoreham,[552] where we lodged
that night; thence to Chichester, there dined; then to Portsmouth
where we stayed four days to despatch business there; which done,
we came thence to Guildford; so to London; and the 26th day, being
Wednesday, I came home to Chatham._
_The 5th of July, 1633, being a Friday, I began a journey from
Chatham by sea into Suffolk in the little Henrietta pinnace commanded
by Captain Cook, one of the Master Attendants of his Majesty's Navy,
accompanied with young Mr. Henry Palmer, Mr. Isackson, son Yardley,
cousin[553] Joseph, my sons Peter and Christopher, man Charles
Bowles, and George Parker.[554] We set sail from Gillingham in the
morning, having a fair gale at south-west. We anchored against
Harwich, between two and three of the clock, afternoon, and from
thence shipped ourselves and company in boats for Ipswich, arriving
there afore 6 in the evening, and lodged at the Angel Inn, which was
then kept by my cousin Barwick. On Saturday morning we were horsed
to Woodbridge on hackneys, whither we came about 11 of the clock
and were lodged at the Crown. After dinner we went to visit Mrs.
Cole and her daughters, with whom we had large discourse about the
match of her daughter with my son Peter, and found our propositions
entertained, I having great liking to the maid. Sunday, we and our
train dined and supped at Mrs. Cole's. Monday, we invited mother and
daughters and Mr. Fleming to dine with us at our inn, whither came
to us divers of our friends to whom we gave the best entertainment
the place could afford. In the afternoon we had private conferences
together, and concluded the match and contracted the parties with
free consent on both sides; we supped this night at Mrs. Cole's.
Tuesday forenoon, having despatched_ all our business, we took our
journey by horse to Landguard Point[555] accompanied with Mistress
Cole, her daughters, and other their friends and neighbours, whom we
entertained a while on board our pinnace, and there resolved the day
of marriage; thence we accompanied them on shore, saw them horsed,
and so took leave. My son and some other of our company accompanied
them to Woodbridge, being overtaken with a mighty storm of rain,
thunder and lightning all the way. All the next day proving very foul
and wet weather, the wind contrary, and my son and his company not
returned (who came not to us till almost 3, afternoon) we concluded
to stay till next morning in the road. Myself and most of our company
went on shore to Harwich and there lay that night.
Thursday morning we came on board betimes and set sail, and that tide
came up as high as Bishop Ness in our river of Medway, where we
anchored and had boats meet us from Chatham, in whom we embarked, and
were safely landed at the new dock about seven, Friday morning, 12th
July, giving God thanks for our prosperous voyage and safe return.
About the middle of this month, my son Peter had order to prepare
moulds for a frame of a new ship of 500 tons, to be built by him at
Woolwich, and was assigned to have the timber out of Stowood and
Shotover in Oxfordshire.
About this time also, Sir Henry Palmer and myself were deeply
questioned about making sale of brown paper stuff[556] which we
claimed as a perquisite to our places, and by the information of
Mr. Edisbury, our fellow officer, to Sir John Coke. The information
was presented with a great deal of malice, and his Majesty was
made acquainted withal; but it pleased God that their malice took
no effect, the King giving us a free discharge, only we repaid the
moneys received for the commodity to the Treasurer of the Navy for
his Majesty's use.
The 3rd day of September, my son Peter came to Chatham accompanied
with Mr. Sheldon[557] and Mr. Francis Terringham, and the next
morning we embarked ourselves at the new dock, accompanied also
with Mr. Bostock, cousin Joseph, and son Christopher, and all our
provisions, and came on board the Henrietta pinnace at Gillingham,
where Captain Cooke attended us ready to set sail; from whence with
a prosperous gale, the wind at south-west and very fair weather,
we came to anchor before Harwich about six of the clock. All our
company went on shore to Harwich, where we lodged that night, and
the next day from thence took our journey to Woodbridge, where we
were joyfully received and entertained by Mistress Cole[558] and
her friends. On Sunday following, being the 8th day of September,
my son was married to Mistress Cole's daughter in Woodbridge Church
after the sermon. On the Thursday after, all my company took leave at
Woodbridge and came to our ship riding at Harwich, where we lodged
that night, and on Friday morning embarked ourselves and set sail;
having the wind fair, we got up as high as Oakham, where we anchored
and took boats to St. Mary Creek, where we landed and walked home on
foot, giving God thanks for our prosperous voyage and safe return.
The 8th of December, being Sunday, lying at my lodging in Mincing
Lane, London, as I was going to church in the forenoon, I was set
upon by six sergeants,[559] who arrested me at the suit of my sister
Pett,[560] widow to my brother Peter; by whom I was used uncivilly,
but after they were told by Sir Henry Palmer they would be called to
account for abusing the King's servant they let me go; which turned
me afterward to a great trouble and suit in law, to my great charge.
In the month of February were launched the Unicorn at Woolwich, built
by Mr. Boate,[561] and the next spring following was launched the
James out of Deptford Dock, built there by my nephew, Peter Pett;
the King's Majesty being in person present at both places, where I
attended his Highness all the time of that business.
The 22nd day of the same month, Sir Henry Palmer[562] and myself
were commanded to attend the Lords Commissioners of the Admiralty,
to answer the great information prosecuted against us by the malice
of Secretary Coke by intimation of Mr. Edisbury, newly made Surveyor
of the Navy, for selling the old brown paper stuff as perquisites
of our places; we were not called in till the evening; none but
Mr. Fleming[563] and myself appeared, Sir Henry Palmer purposely
absenting himself. There were present at [the] council table, Earl
Dorset,[564] Sir Henry Vane,[565] Secretary Coke and Secretary
Windebank.[566]
Mr. Secretary Coke delivered his Majesty's pleasure, with despiteful
aggravation of the fact and the dangerous precedent[567] to others.
The conclusion was that his Majesty's command was we should be
suspended our places. We were not suffered to make any reply, but
dismissed and referred to his Majesty's further pleasure. On the
Monday after, I attended to speak to his Majesty so soon as he was
ready in his withdrawing chamber, where his Majesty was pleased
to call me to him; and before all the lords there present and my
professed enemy, Secretary Coke, his Majesty used me very graciously,
with large expression and protestation of the continuance of his
future favour and continued encouragements; which though Secretary
Coke liked not, yet he made great show of his well wishing to me in
his Majesty's presence; but notwithstanding all this, I repaid the
moneys I had received for my share, being 86 pounds, to the Treasurer
of the Navy for his Majesty's use, out of my yearly entertainment.
About the middle of March, my son brought his wife and his mother,
with their family, from Woodbridge to my house at Chatham, where they
all stayed with us till the 23rd of April following, and then went
all to Woolwich, where my son was employed upon the building of his
Majesty's ship the Leopard.
The 22nd of June was finished a little ship, being completely rigged
and gilded, and placed upon a carriage with wheels[568] resembling
the sea; was enclosed in a great case of deals and shipped for
London in the Fortune Pink, and was out of her taken into a wherry
and carried through bridge to Scotland Yard and from thence to St.
James', where it was placed in the long gallery and presented to the
Prince, who entertained it with a great deal of joy, being purposely
made for him to disport himself withal.
The 26th of June, his Majesty came to Woolwich in his barge to see
the frame of the Leopard, then half built; and being in the ship's
hold his Highness, calling me aside, privately acquainted me with
his princely resolution for the building of a great new ship, which
he would have me to undertake, using these words to me:--'You have
made many requests to me, and now I will make it my request to
you to build this ship,' commanding me to attend his coming to
Wanstead[569] where he would further confer with me about it.
The 29th October, the model made for the great new ship was carried
to Hampton Court and there placed in the Privy Gallery, where, after
his Majesty had seen and thoroughly perused, he commanded us to carry
it back to Whitehall and place it in the Privy Gallery till his
Majesty's coming thither; which was accordingly performed.
In March, 1635, the 11th day, his Majesty came to Woolwich to see
the launching of the new ship built there by my son Peter, the which
ship I caused to have her masts set in the dock and to be completely
rigged and ten pieces of ordnance placed in her, with her sails at
the yard. The ship being launched betimes, she was, by his Majesty's
command, called the Leopard by Sir Robert Mansell. After the ship was
clear out of the dock, his Majesty came on board and there stayed
almost one hour. We hoped to sail her whilst his Majesty had been on
board, but the wind came northerly, that we could do no good to lead
it to our moorings. At his Majesty's parting away in his barge we
gave nine pieces of ordnance.
In the midst of April, his Majesty was graciously pleased to renew
my privy seal for my pension of 40_l._ per annum, payable in the
Exchequer, with order for all my arrears due upon it. The 8th of May
following, my son Peter received the same arrears, being one hundred
pounds.
The 14th of May, I took leave of his Majesty at Greenwich, with his
command to hasten my journey into the north, to provide and prepare
the frame and timber and plank and trenails for the great new ship
to be built at Woolwich; and having despatched all warrants and
letters concerning that business and some imprests of moneys for
travelling charges, I took leave at Woolwich and came to Chatham,
leaving my son to see all the moulds and other necessaries to be
shipped in a Castle ship, taken up for that purpose, to transport all
our provisions and workmen to Newcastle and to send the ships to take
us in at Queenborough.
The 21st of May, my son with his wife, mother, and sisters, and rest
of their company, being come to us to Chatham and in readiness,
we, accompanied with cousin Joseph's wife and mine own company, we
took leave at Chatham in the morning and repaired by our boats to
Queenborough, where the ship was in readiness; where we embarked
ourselves, intending to have set sail presently, but the wind
chopping to east and north-east, we could not stir that tide, but
rode till the morning; then weighed and set sail and got down as
low as the Blacktail Sand,[570] where we anchored all the flood.
At high water, being about 3 [o']clock afternoon, we weighed again
and plyed down beneath the Spits and there anchored all that night.
Saturday morning we weighed and set sail again, and the next day by
five afternoon we came to an anchor against Harwich and landed all
our passengers bound for Woodbridge, who got thither that night; and
the next myself and rest of my company went for Woodbridge, where we
stayed till Tuesday afternoon and then returned to Harwich to our
ship. Wednesday forenoon, we set sail from Harwich, and Thursday
morning we came into Yarmouth Road, where we anchored, went on shore
and dined, and after dinner returned on board and set sail, plying
our course till Saturday morning. Being got within twenty leagues of
Newcastle, the wind took us short, and we put room and were landed,
not without some danger, at Scarborough where we lay that night, and
our ship put room for Bridlington.[571]
Sunday morning we got horse with some difficulty and rode to
Whitby,[572] where we were kindly entertained and lodged at
one Captain Foxe's[573] house, then lying sick. There we found
much kindness at the hands of one Mr. Bagwell, a shipwright and
yardkeeper; this was the 31st of May. Monday morning we parted
thence and came to Guisborough, a great market town, where we
baited. From thence we went to Stockton,[574] where we found but
mean entertainment, being lodged in the Mayor's house, being a poor
thatched cottage.[575] On Tuesday we came to Durham, where we baited;
from thence we came to Newcastle about five of the clock, lodging
this night at the posthouse, where we were very homely used; but the
next day we removed thence to Mr. Leonard Carr's house, where we were
very well accommodated and neatly lodged, in which house we lay all
the time of our abode at Newcastle; this was the 3rd of June, 1635.
After our coming to Newcastle and that[576] lodged ourselves
conveniently, we advised together how to proceed in our business,
[that] no time might be lost; and first viewed the places from whence
we were to make choice of our frame and other provisions, which were
Chopwell Woods[577] and Brancepeth Park,[578] a good way from one
another.
Then, having marked such trees as were fittest our purpose, our
workmen were disposed of to their several charges, and began to
fell, square, and saw with all the expedition we could. That work
being settled, my son carefully followed that business whilst I
myself attended the Lord Bishop of Durham[579] with my commission and
instructions, whom I found wonderfully ready and willing to give all
furtherance to us, assisted by other knights and gentlemen, Justices
of the Peace in the county; who with all care and diligence took
order with the country for present carriage. God so blessed us in our
proceedings that in a short time as much of the frame was made ready
as laded away a great collier belonging to Woodbridge, which was
safely landed at Woolwich; and as fast as provisions could be made
ready, they were shipped away. That from Chopwell Woods was laded
from Newcastle; that which came from Brancepeth, from Sunderland.
Having ordered all our business, both for carriage, moneys, and all
other needful things to set forward the business, leaving my loving
son Peter to oversee all, I took my leave of my friends at Newcastle
the 22nd day of July, being Wednesday, and came to Durham where we
lodged that night at the posthouse. Next morning I waited upon my
Lord of Durham, with whom I dined, and after dinner took leave and
returned to my lodging.
Friday morning, being the 24th day, I parted from Durham accompanied
with my son Christopher, Charles Bowles,[580] and the guide. We
met, also bound our way towards London, three Scottish gentlemen
and their attendants, who very kindly accepted of our company,
and we rode together to Northallerton where we lodged that night
at the postmaster's. Next day we rode to York and lodged at the
postmaster's. Sunday, we stayed at York all the day, myself being
entertained at dinner by Sir Arthur Ingram[581] and at night by
Alderman Sir William Allison.
Monday morning, 27th day, we rode to dinner to Wentbridge, thence to
Doncaster to bed. Tuesday we rode to Tuxford,[582] where we dined;
thence to Newark upon Trent, there lodged this night.
Wednesday morning we rode from Newark to Grantham[583] where we
dined; thence to Stamford, where lodged this night.
Thursday, being the 30th day, we rode from Stamford to Huntingdon,
and there dined and met there my old acquaintance and noble friend,
Sir Oliver Cromwell. After dinner we took horse again, and at
Huntingdon town's-end the Scottish gentlemen and we parted; they
took their way for London, myself and company for Cambridge, where I
lodged at the Falcon and visited Emmanuel College, where I had been a
scholar in my youth.
Friday, being last of July, after I had visited Trinity College and
some others, I rode from Cambridge to Bury in Suffolk, where we only
baited, and rode that night to Stowmarket, coming thither very wet,
having rained very hard all that afternoon; there we lay that night.
From thence rode next morning to Ipswich, drank only at the Greyhound
Inn, and thence came to Woodbridge, alighting at sister Cole's about
eleven of the clock, being the first of August.
I stayed at Woodbridge till Tuesday, the 4th of August; thence taking
leave, I rode to Witham to bed; from thence next morning taking horse
I came to Gravesend ferry; there passing over my horses I stayed
their coming, and then taking horse again I came home to my house
about 4 clock afternoon, in safety and health, giving God thanks for
our safe meeting after eleven weeks absence from thence.
The 4th November, being Tuesday, it pleased God to send my son Peter
safely to Woolwich, where we met together to our great comfort; and
so gave order for proceeding in our business.
The 21st day of December, the keel of the great new ship was laid in
his place upon the blocks in the dock; most part of the frame and
other provisions came safely to Woolwich and were landed in the Yard.
The 16th day of January, his Majesty, accompanied with divers of the
lords, came to Woolwich to see part of the frame and floor of the
ship laid. At that time his Majesty gave order to myself and son to
build two small pinnaces out of the wastes of the great ship.
The 28th day of March, his Majesty came again to Woolwich,
accompanied with the Palsgrave,[584] his brother Duke Robert,[585]
and divers other lords, who all stood in the windows of my lodgings
to see the two pinnaces launched, which was performed to their great
content, and named the Greyhound and Roebuck.
About[586] the 10th of April, his Majesty's ship called by the name
of the Anne Royal, bound for to be Admiral of the narrow seas, and
anchoring in Tilbury Hope, being unmoored,[587] the ship winding
up[588] upon the flood, came foul of her own anchor, which pulled
out a great part of her keel abaft the mast; and so, in sinking,
overthrew so suddenly that some of the company were drowned, amongst
whom was the master's wife and one other woman. Myself, amongst
others, was commanded by his Majesty to give my assistance for
weighing of her, which cost much trouble, great charge and no small
danger to them that travelled[589] about it; which was afterwards
objected to them as a great fault, and were rewarded with a bitter
check from the Lords. The ship was weighed, and carried to Blackwall,
and put into the East India Dock about the 10th of August.
The 3rd of February, his Majesty came to Woolwich by water,
accompanied with the Prince Elector[590] and divers other lords,
where he thoroughly viewed all the works of the ship without; and
then went on board and seriously perused all the ship within board,
both aloft and in the hold, being very well satisfied in all points;
and then retired himself into my lodgings, where he stayed till
flood, and then took his barge and returned to Whitehall.
Tuesday, the 25th of April, my daughter Martha was married unto John
Hodierne, sometimes my servant.[591] She was married at Chatham
Church, accompanied with the best sort of our neighbours, who were
entertained in the garden under a long tent, set up for that purpose,
where they ate, dined, and supped.
On the 21st day [of] July, being Friday, I brought my wife from
Woolwich to Chatham in a coach, having been very ill some weeks
before. We brought her safe to my house, and the next day she was
to our thinking very cheerful, and was visited by divers our good
neighbours, but on Sunday she grew very ill, and continued worse
and worse all that night. About 3 clock, Monday morning, she fell
into a sweet sleep and so like [a] lamb quietly departed this life,
and the Wednesday afternoon following was buried in Chatham Church,
accompanied with the better sort of all the neighbours about us; Mr.
Vaughan, our Minister, preached at her funeral.
Tuesday, being the 29th August, proved a very wet, rainy day, but the
shipwrights of the river, which were warned to help to strike the
ship upon the ways, being come together, we set on the business, and
by God's blessing the ship was struck by eleven of the clock without
harm to any man, which we accounted a great mercy of God.
Monday, the 25th of September, was the day peremptorily appointed
by his Majesty for launching the great ship; and accordingly all
things were prepared in readiness for performance thereof. His
Majesty, accompanied with the Queen and all the train of lords and
ladies, their attendants, came to Woolwich, for the most part by
water, landing at the dock stairs about 12 of the clock, and went
directly on board the ship, where they stayed about one hour, and
thence retired into our rooms, prepared and furnished for their
entertainment. About 2 of the clock the tackles were set taut and the
ship started as they heaved, till the tackles failed and the water
pinched,[592] being a very poor tide, so that we gave over to strain
the tackles and began to shore the ship. Then his Majesty with the
Queen took their barge and returned to Whitehall, being very sorry
the ship could not be launched. We attempted two or three tides
afterward to no purpose; it was then concluded to let the ship sit
till the next spring,[593] sitting so easily and safely that she
could take no hurt.
After, it was resolved the ship should lie till the spring after,
which was about the 12th or 13th October following. In the interim
many malicious reports were raised to disable the ship, and to bring
as much disgrace upon me as malice itself could possibly invent;
all proceeding from the Masters of the Trinity House and other
rough-hewn seamen, with whom William Cooke, one of the four Masters
of his Majesty's Navy, enviously adhering to pleasure Secretary
Coke, and Mr. Edisbury, then newly made Surveyor of his Majesty's
Navy, all professed enemies to the building of the ship, and more to
myself, joined together to cast what aspersions upon both as far
as they durst (for fear of the King's displeasure); but the time
of the spring drawing on, there was a meeting called by Sir Robert
Mansell's means at Woolwich of such Trinity House Masters as were
formerly employed on the business, with the Officers of the Navy, to
resolve of the certain day and time of launching, which was generally
concluded to be on Sunday following, being the 14th October, and that
I should not attempt to stir the ship before; but on the Saturday
night tide, the wind chopping up for westerly, and a fair night in
hand promising a great tide to follow, I caused the two Masters of
the Navy there attending to be ready, commanding all we could on
the sudden get together to attend us, contrary to the mind of Mr.
Cooke, who was very unwilling to meddle with the ship in the night,
though Mr. Austen,[594] the more resolute man, was very willing
to take the benefit of the first opportunity to launch. The tide
came in so fast that the ship was on float by three-quarters flood,
which I perceiving thought it fit to command the ship to be heaved
off, the night being fair and calm; which accordingly was presently
performed, and the ship brought into the channel and from thence by
several warps conveyed safely to her moorings by high water; keeping
lights with reed[595] all alongst the shore till the mooring cables
were taken in and made fast to the bitts; which success with much
thankfulness we acknowledged an especial mercy of God towards us.
This done, I presently dispatched a messenger to Sir Robert Mansell
at Greenwich, who came with all speed on board us, and according
to his Majesty's commandment gave the name to the ship and named
her the Sovereign of the Seas. The next morning the company of the
Trinity House Masters and others appointed to attend the launching,
came according to the appointment to give their attendance, but
finding the ship already launched, and at her moorings in the midst
of the river, they seemed to be much discontented that they were so
disappointed and prevented, which they expressed as far as they durst.
This morning Sir Robert Mansell rode away post to the King,
lying then at Hampton Court, and acquainted his Majesty with our
proceedings, who was wonderfully pleased with it.
The week following we reared the sheers to set the masts, which was
performed with much safety and expedition, and all the masts set
within fourteen days; and so soon as the rigging could be in some
reasonable complete manner fitted, and sails brought to the yards,
the ship was removed from Woolwich to Erith, by reason there was a
greater depth of water to ride in. His Majesty had been on board of
her before she went thence.
The 12th of May, 1638, the Sovereign set sail from Erith to
Greenhithe,[596] where she anchored to take in her ordnance and
provisions. The 6th of June after, his Majesty, accompanied with the
Queen, Duchess of Chevreuse,[597] Duke and Duchess of Lennox,[598]
with divers other lords and ladies more, came on board the ship at
Greenhithe, where they dined to their great content. At their going
from the ship, we gave them 17 pieces of ordnance.
The 10th of February before, I received particular warrants from his
Majesty at council table, being himself there present, for bringing
the ship from Chatham to Woolwich dock; which was by my care speedily
performed, and the ship safely dry docked, the 21st day of March
following.
About the 12th of July, the Sovereign weighed from Greenhithe and
anchored a little beneath Gravesend, where she rode till the King's
Majesty came on board her, which was upon the 21st day of July,
being Saturday, coming down in his barge, and rowed some part of
the way against the tide. In the time of his being on board, his
Majesty observed the condition of the ship as she now rode ready to
sail, vidt. the draught of water, the distance of the ports of the
lower tier from the water, number of the ordnance, and all other
circumstances to her complete furnishing; wherewith he was so well
satisfied and pleased that he parted from her with as much expression
of content and satisfaction as we could expect from him, to the
general comfort of us all.
Before his Majesty took barge I had placed my then wife,
Bylande,[599] daughter Ann,[600] and many other gentlewomen, my
special friends, in the great cabin to kiss his Majesty's hand, and
prevailed with his Majesty to walk aft into the cabin, where his
Highness most graciously gave each of them his hand to kiss. His
Majesty then took his barge, and at his going from the ship we gave
him 72 pieces of great ordnance. I then with my wife and friends went
on shore and took the coach and came directly home.
Thursday, 2nd of August, I took leave of my wife and friends at
Chatham after supper; so rode to Gravesend, thence on board the
Sovereign and lay on board in mine cabin, being the first night I
lodged in her.
Friday, my son Peter came on board from Woolwich; then about 10 of
the clock we weighed from Gravesend, and stood down beneath Hole
Haven, and there anchored that night, being little wind.
Saturday morning, 4th August, we weighed from Hole Haven and stood
down beneath the buoy of the Gunfleet, where we anchored all that
night.
Sunday we came to an anchor right before Margate town, where we rode
till Thursday morning following, then weighed and set sail with the
wind at west; but coming about the Foreland we met the wind so far
southerly as put us to go without the sand, and blew so much wind
as we could bear our topsails but half mast high, so that we could
not possibly weather the South Sand Head;[601] the tides running
also dead, we were forced to anchor in 32 fathom and there rode that
night, which proved reasonable fair.
Friday morning, the 20th August, we weighed; having the benefit of
a whole tide of ebb, we weathered the South Sand Head and stood in
right thwart of Dover; but neither the town nor Castle took notice
of us. So we put room into the Downs and anchored as near Sir John
Pennington, then riding Admiral, as we conveniently could do, being
about 8 of the clock in the morning; we were saluted by the Admiral
and all the ships in the road, whom we answered again, giving the
Admiral 21 pieces. This done we went on board the Admiral, Sir John
Pennington, to whom we were continual guests while we stayed in the
Downs.
Wednesday morning, being the 15th of August, we set sail out of the
Downs, the wind at south and sometimes south-west. We turned to
[and] fro with very foul weather till we came as high [as] thwart of
Shoreham, or thereabouts (the Garland attending us, who was not able
to keep way with us); which course we held till Saturday the 18th
day [of] August; then finding in that time we had sufficient trial
of the condition and working of the ship in all respects, and having
but a small proportion of victuals to stay out longer, we resolved
to bear up again for the Downs; which accordingly was done, and
about 3 clock, afternoon, we anchored close to the Admiral, Sir John
Pennington entertaining us on board his ship all the time we rode by
him.
Tuesday morning, the 21st of August, I took leave of the Sovereign
and the Admiral, and went on shore at Deal, where I found my man
attending ready with my horses, being the _night_[602] before
come thither, where I presently took horse and rode directly to
Canterbury, having visited Sir Henry Palmer by the way. I baited some
hour or more at Canterbury, and took horse again and came home to my
house [at] New Dock[603] a little after four in the afternoon; giving
God hearty thanks for my safe return, finding my wife, family and
friends in a reasonable health.
The 28th of August, the Sovereign came safe to her moorings at St.
Mary Creek, being Tuesday.
The 8th of September my dear wife sickened, taken with a violent
fever, being then great with child.
The 19th of September, being Wednesday, between 8 and 9 clock in
the morning, she departed this life in a most Christian manner,
surrendering up her spirit into His hands that gave it her; the
next day after, being Thursday, she was buried in a seemly manner
in Chatham Church, close by the side of my first wife, leaving me a
sorrowful and disconsolate husband.
Within few days after, deceased also my wife's one[604] sister and
next neighbour, wife to Mr. John Short, Clerk of the Check to his
Majesty's Navy.[605] They sickened together, she also being with
child, and knew not of one and tother's death. Soon after died Mr.
Etherington, their own father, at Mr. Short's house, who came thither
purposely to visit them.
After I had a little passed over this great and sudden affliction,
I prepared myself to go for London; and having set all things in
order, on Thursday morning, the 27th of September, 1638, I took leave
of my family at Chatham and rode to Gravesend, thence took boat to
Woolwich where I stayed one night, and next day, accompanied with my
son Peter, we went by water to Kingston, where we took up our lodging
in a private house, the inns being full. The next day, being Sunday,
we went by water to Hampton Court, where we presented ourselves to
his Majesty, who was pleased to use us very graciously, where we
spent that whole day, at night returning by water to our lodging at
Kingston.
Next morning, my son and myself rode to Sion,[606] to wait upon the
Lord Admiral, and was presently commanded by him to hasten to Chatham
to prepare barges and boats to be sent to Dover for the receiving on
shore the Queen Mother,[607] expected to arrive and land there
(_Here the manuscript ends._)
FOOTNOTES:
[178] MS. 'Phinees' (the form also adopted in his signature), the
Greek form of the Hebrew name _Mouth of Brass_, given as 'Phinehas'
by the translators of the Bible.
[179] MS. 'Deepforde Stronde.' The etymology of this well-known name
does not appear to have been satisfactorily determined. Antiquaries
have been content to explain it as the 'Strand' or shore of the deep
ford over the Ravensbourne River, which enters the Thames at Deptford
Creek. As a matter of fact, Deptford Strond lay on the shore of the
Thames some distance to the west of the Ravensbourne. It seems more
probable that Deptford Town, at the head of the creek near the bridge
by which the Dover Road crosses, was the original settlement, and
took its name from the deep creek (fiord), which was navigable for
ships of 500 tons up to that bridge, and that Deptford Stronde was
settled later from the 'Town' and took the addition 'Stronde' in
contradistinction. The dockyard was on the site now occupied by the
Foreign Cattle Market.
[180] Probably Thomas Howell, Rector of Paglesham.
[181] Throughout the MS. the name of the Deity is spelt without a
capital letter: the use of capitals in this connection appears to be
comparatively modern.
[182] 'Num' in MS., in which it occurs twice.
[183] _I.e._ apprentice.
[184] Benjamin Gonson, junior, and Buck were appointed jointly Clerk
of the Ships, with reversion to the longer liver, by letters patent
of 10 July 1596. Gonson died in 1600 and Buck succeeded him. Buck was
knighted in 1604 and died in 1625.
[185] A private man-of-war, called later in the 17th century a
'privateer.'
[186] Or Glemham. This was the second voyage. Neither appears to have
been a financial success. An account of this voyage under the title,
_News from the Levane Seas_ ... was published in 1594.
[187] Prize.
[188] MS. 'Divelinge,' apparently a phonetic attempt at the old name
of Dublin, '_Duibhlinn_,' pronounced _Divlin_. Pepys in his marginal
note writes 'travelled to Dublin.'
[189] This was destined to be the last voyage of Drake and Hawkyns.
The _Defiance_ was Drake's ship.
[190] Or _Due (Dieu) Repulse_.
[191] Built in 1561, this was a rebuilding.
[192] Advance.
[193] Howard of Effingham.
[194] On the north side of Deptford Green, overlooking the Thames,
afterwards the Gun Tavern. _See_ Dew's _History of Deptford_, p. 185.
[195] _I.e._ the Cadiz Expedition of 1596, under the joint command of
Howard and Essex.
[196] William Cecil, Lord Burghley.
[197] Pronounced 'Tibalds,' whence the form 'Tiballs' in which it
appears in the MS. Theobalds Park (near Waltham Cross) was afterwards
exchanged between Burghley's son, the first Earl of Salisbury, and
James I for Hatfield.
[198] MS. 'Pakellsum.'
[199] MS. 'estate.'
[200] MS. 'Hye Woodehill'; near Mill Hill.
[201] St. James's Day, 25th July.
[202] St. Bartholomew's Day, 24th August.
[203] Hugh Lydiard, senior, Clerk of the Check.
[204] The navigator, brother of Stephen Borough.
[205] Possibly the entrance to the dock.
[206] The 'income' was the fee or fine paid on entering upon the
lease.
[207] Thomas Wiggs, a subordinate of Lord Buckhurst, Commissioner of
State Trials. He is mentioned in a letter of Buckhurst to Cecil of
7th December 1600. _Salisbury MSS. (Hist. MSS.)_, x. p. 411, and in
Pepys' _Miscell._, x. p. 349.
[208] Southwold.
[209] Or 'Vugle.'
[210] _I.e._ districts.
[211] _See_ Introduction.
[212] Afterwards Lord Brooke.
[213] Like, favour.
[214] _See_ Introduction.
[215] An allusion to the game of bowls.
[216] Stepfather.
[217] MS. 'syses.'
[218] S.P. Dom. 28th May 1599; the name is given as 'Nun.'
[219] Probably John Hone, Advocate of Doctors' Commons, 1589; Master
in Chancery 1596-1602.
[220] The ecclesiastical 'Court of Arches' held at St. Mary-le-Bow.
[221] A Newcastle carvel-built ship.
[222] MS. 'Bulley'; the high ground south of Rochester Castle.
[223] 'All Hallows, Barking,' founded by the nuns of Barking Abbey,
whence the name.
[224] MS. 'raynam.'
[225] Thievish Dunkirker.
[226] Swatchway; the channel south of the Nore Sand.
[227] Christmas.
[228] Originally half a mark, or 6_s._ 8_d._, afterwards 10_s._
[229] 1602, according to the Old Style, as it is before the 25th
March.
[230] Or Avale, see p. 86; for many years the pilot for the river and
Downs. The Commission of 1618 proposed to pension him as 'aged and
blind.'
[231] MS. 'Dagnam.'
[232] MS. 'Grenehyve.'
[233] See Introduction.
[234] Band.
[235] Round shot. At that period salutes were fired with shotted
guns, not with blank charges.
[236] Immediately.
[237] South of St. Paul's, and on the east side of Baynard's Castle.
[238] _I.e._ Prince Henry.
[239] _I.e._ the Lord High Admiral.
[240] M.S. 'Ihon,' mis-transcribed in the _Harl. MS._ here and
elsewhere as 'Thomas.'
[241] M.S. 'Winebancke.'
[242] The words in italics are wanting in the original MS.
[243] The words in italics are wanting in the original MS.
[244] Coruña.
[245] San Lucar, at the mouth of the Guadalquivir.
[246] MS. 'Bonance': opposite San Lucar.
[247] MS. 'Civill.'
[248] C. de Sta. Maria.
[249] Bore away.
[250] Cadiz.
[251] Santander.
[252] In Hampshire, north of Havant.
[253] See Introduction.
[254] This is a mistake. He has already given the date of birth of
John as 23rd March 1601-2 and of Henry as 18th March 1602-3; see pp.
17 and 18.
[255] Suites.
[256] Of Hinchinbrook, a gentleman of the Privy Chamber, uncle of the
Protector.
[257] In 1608, see Introduction.
[258] MS. 'Alceholte' (Aisholt = Ashwood), near the Surrey border
S.W. of Farnham.
[259] At the northern approach to old London Bridge.
[260] The poet, then gentleman of the bedchamber to Prince Henry.
[261] _I.e._ for this special purpose.
[262] A legend concerning the relics of St. Vincent, who suffered
martyrdom at Valencia in A.D. 304. His body on being exposed to
wild beasts was said to have been protected by a raven. During the
Moorish invasion of Spain these remains were removed from Valencia to
Cape St. Vincent, and in the twelfth century were brought by water
from that Cape to the cathedral of Lisbon and placed in the Chapel
of St. Vincent. Two (not three) ravens, who watched over his tomb,
accompanied the ship on its voyage, remaining on watch when the
relics were deposited in the cathedral. The ship and the two birds
appear in the arms of Lisbon.
[263] _I.e._ of ample powers.
[264] See the list and notes at pp. 54-5.
[265] Ante, p. 20.
[266] Rotherhithe; MS. 'Redreife.'
[267] MS. 'Bluther.'
[268] MS. 'Peter.'
[269] A small piece of ordnance without carriage, used for
firing salutes. This was not the 'chamber' used with the early
breech-loading ordnance.
[270] The _Prince Royal_.
[271] MS. 'flower.' 'Floor--are those timbers lying transverse to
the keel, being bolted through it ... and strictly taken, is so much
only of her bottom as she rests upon when lying aground.'--Blanckley,
_Naval Expositor_.
[272] Troublesome, painful.
[273] Lie.
[274] Careless.
[275] The Tuck is 'that part of the ship where the ends of the bottom
planks are collected together immediately under the stem ... a square
tuck' (as in this case) 'is terminated above by the wing transom and
below and on each side by the fashion-pieces' (Falconer, _Marine
Dictionary_). According to Sutherland (_Shipbuilder's Assistant_),
the 'height of the tuck' was taken from the point where the heels
of the fashion-pieces were 'let in upon the posts,' _i.e._ upon the
stern post and false stern post.
[276] Bully, swashbuckler.
[277] A coach or chariot of a stately or luxurious kind.--_N.E.D._
[278] Sir Robert Cecil had been created Earl of Salisbury in 1605.
[279] Considering.
[280] Previously.
[281] MS. 'brew.'
[282] MS. 'Wrong heads.' The upper ends of the floor timbers.
[283] The inside planking from the kelson to the orlop clamps.
[284] Canopy.
[285] Of the East India Company, merchant and sea-captain.
[286] One of the six Masters Attendant of the Navy.
[287] Probably John Watts, who was captain of Denbigh's flagship in
the Cadiz Expedition of 1625 and was knighted; together with Michael
Geere and others, at Plymouth on the return. He was captain of
Buckingham's flagship in the Ile de Rhé expedition of 1627.
[288] Captain Thomas Norris (or Norreys) referred to at p. 119 as
being one of the Commissioners of 1618 and at p. 120 as one of Pett's
'greatest enemies.' From p. 33 it would appear that at one time he
had been a purser.
[289] Perhaps the Captain James Chester referred to in _Naval Tracts
of Sir William Monson_, I. xxxiv. and III. 60.
[290] _See_ Introduction.
[291] Captain Christopher Newport, recommended by Mansell and Trevor
in 1606 for the reversion of one of the principal masters' places. In
1612 he was captain of the East Indiaman _Expedition_. He was removed
from among the six masters by the Commission of 1618, on account of
his employment by the East India Company.
[292] Of Limehouse; master of a merchantman, and a shipbuilder.
[293] Probably the 'Thomas Redwood, mariner, precinct of the Tower of
London,' whose will was proved in 1613 (_Wills. P.C.C._)
[294] Possibly the William Geere granted 'the office of an Assistant
of the Admiralty' in 1604; or Michael Geere granted 'the place of
Assistant to the King's chief officers of the Admiralty' in March
1608, subsequently knighted and a Master of Trinity House.
[295] In 1618 'Captains Geer and Moore' were engaged 'in receiving
and inventorying the _Destiny_ and her furniture, the goods of Sir
Walter Raleigh.'--_Cal. S. P. Dom._, November 2, 1618.
[296] A servant of the East India Company.
[297] Of Limehouse, mariner.
[298] See Introduction.
[299] MS. 'Cleye.' Referred to at p. 33 as 'Nicholas Clay of Redriff,
shipwright and yardkeeper.' Nominated in the Charter of 1605 as one
of the 'Assistants' of the Shipwrights' Company. The name is there
spelt 'Cley,' but he signed as 'Nycholas Clay.'
[300] Referred to at p. 33 as 'Thomas Graves of Limehouse, shipwright
and yardkeeper'; the indictment is, however, signed by 'John Greaves'
(see Introduction), and it may be noted that 'John Graves' was
nominated an 'Assistant' by the Charter of 1612. Probably Pett has
made a mistake in the forename.
[301] Probably Robert Tranckmore, who with Jonas Day was employed
in 1627 in making a dry dock, etc., at Portsmouth. These two with
Pett were also ordered to report on the faults in the ships built by
Burrell.
[302] Clerk of the Check at Woolwich.
[303] Brother of Sir Peter Buck, Clerk of the King's Ships. It
appears from p. 33 that he was an under clerk to Sir Peter.
In October 1607 Thomas Buck and William Holliday were granted
'protection' for a year, and this was renewed in September 1609. On
31st July 1609 Thomas Buck and John Clifton were granted the moiety
of all forfeitures, etc., incurred by officers of the navy for frauds
against the Crown.
[304] John Clifton (see preceding note); he had been purser in the
_Answer_ in the Spanish voyage of 1605.
[305] In October 1604 he was granted with others a reward of 5_s._
a ton for building five new ships. He was a friend of William
Adams, the navigator, who refers to him in his letter from Japan of
October 23, 1611, to the East India Company. It would appear that he
and Diggens (and possibly Woodcott) would more properly have been
included under 'shipwrights.'
[306] Probably the William Bigatt who was master of the _Lion_ under
William Borough in 1587. See 'The Mutiny of the _Golden Lion_' in
Oppenheim, _Administration of the Royal Navy_, p. 382 _et seq._
[307] Of Stepney.
[308] Became in 1610 one of the six principal masters. Newport's
reversion (see note 7, p. 54) was granted 'after the placing of John
King.'
[309] Possibly Arthur Pett, the navigator of 1580. He was one of the
members incorporated by the second charter of the Virginia Company in
1609.
[310] Possibly referred to in Court Minutes of the East India Company
(_Cal. S.P. East Indies_, 407) of April 1608: 'Gratifications to
Diggins, Burrell, Kitchen and Woodcott.'
[311] This may be the 'old Thomas Fuller' who died in the East India
Company's ship _Thomas_ in 1612.
[312] MS. 'Write.' In 1604 the Lord Mayor was directed to appoint
Richard and Robert Wright joint packers of woollen cloths, &c., and
porters of strangers' goods in and out of the port of London. It is
not, however, clear that this is the same man.
[313] Of Ratcliff. Mentioned in the grant to the North-West Passage
Company. _Cal. S.P. Colonial_, July 26, 1612.
[314] Granted in August 1604 the usual allowance for building five
new ships. William Adams, who died in Japan in 1620, had been for
twelve years apprenticed to Diggens, and refers to him affectionately
in his letters to the East India Company. (See _Letters received by
the East India Company_, vol. i.)
[315] Probably the 'Edward Jordan, mariner,' mentioned in the Pipe
Office Dec. Acct. for 1613 (No. 2251).
[316] Principal master workman of the East India Company; see
Introduction.
[317] Brother-in-law of Phineas. A shipbuilder at Ratcliff; nominated
as a warden in the shipwrights' charter of 1605.
[318] Nominated as an 'Assistant' in the shipwrights' charter of 1612.
[319] Thomas Cole of Woodbridge and Thomas Pryme of Yarmouth were
nominated 'Assistants' in the shipwrights' charter of 1605.
[320] MS. 'Androes.'
[321] Shipbuilder at Gillingham, see p. 24. He was also a shipwright
in Chatham Yard.
[322] Referred to at p. 93 as 'friends in the navy.'
[323] See Introduction.
[324] MS. 'directed.'
[325] See Introduction.
[326] The transverse section of the ship at the greatest breadth.
[327] Henry Briggs (1561-1630), mathematician. First Professor of
Geometry at Gresham College.
[328] The futtocks or foothooks are the timbers between the floor
timbers and the top timbers. The floor timbers, lower and upper
futtocks, and top timbers, when put together, form a complete
frame-bend.
[329] Redness being a sign that the wood was past its prime and
beginning to decay.
[330] Entirely.
[331] To be dressed or smoothed with an adze.
[332] The timbers, popularly called 'ribs,' forming the frame.
[333] Carefully.
[334] Marvel at, Lat. _admirari_.
[335] Result.
[336] Thomas Button. Knighted 1616; died 1634.
[337] MS. 'and.'
[338] John Legatt, or Legate, Clerk of the Check at Chatham, granted
in 1604 the reversion of the Clerkship of the Navy after Peter Buck,
sen. (_Pat. Roll_, 1655). He appears, however, to have died before
Buck, probably in 1615.
[339] An allusion to the well-known line of Horace (_De Arte
Poetica_, 139): 'Parturiunt montes, nascetur ridiculus mus'
(Mountains are in labour, a silly little mouse will be born).
[340] MS. 'veryest bable and drowne divell.' This has the appearance
of a seaman's saying, but I have not met it elsewhere. 'Bable'
(bauble) is used contemptuously for 'a mere toy, applied to a
machine, etc., considered too small or weak for actual work'
(_N.E.D._), as in the following passages:
' ... the sea being smooth,
How many shallow bauble boats dare sail
Upon her patient breast ...
But let the ruffian Boreas once enrage
The gentle Thetis ...
... where's then the saucy boat
Whose weak untimbered sides but even now
Co-rivall'd greatness?'
SHAKESPEARE, _Troilus and Cressida_, I, iii.
' ... his shipping
Poor ignorant baubles--on our terrible seas
Like egg-shells mov'd upon their surges, crack'd
As easily 'gainst our rocks.'
SHAKESPEARE, _Cymbeline_, III, i.
The word 'bawble' is also used by Anson in speaking of the _Tryal_
sloop, which the Spaniards at Juan Fernandez could not credit with
having rounded Cape Horn.
'Devil' seemingly refers to the 'poor devils' forming the crew: it
does not appear to refer to the seam in the ship's bottom to which
that name is sometimes given.
[341] Referring to his voyage in 1602. _See_ Introduction.
[342] Granted October 27, 1607.
[343] Apparently John Pory, who, from his letter to Dudley Carleton
of January 3, 1610 (_S.P. Dom., James I_, lii, 1), appears to have
been connected with the Lord Treasurer. This would be the traveller
and geographer of that name, then M.P. for Bridgwater, but settled in
London.
[344] Probably John Keymer, the author of _Observations upon the
Dutch Fishing_.
[345] Reproof.
[346] By William Burrell.
[347] Of 1100 tons; wrecked on her first voyage in 1613 and burnt by
the Javanese.
[348] Of 250 tons.
[349] MS. 'strokes.' The ship is struck (lowered) upon the launching
ways when the blocks and wedges on which the keel is supported are
driven out and the weight of the ship taken upon the cradle, the
bottom of which rests upon, and slides along, the launching ways.
[350] According to the account of the captain of the _Peppercorn_
(_Egerton MS._ 2100) this was on 30th December. The _Peppercorn_ was
launched on 1st January, 'and the great ship the _Trade's Increase_
... a little removed, but not launched. The 2nd day Tuesday the
_Trade's Increase_ was half her length removed but not launched for
the dockhead was too narrow for her passage. The 3rd day ... she was
launched.'
[351] An account of this tournament is given in Birch, _Life of
Henry, Prince of Wales_, p. 182 _et seq._
[352] Satisfaction, content.
[353] Completed with her ornamental work.
[354] The 6th August 1610 was a Monday.
[355] Near Cheam. This Palace was commenced by Henry VIII and pulled
down by the Duchess of Cleveland.
[356] 'The Orlopp is no other but the Deck (as we say) the lower
Deck, the second Deck, so you may as well say the lower Orlopp,
or the second Orlopp: and indeed it is commonly held the proper
speech to call them the first Orlopp and the second Orlopp: for
this word Orlopp seems to be appropriated only to these two
Decks,'--Manwayring, _The Seaman's Dictionary_.
[357] MS. 'Lyeadger.' The Sieur de la Boderie, then engaged in
settling the 'League' or Treaty between the two kingdoms.
[358] A silk stuff.
[359] MS. 'withe.'
[360] A small capstan, placed on the ground.
[361] MS. 'scruses.' Placed at the bow to start the ship.
[362] The 'scavel' was a small spade used for digging clay, etc., as
in forming drains. The scavelmen were dockyard labourers whose duty
it was to clean and pump out the docks. The name, which disappeared
after 1844, probably on the introduction of steam pumping machinery,
was no doubt a survival from the time when the 'dock' was formed of
piling, wattles, and clay, which was placed round the ship when she
had been brought to the shore, or across the mouth of the creek into
which she had been hauled, and which had to be dug away in 'opening
the dock.'
[363] For an account of this ceremony see Fraser, _The Londons of the
British Fleet_, p. 68.
[364] To inaugurate the use of. (_N.E.D._)
[365] Presumably of Deptford Yard, but he may mean Blackwall. She had
been undocked at Ratcliff.
[366] The Gore Channel, running between the Kent coast and Margate
Hook Sand, west of Birchington.
[367] Thomas; one of the pilots for the river and Downs. The name
appears elsewhere as 'Poynett,' 'Punnett,' and 'Poinet.' He signed
with a mark 'T.'
[368] On the Essex shore, half-way between London and Gravesend.
[369] Now covered by the extension of Chatham Dockyard northwards.
[370] A Captain of the Navy, commended by Nottingham to Salisbury in
1609 for having taken Harris, the pirate, on the Irish coast and done
good service off the West Islands of Scotland (_Cal. S.P.D._, July 3,
1609).
[371] For the time being.
[372] MS. 'taken.'
[373] It was customary at that period to fire salutes with shotted
guns, and accidents from the shot were not infrequent.
[374] A light ship's boat or gig.
[375] Arabella Stuart. Placed in custody after her marriage to
William Seymour. She escaped dressed as a man, but was captured in
the Straits of Dover and committed to the Tower.
[376] MS. 'Lee.'
[377] Younger brother of Sir Henry Middleton. This was the return
from his voyage in the _Expedition_.
[378] The grant of this post to Bingley was dated 7th May. He was
knighted on 10th November.
[379] August: the month is noted in the margin.
[380] Nephew.
[381] W. of Canvey Island.
[382] This word is not in the _N.E.D._; it is probably derived from
'heart' or 'hearten,' to acquire more energy. See also note on p. 106.
[383] MS. 'Shepeway.'
[384] This word is not in the _N.E.D._, but it evidently means
'to become more dull or calm.' It is used as a transitive verb by
Mainwaring in the _Seaman's Dictionary_, _s.v._ 'Blowe':--'the heat
of the land, which should duller the wind.'
[385] Sheirenasse.
[386] Merhonour.
[387] For an inclusive sum.
[388] Plans, draughts.
[389] _I.e._ the curves of the timbers which were to form the frame.
Each complete 'mould' would give a transverse section of the ship.
[390] Button sailed as 'Admiral' of this expedition in the
_Resolution_, which was lost in the voyage. He was accompanied by the
_Discovery_ in which Waymouth and Hudson had made earlier voyages to
the same parts.
[391] This use of 'together' in the sense of mutually, from each
other, is not illustrated in the _N.E.D._, but it is evidently
cognate to its use in the expressions 'love together,' 'see together'
(= meet) of which examples are given.
[392] The burden in 'tons' represents the net wine-carrying capacity
of the ship in Bordeaux casks. The 'tonnage' was an additional
allowance equal to one-third of this; the 'ton and tonnage'
representing the gross burden (_see_ Oppenheim, _Administration_, pp.
30, 132, 266).
[393] The pirate; subsequently a naval officer; author of the
_Discourse of the Beginnings, Practices, and Suppression of Pirates_,
and of _The Seaman's Dictionary_; knighted 1618. MS. 'Manwaring';
other spellings of the name are Maynwaring, Manwayring, Maynnaring,
Mannering.
[394] Gibbons, who was Button's cousin, went in the _Resolution_ as a
volunteer. In 1614 he went out again in the _Discovery_ in command,
but this voyage proved a complete failure. Button had a very high
opinion of him, and so, apparently, had Pett. For an account of the
voyages, see Rundall, _Narratives of Early Voyages_ (Hakluyt Soc.),
and Christy, _Voyages of Foxe and James to the North-west_ (Hakluyt
Soc.).
[395] Presence-chamber.
[396] See Introduction.
[397] Perhaps Nicholas Pey
[398] Thomas; ship-painter.
[399] Picture, image.
[400] Daughter of the King, married to Frederick, Elector Palatine,
subsequently King of Bohemia. Prince Rupert was her third son.
[401] By contract.
[402] Shipbuilders.
[403] St. Stephen's Alley occupied a site near the position of the
present Parliament Street, where Charles Street runs into it.
[404] The wharf of that name at Southwark. It lay north-west of the
present cathedral (St. Saviour's) which had been the church of the
Priory of St. Mary Overy.
[405] _I.e._ the _Prince Royal_ to be flagship of the fleet.
[406] The Elector Palatine.
[407] 'A strake is the term for a seam betwixt two planks (as the ...
ship heels a strake, that is one seam),' Mainwaring (1623). According
to Blanckley (1750) the term was applied to 'the uniform ranges of
planks on the bottom, decks and sides of the ships.' The ship was not
to be heeled over further than would bring the sixth seam, or edge of
the sixth plank, above water.
[408] MS. 'Alsbrey.' Mathematician; appointed one of the
Commissioners of Inquiry in 1626; Master of the Mint and created
baronet in 1627; appointed Surveyor of the Navy in 1628.
[409] At Upnor.
[410] Nimble, quick, ready.
[411] MS. 'pike.' The anchor is a-peak when the cable is heaved in
so far as to bring the hawse of the ship right over the anchor, the
cable being then perpendicular.
[412] On p. 94 the wind is spoken of as having 'harted.'
[413] Going round; turning head from wind.
[414] Complete.
[415] _I.e._ the ship.
[416] The 'furrow' or depression in the ground made by the ship's
bottom.
[417] MS. 'to.'
[418] This word, which Pepys transcribes as 'pritly,' is not in the
_N.E.D._, but since it appears to have the same meaning as 'predy'
(or 'priddy') which was in use at sea in the seventeenth century for
'make ready' or 'set ... in order,' it is not impossible that it may
be a variation of that word.
[419] The ends of the Buxey and Gunfleet sands, where the Spitway
leads between them from the East Swin to the Wallet.
[420] Eight and a half miles north of Margate.
[421] The entrance to the Thames, opposite the Queen's Channel; not
the English Channel.
[422] Drew ahead or became 'scant.' The use of 'shorten in this sense
is rare and unknown to the dictionaries.
[423] MS. 'Blakenborough.' On the Belgian coast.
[424] MS. 'Scone.' A small fort or earthwork.
[425] MS. 'Sluce.'
[426] MS. 'yoathes.' This must be one of the earliest instances of
the introduction of the Dutch 'Iacht' into English. The word 'yacht'
does not seem to have come into use until after 1660.
[427] Count: Dutch 'Graaf.'
[428] Fort Rammekens, east of Flushing, at the entrance of the
channel between Walcheren and South Beveland. Rammekens, Flushing,
and Brill were then occupied by English garrisons as 'cautionary
towns,' in security for the money lent to the Dutch by Elizabeth.
[429] Campvere, now called Vere, on the north-east side of Walcheren
Island, at that time the staple port for Scottish merchants.
[430] On the (then) I. of Cadzand.
[431] Off the Essex coast.
[432] The prison situated near St. Saviour's, Southwark.
[433] Mansell was accused of taking exception to the Commission for
Inquiring into the Abuses of the Navy, in a contemptuous and disloyal
manner.
[434] 1615.
[435] MS. 'Rawly.'
[436] Mentioned by Ralegh in his testamentary memorandum.
[437] See note on p. 151.
[438] Politician; degraded 1621. Smiles, _Men of Invention and
Industry_, p. 43, says he was the original of 'Sir Giles Overreach'
in Massinger's play, 'A New Way to Pay Old Debts.'
[439] _Sic._
[440] 1618; see Introduction.
[441] A protégé of Northampton and Buckingham. Master of Wardrobe and
Court of Wards. Treasurer 1621. Earl of Middlesex 1622. Impeached
1624.
[442] First Governor of the East India Company, member of the Muscovy
Company, and Treasurer of the Virginia Company.
[443] Chancellor of the Exchequer 1621. Created Earl of Portland 1633.
[444] Knighted in company with Sutton, Pitt, and Osborne in February
1619.
[445] MS. 'Robert.'
[446] MS. 'Cooke.' Deputy Treasurer of Navy 1591; knighted 1624.
[447] William Pitt; one of the Tellers of Receipt.
[448] MS. 'Worsenam.' Of the East India and Virginia Companies;
knighted 1617.
[449] This rank was instituted in 1611 by James I. to raise money
for the Crown, the sum to be paid being 1095_l._ At first certain
restrictions as to numbers and conditions were made. The restrictions
were gradually withdrawn, and under Charles I. blank patents were put
up for sale. The price seems to have fallen as low as 300_l._ by the
end of Charles I.'s reign.
[450] MS. 'Ratcliff'; ancestor of the Earls of Derwentwater.
[451] A Roman Catholic who refused to attend his parish church.
[452] A gentleman pensioner, knighted in 1617.
[453] _I.e._ the King named them. The names allude to Buckingham's
entrance into the Lord High Admiralship and his 'reformation' of the
Navy affairs.
[454] Or Cleive (Clive), MS. 'Cleave.' Knighted in 1605.
[455] MS. 'surplage.'
[456] Captain of the _Marygold_ merchantman.
[457] Probably what is now the West Oaze Buoy, about five miles east
of the Nore Light.
[458] South-east of the Oaze, on the opposite side of the Oaze Deep.
[459] Cape St. Vincent.
[460] MS. 'Jubellatare.'
[461] See Introduction.
[462] Stevens was now a master shipwright, associated with Pett at
Chatham; see Introduction.
[463] John Greaves; see note, p. 55.
[464] John Dearslye.
[465] Robert Bourne, nominated an 'Assistant' in the charter of 1612.
[466] Edward. MS. 'Chandelor.'
[467] The estimate was 994_l._ 11_s._ 8_d._ _Coke MSS. (Hist. MSS.)_,
vol. i. p. 130.
[468] Intimation, hint.
[469] See Introduction.--Steward was in command of the rear squadron
in the Cadiz expedition of 1625.
[470] Knighted 1625.
[471] Sir Fulke Greville, created Baron Brooke in 1621.
[472] Whitaker Spit, between the Swin and the entrance to the river
Crouch.
[473] Obliged to veer, or go large.
[474] MS. 'Fayrelye.' East of Hastings.
[475] MS. 'Beawlye.'
[476] James, second Marquis of Hamilton, a commissioner for the
marriage of Prince Charles to the Infanta.
[477] William Herbert, Earl of Pembroke.
[478] Sir John Ramsay, created Earl of Holderness in 1621.
[479] Thomas Erskine, created Earl of Kellie in 1619.
[480] James Hay, created Earl of Carlisle in 1622.
[481] Philip Herbert, created Earl of Montgomery 1605.
[482] Francis Manners, sixth Earl of Rutland.
[483] Drawing ahead suddenly and becoming foul; _cf._ 'shorten,' p.
109.
[484] This expression is unknown to the dictionaries, and it is
difficult to conjecture its meaning: it may be a synonym for 'bank'
or 'shore,' or for 'seaweed,' which would be found in the shallower
water near the shore.
[485] N.W. Spain. MS. 'Ortingall.'
[486] Apparently 'bent' was in use at this period in speaking of the
tide when it had turned and begun to ebb or flow with full force.
_Cf._ Luke Ward's narrative (1582) in Hakluyt (vol. xi. p. 174):
'Being at anchor, I manned our boat and would have gone aboard the
Admiral, but could not, the flood was bent so strong.'
[487] _I.e._ make way against.
[488] Brother of Sir John Trevor, and a naval officer of distinction;
knighted in 1604.
[489] The captain, or commanding officer. 'Commander' as a
substantive rank dates only from 1793.
[490] MS 'Gundamar.' Diego Sarmiento d'Acuna, Count of Gondomar. He
played an important part in the foreign policy of Great Britain from
1613, when he was sent to England as ambassador to bring James into
accord with Spanish policy. It was Gondomar who secured the execution
of Ralegh.
[491] MS. 'Sylla.' He means the principal island, St. Mary.
[492] _I.e._ the ship first beat to windward, tacking two or three
times, and then laid her course for the anchorage with the wind on
her quarter.
[493] Castle Hugh, near Hugh Town, the capital.
[494] The shoal at the entrance to Spithead, north of St. Helen's.
[495] Gentleman of the Chamber.
[496] The sands along the Kent coast off Sandwich.
[497] The narrow part of the ship's bottom near the stern post.
[498] MS. 'over.'
[499] Duke Christian of Brunswick-Wolfenbüttel. He arrived in England
on December 20 with letters of recommendation from Elizabeth of
Bohemia, whose cause he was championing, and was the guest of the
Prince of Wales.
[500] The official residence of the Navy Officers on Chatham Hill.
[501] Bore large, bringing the wind on the beam or quarter.
[502] MS. 'Bullen.'
[503] Dragged their anchors.
[504] Predicament.
[505] John Pyham, Vicar of Chatham.
[506] Designs.
[507] This has been added at the bottom of the page, where it has no
connection with the context. In the margin Pett has written, 'Son
Joseph died in Ireland this year 1625.'
[508] 12 Dec. 1626. Pett was named last in the list.
[509] _I.e._ the Great Seal.
[510] Built by the Dutch, but intended for the French Navy. It was
captured in the Texel and added to the English Fleet.
[511] One of the four Masters Attendant.
[512] MS. '1637.' 1628 new style.
[513] Treasurer of the Navy.
[514] Knighted in 1634.
[515] Shipbuilders.
[516] The ten _Lion's Whelps_.
[517] Payments in advance.
[518] MS. 'Redcliff.'
[519] More usually spelt 'Compter': one of the debtors' prisons
attached to the Sheriff's Court; the last was abolished in 1854.
[520] The prison on the east side of Farringdon Street, taking its
name from the Fleet River; burnt down in 1666 and in 1780; it was
abolished in 1842.
[521] Treasurer of the Army, with whom Buckingham was lodging.
[522] Apparently used in the sense of 'unemployed.'
[523] Colonel Sir Thomas Fryer. The circumstances are related in
detail by Dr. S. R. Gardiner in his _History of England from the
Accession of James I._, vol. vi. chap. lxv.
[524] _I.e._ the prison of that name.
[525] Chaussée de Sein, south of Ushant.
[526] Richard, successor to Paul Isackson.
[527] Robert Bertie, created Earl of Lindsey 1626; admiral of the
second fleet sent to Rochelle in 1628.
[528] Robert Treswell.
[529] Foliejon on the modern ordnance map. 'Folly' appears to be a
local name for a clump of trees on a hill.
[530] Henry Goddard.
[531] Francis Brooke.
[532] John Brooke.
[533] MS. 'Farum.'
[534] The report, signed by Phineas Pett, Jo. Dearslye, Peter Pett,
Andrewes Burrell, John Greaves and John Taylor, is preserved (_S.P.
Dom. Chas. I._ clxxvi. 8). Mr. Oppenheim (_Administration_, p. 297)
points out that 'five years later some of the same men turned round
with "we positively conclude that there is a worm in that harbour."'
[535] Richard Weston, created Baron Weston in 1628, and Earl of
Portland in 1633.
[536] The Lord High Chamberlain was Robert Bertie, Earl of Lindsey;
the Lord Chamberlain was Philip Herbert, Earl of Pembroke, who had
succeeded his brother, William.
[537] Henry Rich, 1st Earl of Holland, beheaded 1649.
[538] A prize of 1625 taken into the Navy.
[539] MS. 'Strowde.'
[540] A very late example of this form of the past tense of 'row.'
[541] MS. 'given.'
[542] Deliberately.
[543] Son of Edward Stephens, late Master Shipwright. Imprisoned in
1626 for disrespect to Pett and Trevor.
[544] The passage in italics is wanting in the original MS.
[545] Below.
[546] MS. Ockum. In the Medway.
[547] Kenrick Edisbury, _alias_ Wilkinson, who in 1626 was Paymaster
of the Navy, succeeded Sir Thos. Aylesbury as Surveyor of the Navy in
December 1632 and died in 1638. Mr. Oppenheim pronounces him 'perhaps
the most observant and energetic of the chief officers.'
[548] John Goodwin, Master Attendant at Portsmouth.
[549] Nathaniel Apslyn. In 1626, when Carpenter of the _Red Lion_, he
was recommended by Pett for the post of Assistant Master Shipwright,
and was appointed in that capacity at Chatham.
[550] Hawkridge is said to have accompanied Button in the voyage
of 1612. In 1619 he was in command of an expedition in search of
the North-West Passage which proved a failure. Subsequently he was
captured with his ship and cargo, valued at £2000, by the pirates
of Algiers and held to ransom. _See_ Christy, _Voyages of Foxe and
James_ (Hakluyt Soc.).
[551] Near Wye, on the main road from Ashford to Canterbury.
[552] MS. 'Shorum.'
[553] Nephew.
[554] Master Carpenter of the _St. Denis_ in 1632.
[555] MS. 'Langer.' At the entrance to Harwich harbour.
[556] Old cordage, used for manufacture into brown paper.
[557] Francis Sheldon, Clerk of the Check at Woolwich.
[558] The wife of Thomas Cole, who was one of the witnesses at the
Inquiry of 1610 (_supra_, p. 57). Thomas Cole owned the Manor of
Woodbridge, which by 1649 came into Peter's possession. See Copinger,
_Manors of Suffolk_, vol. iv. p. 328.
[559] Bailiffs.
[560] See Introduction.
[561] Edward Boate, Master Shipwright.
[562] Comptroller of the Navy since 1632; son of the Comptroller of
the Navy of the same name who died in 1611.
[563] Denis Fleming, Clerk of the Acts.
[564] Edward Sackville, 4th Earl, one of the Commissioners of the
Admiralty appointed after the death of Buckingham.
[565] The elder (1589-1655), then Comptroller of the Household and
Privy Councillor.
[566] Sir Francis Windebank (1582-1646), joint-Secretary of State
with Sir John Coke, 1632.
[567] MS. 'president.'
[568] MS. 'whelles.'
[569] MS. 'Waynstead.' A royal manor.
[570] On the edge of the Maplin, six miles east of Shoeburyness.
[571] MS. 'Burlington.'
[572] MS. 'Whytebye.'
[573] Luke Foxe, the Arctic navigator. He died at Whitby in July.
[574] M.S. 'Stockdone.'
[575] Stockton had fallen into decay during the sixteenth century.
[576] _Sic._
[577] MS. 'Chopple.' On the Derwent, six miles south-west of
Newcastle.
[578] MS. 'Bramespeth.' On the Wear, four miles south-west of Durham.
[579] MS. 'Duresme.'
[580] Pett's clerk.
[581] Comptroller of Customs for Port of London; one time Secretary
of the Council of the North.
[582] MS. 'Tuckesford.'
[583] MS. 'Grantum.'
[584] Charles Lewis, the second son of Frederick and Elizabeth, born
in 1617. Frederick had died in 1632.
[585] Prince Rupert.
[586] It was the 9th.
[587] _I.e._ not moored, having only one anchor down.
[588] Swinging round with the tide.
[589] Obsolete form of 'travailed'; laboured.
[590] Charles Lewis, whom, on p. 162, he called the Palsgrave. The
title of Elector was, however, not formally accorded to him until the
Peace of Westphalia, in 1648, when the Lower Palatinate was restored.
[591] Apprentice. In 1633 he was recommended by Pett for the post of
Master Carpenter of the _Charles_ on the ground that he had wrought
upon the same throughout her being built, and was also 'a pretty
mariner.' _S. P. Dom. Chas. I._, ccxxxi. 45.
[592] Became too shallow.
[593] Spring tide.
[594] MS. 'Austyne'; Thomas Austen.
[595] Burning reeds.
[596] MS. 'Grenhyve.'
[597] MS. 'Shevarees.' Marie de Rohan; exiled from France in 1626.
[598] James Stuart, 4th Duke; created Duke of Richmond, 1641.
[599] Married on 7th January. On p. 171 his wife's father's name is
given as 'Etherington'; her Christian name was Mildred. The use of
two forenames was practically unknown at this period; evidently she
had been married before.
[600] Wife of Christopher Pett.
[601] The south end of the Goodwin Sands.
[602] This word is lost, the margin being torn away; these six words
are not in the Harleian copy.
[603] Chatham.
[604] Perhaps intended for 'own.'
[605] At Chatham.
[606] Sion House at Brentford, the seat of the Duke of
Northumberland, who had been appointed on 13th April to act for
the young Duke of York, declared Lord High Admiral for life at the
Council on 18th March.
[607] _I.e._ of France. Marie de Medicis, widow of Henri IV. and
mother of Queen Henrietta Maria; she landed at Harwich on 18th
October.
APPENDICES
I
Grant to Phineas Pett. 26th April 1604
(_In Latin_)
[=Pat. Roll 1646=]
The King[608] to all to whom etc. greeting. Whereas our dearest
Sister Elizabeth late deceased Queen of England by her letters
patent under the great seal of England bearing date at Westminster
the twenty-third day of January in the twenty-sixth year[609] of her
reign gave and granted for herself her heirs and successors unto
Mathew Baker and John Addey Shipwrights and to the longer liver of
either of them among other[610] things a certain annuity or annual
rent of twelve pence sterling a day: to have and to receive yearly
the said annuity or annual rent of twelve pence sterling a day to
the aforesaid Matthew Baker and John Addey and their assigns and to
the longer liver of either of them from the Feast of the Nativity of
the Lord then last past before the date of the same letters patent
during the natural life of the same Mathew Baker and John Addey and
the longer liver of either of them from her Treasury and that of her
heirs and successors at the Receipt of the Exchequer at Westminster
of herself her heirs and successors at the hands of the Treasurer
and Chamberlain of her her heirs and successors there for the time
in being at the four terms of the year namely at the Feast of the
Annunciation of the B.V. Mary of St. John the Baptist of St. Michael
the Archangel and of the Nativity of the Lord in equal portions.
And whereas also our same dearest Sister Elizabeth by other letters
patent under the great seal of England bearing date at Westminster
the twenty-ninth day of July in the thirty-second year of her
reign[611] gave and granted for herself her heirs and successors to
Joseph Pett Shipwright another annuity or annual fee of twelve pence
a day of lawful money of England; to have hold and receive unto the
same Joseph Pett and his assigns during the natural life of the
same Joseph Pett from the Treasury of her her heirs and successors
at the Receipt of the Exchequer at Westminster by the hands of the
Treasurer and Chamberlain there and from time to time existing, as
by the several said letters patent more plainly doth appear. Which
said Mathew Baker and John Addey and Joseph Pett to this day remain
alive and to this present have and enjoy the said several annuities
by virtue of the several letters patent aforesaid. Know ye that we
of our special grace and sure knowledge and mere motion also in
consideration of the good true and faithful service to us done and
hereafter to be done by our beloved and faithful subject Phineas
Pett now serving our dearest son Henry Prince of Wales both in the
building of the ships of us our heirs and successors and in his
attendance on our marine affairs and causes have given and granted
and by these presents for ourself our heirs and successors do give
and grant to the same Phineas Pett that annuity or annual fee of
twelve pence sterling a day of good and lawful money of England out
of the two above named annuities whichever first after the date of
these presents by death resignation surrender or composition of any
one of the aforesaid Mathew Baker and John Addey and Joseph Pett or
in any other manner shall have become vacant or determined or shall
hereafter become vacant or cease. To have hold enjoy and receive
the said annuity or annual fee of twelve pence a day as is in manner
aforesaid vacated or determined or shall hereafter determine to the
aforesaid Phineas Pett or his assigns for the term of the natural
life of the same Phineas immediately from the time at which either of
those annuities shall first become vacant or determine as aforesaid
from the Treasury of us our heirs and successors at the Receipt of
our Exchequer at Westminster by the hands of the Treasurers and
Chamberlains of us our heirs and successors there from time to time
in being at the four terms of the year namely at the Feast of St.
Michael the Archangel the Nativity of the Lord the Annunciation of
the B.V. Mary and the Nativity of St. John the Baptist in equal
portions to the aforesaid Phineas Pett or his assigns during the
natural life of the same Phineas Pett annually to be paid the first
payment thereupon commencing at that feast of the aforesaid feasts
which first and nearest shall fall after one of the two separate
aforesaid annuities of twelve pence a day shall become vacant or
determined in the mode and fashion above specified. Although express
mention etc. In witness etc. Witness the King[612] at Westminster the
26th day of April.
By writ of Privy Seal.
FOOTNOTES:
[608] In the enrolment this is given simply as 'Rex'; in the original
the commencement would be 'Jacobus Dei Gratia,' etc.
[609] 23 Jan. 1584.
[610] _I.e._ the office of Master Shipwright with its emoluments.
[611] 29 July 1590.
[612] In the original this would be 'meipso'; myself.
II
Petition of Shipwrights for Incorporation (?) 1578
(_No signatures or date_)
[=S.P. Dom., Eliz., ccxxvii. 63=]
To the right honourable the Lords of her Majesty's most honourable
Privy Council.
In most humble and reverent wise do complain unto your honours as
well the M^r. Shipwrights of her Majesty's Ships, as also all other
of the same art, that take charge over any of that faculty, be it in
ships, boats, barges, or any such like vessels, both appertaining
to her Majesty or her Highness' subjects, specially within the
liberty of the Thames and other places near adjoining to the same.
In the which place, as all kind of vessels are greatly increased, so
are the artificers likewise augmented, only in number, but less in
skill, whereby such as do use them are not only deceived but also
the work greatly endangered. Besides their manners are mutinous even
in her Majesty's service, and their exactions intolerable amongst
her Majesty's subjects. These and many other enormities, which daily
increase to the great grief of many her Majesty's good and honest
subjects, may bring the art to a ruinous state.
In tender consideration of the premises we humbly pray your Honours
to be a mean unto her Highness that a Corporation may be granted in
such reasonable form as her Majesty's learned Council shall allow
of, and be thought meet for us; whereby her Majesty in her own Navy
shall be more safely and dutifully served, the whole State through
the Realm better furnished, and we daily bound to pray to Almighty
God both for her Majesty and your Honours' most happy and prosperous
estate.
III
Charter to Shipwrights, 22nd April 1605.
[=Pat. Roll. 1684=]
[_Parts in italics abbreviated to save space_]
James &c. To all to whom these presents shall come greeting. Whereas
we are credibly informed as well by our right trusty and well-beloved
cousin and councillor Charles Earl of Nottingham, High Admiral
of England and Captain General of our Navy Royal as also by our
principal officers of our said Navy how slenderly and deceitfully
as well our own ships and barges as also other ships boats pinnaces
and like vessels of our merchants and other our subjects used in
continual service and traffic are made and wrought to the great loss
danger and prejudice of us and our said subjects and also of the
great and wasteful charge and expense which we do from time to time
bear and sustain in building and repairing our own ships and pinnaces
which are and have been the chiefest and greatest defence of this
our Realm from the assaults of such enemies as have practised the
overthrow of the same. We weighing the manifold dangers losses and
hindrances which may and are likely more and more to ensue thereof if
speedy remedy be not therefore had and provided, and to the end that
the fittest and ablest shipwrights and workmen may from time to time
as cause shall require be made known unto our principal officers of
our Navy and to be employed for wages for the building repairing and
making of our own ships and pinnaces as also may have the oversight
of all such other workmen as shall from time to time be employed or
shall intermeddle in building of other ships pinnaces or vessels for
other our merchants and subjects for the further more better and
continual service of us our Realm and subjects. Know ye therefore
that we intending to provide for the better strengthening of this
our Realm with shipping for the defence and service thereof and to
the intent that as well our self as also our merchants and other our
subjects may from time to time hereafter be furnished stored and
supplied with skilful shipwrights and workmen of that kind to work
upon our Navy and other ships and vessels for the better suppressing
of deceits and other abuses which may hereafter be practised by
divers persons which shall take upon them without sufficient skill
and knowledge to make or repair ships pinnaces and other vessels
to the great danger and hindrance as well of our self as of divers
other our loving subjects, of our special grace certain knowledge
and mere motion have given granted constituted and ordained and by
these presents for us our heirs and successors do grant constitute
and ordain that all and every person and persons being shipwrights
or carpenters using the Art or Mystery of building and making of
ships within this our Realm of England and Dominion of Wales shall
be from henceforth forever one body corporate and body politic in
matter deed and name by the name of Master, Wardens and Commonalty
of the Art or Mystery of Shipwrights of England.... [_To be_] one
Master and four Wardens and twelve Assistants ... do assign name
ordain and constitute our well-beloved subject Mathew Baker our
servant and ancientest Master Shipwright to be the first Master ...
Joseph Pett and William Bright two other of our Master Shipwrights,
Edward Stephens of Limehouse and Nicholas Symonson of Ratcliffe in
the county of Middlesex Shipwrights to be the first four Wardens....
John Adye of Deptford in our county of Kent, Phineas Pett of Chatham
in our county of Kent, John Apslyn of our said town and county, Peter
Pett of Wapping in our county of Middlesex, Nicholas Cley of Redriff
in our county of Surrey, Thomas Cole of Woodbridge in our county
of Suffolk, Robert Wilkinson of Ipswich in our county of Suffolk,
James Russell of Southwark in our said county of Surrey, John Head
of our City of Bristol, Esau Whitehead of our town of Southampton
in our county of Southampton, Thomas Dymocke of Horsey Downe[613]
in our said county of Surrey and Thomas Pryme of Yarmouth in our
county of Norfolk, Shipwrights, to be the first and present twelve
Assistants....
[_Power to hold and dispose of real property; to plead and defend in
any Court; to have a common seal._]
[_To meet in a_] convenient house or hall for their use to be by them
provided within the City of London or Suburbs[614] of the same or
within five miles of the said City ... Nicholas Rabye Gent. to be the
first and present Clerk....
[_Power to meet in their hall and_] to entreat consult determine
constitute ordain and make any Constitutions Statutes Laws Ordinances
Articles and Orders whatsoever ... touching or concerning the good
estate rule order and good government of the said Master Wardens
and Commonalty ... and in what Order and manner the said Master
Wardens and Commonalty ... and all other person and persons using
the said art or mystery within this Realm of England or Dominion
of Wales shall demean and behave themselves [_with power to punish
offenders.... Power to_] view search and survey all and every the
Works and Workmanship of all and every person or persons whatsoever
making working or building or which hereafter shall make work or
build any manner of ships, pinnaces or other vessels and all manner
of timber and wood appointed provided and fitted for the building
of ships ... [_Ships found to be_] falsely and deceitfully and
untruly made wrought and builded [_timber, wood, &c. to be put in
safe custody and complaint made to Justices of Peace.... Power to_]
buy and provide in any the places beyond the seas all such timber
planks masts deals spars and wood and also all pitch, tar, rosin and
oil as they shall think necessary and convenient for the building
or repairing of ships pinnaces or other vessels [_and bring same
to England or Wales on payment of custom and other duties. Since
the Master Wardens and Commonalty_] are to be as occasion shall be
offered employed and attendant upon the Navigation of Us [etc., _the
said Master Wardens and Commonalty shall not_] be enforced put placed
or impannelled in or upon any Assises Juries Inquests or Attaints
whatsoever [_nor_] be pressed or enforced to serve ... as land
soldiers....
[_Power to elect Beadles to gather fines penalties &c. and distrain.
Power to hold land, tithes &c._]
Witness ourself at Westminster the two and twentieth day of April.
By writ of Privy Seal.
FOOTNOTES:
[613] Horsleydown, below the Tower, on the opposite shore.
[614] MS. 'Subberbes.'
IV
Charter to Shipwrights, 6th May 1612
[=Pat. Roll 1951=]
[_The first nineteen lines as in the Charter of 1605._]
... if speedy remedy be not therefore had and provided, and intending
to provide for the strengthening of these our Kingdoms and Dominions
with sufficient shipping for defence and service thereof, and to
the intent that as well ourself might from time to time be furnished
stored and supplied with the fittest and ablest shipwrights and
workmen for the building making and repairing of our own ships
pinnaces and other vessels as also that our merchants and other our
subjects might also in their works and buildings from time to time
be stored and supplied with skilful and sufficient shipwrights and
workmen, and for the better suppressing of deceits and abuses of
divers persons which should take upon them without sufficient skill
and knowledge to make or repair any ships boats pinnaces or other
vessels, to the great danger and hindrance as well of ourself as of
divers other our loving subjects, We did by our letters patent under
the great seal of England bearing date the two and twentieth day of
April in the years of our reign of England France and Ireland the
third and of Scotland the eight and thirtieth incorporate the Company
of Shipwrights and the persons being shipwrights or carpenters using
the art or mystery of building and making of ships within our realm
of England and Dominion of Wales by the name of Master Wardens and
Commonalty of the art or mystery of Shipwrights of England, and
did grant unto them by our said charter or letters patent divers
privileges liberties and immunities mentioned and contained in the
said letters patent tending to the reformation of the said abuses
and deceits. And whereas divers defects and imperfections have
been since by experience found to be in the said charter as well
in the extent thereof to what persons it should extend as also in
the want of sufficient authority and means to govern and order the
said corporation and the men and members thereof and the affairs
of the same and the shipwrights workmen apprentices and servants
using the said art and for want of power and means to reform prevent
order and correct many contempts misdemeanours deceits and offences
in the said art or mystery and the matters and things thereunto
appertaining and to punish stubborn obstinate and disobedient persons
of that profession, whereby great and manifold errors deceits and
inconveniences are still practised and continued to the great
hindrance of the navigation of this Kingdom the often loss and
hazard of men's lives and goods and the special prejudice of our
own service and the Commonwealth, know ye that we for reformation
amendment and supply of the defects and imperfections aforesaid
and for redress of the said great and manifold errors enormities
deceits and inconveniences, at the humble petition of the said Master
Wardens and Commonalty, and for the great desire we have that good
and convenient laws orders and ordinances should be established and
used in and about the said Corporation and Company and the said
art and mystery, and for the advancement of the good estate of the
shipping and navigation of this Kingdom to the good service both of
ourself and the Commonwealth, have of our especial grace certain
knowledge and mere motion granted constituted and ordained, and by
these presents for us our heirs and successors do grant constitute
and ordain, that all and every person and persons being shipwrights
caulkers or ship-carpenters or in any sort using exercising
practising or professing the art trade skill or mystery of building
making trimming dressing graving launching winding drawing stocking
or repairing of ships carvels hoys pinnaces crayers ketches lighters
boats barges wherries or any other vessel or vessels whatsoever used
for navigation fishing or transportation within or about our realm
of England and Dominion of Wales or of making trimming or repairing
of masts tops pullies pumps for ships oars or any other instruments
or appurtenances of wood thereunto belonging or any other carpentry
work whatsoever belonging to or used occupied or employed in or about
any ships pinnaces or other vessel or vessels above mentioned or in
any sort appertaining to shipping sailing rowing stocking launching
or navigation shall from henceforth for ever be and shall be taken
and accompted to be one body corporate and politic in matter deed
and name by the name of Master Wardens and Commonalty of the art
or mystery of Shipwrights of Redrith in the County of Surrey and
them by the name of Master Wardens and Commonalty of the art or
mystery of Shipwrights of Redrith in the County of Surrey We do
for us our heirs and successors really fully and wholly erect make
ordain create incorporate constitute and declare by these presents
one body corporate and politic in matter deed and name. And ... the
said Master Wardens and Commonalty of the said art or mystery of
Shipwrights of Redrith aforesaid shall from henceforth have perpetual
succession, and ... shall be at all times hereafter a body corporate
and politic able and capable in deed and in law to have hold occupy
possess enjoy and retain all and singular usages customs liberties
privileges immunities jurisdictions franchises pre-eminences benefits
profits and commodities whatsoever to them heretofore granted or
belonging or hereafter to be granted or to be belonging or incident
requisite or fit to or for them or for such a corporation to have and
enjoy of what kind nature or quality soever they shall be to them and
their successors for ever.
[_Power to hold and dispose of lands and other properties; to sue and
be sued; to have a common seal._]
And further we will and for us our heirs and successors we do grant
by these presents, that from henceforth for ever there be and shall
be one Master three Wardens and sixteen Assistants of the said
corporation art or mystery of Shipwrights of Redrith aforesaid to be
constituted and chosen in such manner and form as hereafter in these
presents is expressed and specified. And for the better execution
of the premises and also for the good rule and government of the
Master Wardens and Commonalty of the art or mystery of Shipwrights
aforesaid from time to time forever we have assigned named ordained
and constituted ... our well-beloved subject Phineas Pett our servant
and ancient Master Shipwright to be the first Master of the said
art or mystery of Shipwrights, willing that the said Phineas Pett
be and shall continue Master of the said art or mystery from the
day of the date of these presents until the morrow after the Feast
of Saint Bartholomew the Apostle now next ensuing and then and from
thenceforth until some other meet and sufficient man of the said art
or mystery of Shipwrights aforesaid be elected and sworn to execute
the said office of Master of the said art or mystery of Shipwrights
of Redrith aforesaid according to the ordinances and provisions in
these presents expressed and limited, if the said Phineas Pett shall
so long live, unless the said Phineas Pett shall happen in the mean
time for some misgovernment or other just cause to be removed, whom
for such just cause we will and ordain to be removable according
to the form herein expressed. And also we have assigned ordained
named and constituted ... our well-beloved subjects William Burrell
Nicholas Simonson and Thomas Dymock three other shipwrights to
be the first three Wardens of the art or mystery of Shipwrights
aforesaid.... And moreover for the better assistance and counsel
of the said Master and Wardens in and about the execution of their
several offices, we have assigned named ordained and constituted
... our well-beloved subjects Mathew Baker William Bright Edward
Stephens Nicholas Clay John Apslyn Peter Pett Thomas Jenkins John
Graves Robert Bourne James Marsh William Hedger Thomas Wells William
Picks John May Edmond Jordon and Richard Watford to be the first
and present sixteen Assistants of the said art or mystery, willing
that they the said [_names as before_] and all other assistants of
the said art or mystery for the time being shall be and continue
Assistants of the said art or mystery of Shipwrights of Redrith
aforesaid for and during their natural lives and shall from time to
time be aiding counselling and assisting unto the said Master and
Wardens for the better government rule and direction of the said
Master Wardens and Commonalty of the said art or mystery and every
member thereof, unless they or any of them shall be removed from the
said place of assistant or assistants for some misdemeanour or other
just cause, whom for such just cause we likewise will and ordain to
be removable according to the form herein also expressed. And for the
better establishment of this our good intention and purpose and for
the perpetual and constant continuance direction rule and government
of the whole body of the said art or mystery and every member thereof
we will and ordain that on the morrow next after the said Feast of
Saint Bartholomew the Apostle yearly hereafter the Master Wardens
and Assistants of the said art or mystery of Shipwrights aforesaid
for the time being or the greater part of them for that intent and
purpose to be assembled at or in their common house or hall shall
elect choose and nominate one person who hath formerly been Warden of
the said art or mystery to be Master of the said art or mystery for
the next year then following, and shall at the same time and place
elect choose and nominate out of the said Assistants three that shall
likewise be Wardens of the said art or mystery, which said Master and
Wardens so as aforesaid nominated elected and chosen shall be and
continue Master and Wardens of the said art or mystery unto the end
and term of one whole year then next ensuing and further until some
other Master and Wardens shall be respectively elected and preferred
and chosen thereunto, they and every of them first taking a corporal
oath upon the Holy Evangelist before the Master and Wardens being
their last predecessors or any two of them or before the assistants
of the said corporation art or mystery or the greatest part of them
for the due execution of their several offices respectively, and
also the oath commonly called the Oath of Supremacy, which oaths we
do by these presents give power and authority to the said Master
and Wardens for the time being or any two of them or to the said
Assistants or the greater part of them to minister and take of the
said person or persons so elected accordingly, and then every such
Master Warden and Wardens so removed shall then instantly be chosen
and elected to be Assistant or Assistants and so to remain Assistant
or Assistants in the room and place of him or them that shall be so
chosen out of the said Assistants to be Master Warden or Wardens,
first taking his or their corporal oath or oaths....
[_Power to majorities to remove Master, Wardens, or Assistants for
misdemeanour and elect others in vacancies caused by removal or
death._]
[_Fine not exceeding_ 10_l._ _for refusing or neglecting the office
of Master or Warden, or not exceeding 20 nobles in case of the office
of Assistants._]
And ... there shall or may be from henceforth for ever in all and
every convenient and needful place and places of our kingdom of
England and dominion of Wales one or more honest sufficient and
skilful person or persons of the said art or mystery which shall be
and shall be called the deputy or deputies of the Master Wardens
and Assistants of the said Corporation art or mystery, to be from
time to time hereafter elected nominated and appointed by the said
Master Wardens and Assistants or four of them, whereof the Master
and one of the Wardens of the said corporation art or mystery for
the time being to be always two, and to continue in the place or
places of deputy or deputies of the Master Wardens and Assistants
of the said corporation art or mystery for the time being from the
time of their said election for the space of one whole year next
ensuing or until he be for some just cause removed and some other of
the said corporation art or mystery be elected nominated and sworn
to the said office or place of deputy or deputies according to the
true intent and meaning of these presents.... And we will ordain
and command that every person that shall be from henceforth named
and chosen to be deputy or deputies to the said Master Wardens and
Assistants during the time that he or they or any of them shall
continue in his or their office or offices place or places of
deputyship do and shall from time to time employ the uttermost of
his and their endeavours abilities and skill in the due execution
of this our charter and letters patent and of every branch article
and thing therein contained and of all good and wholesome laws
orders and ordinances which at any time hereafter shall be made
and constituted by the said Master Wardens and Assistants in every
respect according to the true intent and meaning of the same and of
these presents, and in all other causes matters and things concerning
the good and welfare of the said art and mystery, and that they the
said deputies for the time being and every of them shall be from
time to time accomptable to the said Master Wardens and Commonalty
and their successors for all sums of money profits and commodities
by them or any of them to be collected or received by reason or in
respect of his said office or offices place or places of deputy or
deputies, and shall further before he or they execute or undertake
the same office or place of deputy or deputies take a corporal oath
... for the true and due execution of the said office and place, and
also the oath commonly called the Oath of Supremacy.... And ... if
any person or persons so named or elected to be deputy or deputies
to the Master Wardens and Assistants of the said corporation art or
mystery for the time being as aforesaid shall accept the same office
and deputation and then after shall wilfully and obstinately without
good and just cause or excuse refuse to attend or execute the same,
so as no person so nominated be compelled against his will to hold
such place of deputation above the space of two years together,
that then the said Master Wardens and Assistants or the more part
of them shall or may impose upon every such person so refusing to
exercise the said office or place after such acceptance thereof as
aforesaid a reasonable fine not exceeding twenty nobles, to be levied
and paid to the use of the said corporation. And further we will
and by these presents ... do grant unto the said Master Wardens and
Commonalty and their successors that they ... and their successors
shall and may have take and entertain one honest and discreet
person in manner and form hereafter in these presents expressed to
be nominated and chosen which shall be and be called the Clerk of
the said corporation art or mystery of Shipwrights. And we have
assigned made constituted named and ordained ... our well-beloved
subject and servant Richard Newman gent. to be the present Clerk
of the said corporation art or mystery, to be and continue in the
said office during the term of his natural life, unless he for some
misdemeanour shall be removed or dismissed or shall surrender the
same ... [_with power to company to choose successor_]. [_Power to_]
name and appoint any other inferior Officers Ministers and Members
as shall be needful and expedient in to or for the said corporation
art or mystery or the good government and affairs thereof [_and to
remove them_]. [_Power to_] admit receive and take in whatsoever
person or persons being our natural born subjects as well within
this our realm of England as in other our Dominions and places being
under our obeisance and not otherwise which would be and are or
shall be willing and desirous to be of the said corporation as a
member or members thereof, and that all and every person and persons
so to be admitted received and taken in by the said Master Wardens
and Assistants or the more part of them shall from the time of his
or their admission be called and accompted a brother and member or
freeman of the said Corporation in deed and in name ... [_and power
to remove them_]. And to the intent that as well our self our heirs
and successors as also all our merchants and other our subjects may
from time to time hereafter be better furnished stored and supplied
with cunning skilful and sufficient Shipwrights and workmen of that
kind for the making building and repairing of ships pinnaces and
other vessels, and for the avoiding suppressing or preventing as
much as in us lieth of the manifold abuses and deceits therein daily
practised and committed by such persons as are altogether unskilful,
having never been trained or brought up as apprentices in the said
art or mystery according to the laws and statutes of this our realm
of England, we do therefore ... will and grant to the said Master
Wardens and Commonalty of the said art or mystery of Shipwrights of
Redrith and to their successors forever that every Freeman of the
said company shall and may from time to time hereafter have take and
keep one or more apprentice or apprentices to be trained and brought
up under him in the said trade art or mystery of Shipwright, and
that every such apprentice shall be by covenants bound by and to
his master that shall entertain him as aforesaid duly and truly to
serve him as his apprentice for and during the full space and term of
seven years at the least, and to be ordered and used to all intents
and purposes according to the custom of the city of London, and that
the same covenant of apprenticeship be made by writing indented
and registered or enrolled at their common hall before themselves
in their said corporation by their Clerk or his sufficient deputy
or deputies for the time being, and that such enrolment shall be
good and effectual in the law to all intents and purposes against
us our heirs and successors and against all other person or persons
whatsoever, any law statute custom or usage to the contrary in any
wise notwithstanding. Willing and by these presents for us our heirs
and successors straitly charging and commanding that no shipwright
caulker or ship-carpenter or any other being a Freeman of the said
company and using exercising practising or professing the said trade
skill art or mystery of building making trimming dressing graving
launching drawing stocking or repairing of any ships pinnaces or
other vessel or vessels whatsoever for navigation or traffic shall
or may at any time or times hereafter receive have entertain or
keep any apprentice or other servant being not already free of the
said Corporation or not having served with some other shipwright in
the same trade, to be used exercised trained or brought up under
him in the said trade art or mystery as aforesaid except he first
cause every such his servant or apprentice to be bound unto him by
indenture for the said term of seven years at the least or for so
many years as together with the years which he hath served in the
said trade as aforesaid shall make up the number of seven years,
and do likewise cause his said indenture of apprenticeship to be
registered or enrolled before the Clerk of the Company or his deputy
for the time being as aforesaid within one month next after the
taking thereof, upon pain of our heavy displeasure and of such fine
or other punishment as by the laws and statutes of this realm or by
the laws and ordinances already made or hereafter to be made by the
said Master Wardens and Assistants of the said art or mystery for
the time being or the greater part of them according to the true
intent and meaning hereof shall or may be inflicted upon him or
them that shall offend therein. [_Power to_] assemble convocate and
congregate themselves together at or in their common hall or house
being now at Redrith in the County of Surrey or in any other place
or places for the same convenient, and then and there to keep Courts
and consultation for the said corporation art or mystery and the
affairs thereof, and the perquisites issues and profits of the said
Court or Courts so to be held and kept to leave take and perceive to
and for the use of the said Corporation for the better maintenance
and preservation thereof, without any accompt to be made or rendered
to us our heirs or successors in that behalf. [_And power_] then
and there to treat consult commune determine and agree amongst
themselves or with any other person or persons whatsoever, of upon
and concerning the good estate benefit conversation and wholesome
rule government and ordering of the said Corporation art or mystery
and the men apprentices workmen workmanship and all other the affairs
and things to the same belonging or thereupon in any wise depending,
and at in and upon such their assemblies meetings and conferences
to make ordain and constitute such and so many good wholesome and
reasonable laws statutes articles constitutions orders and ordinances
whatsoever as to them or the greater part of them being then and
there present, whereof the Master and one of the Wardens for the
time being to be always two, shall seem reasonable necessary meet
and convenient for touching or concerning the premises, and for the
better advancement performance and continuance of the same, and
also for the better directing how and in what order and manner the
said Master Wardens and Commonalty and all other person and persons
using the said art or mystery within our said realm of England or
Dominion of Wales shall demean and behave themselves as well in all
and singular matters and things touching or concerning the said art
or mystery or any thing thereunto appertaining as also in their
several offices functions ministries and businesses touching or
concerning the said art or mystery as aforesaid, and the same laws
orders articles and constitutions so made or any of them to put in
use and execute accordingly, and at their will again to revoke alter
or change when and as often as occasion shall thereto require. [_The
Regulations, &c., when_] entered and registered in some public book
to be kept for that purpose ... shall be holden as laws ordinances
and statutes amongst them to be put in use and execution, and shall
bind all persons of the said Corporation art or mystery and all
shipwrights and workmen of that profession in any place port haven
or town within our said realm of England and dominion of Wales, as
well the subjects of the same our realm and dominions as strangers
and aliens for and during the time of their being in or upon any
part of our said realm coasts or dominions or any creeks or harbours
of the same, to observe obey and perform the same from time to time
in all things as the same ought to be, upon the pains penalties and
punishments in the same to be imposed inflicted and limited so always
as the said laws statutes articles orders ordinances pains penalties
and punishments and every of them be agreeable to reason and justice
and not contrary or repugnant to the laws statutes rights or customs
of this our realm of England, nor derogatory to the jurisdictions
and pre-eminences of the Lord High Admiral of England for the
time being or to the Court of Admiralty of England or the Judges
Register or Marshall of that Court for the time being or any of them.
[_Power to impose_] pains penalties punishments fines amercements
and forfeitures ... and for default of payment ... to distrain the
goods and chattels of such offender and the same to keep till they
shall be satisfied or otherwise to bring their action for the same
according to law. And ... all and singular fines forfeitures sum and
sums of money whatsoever due or hereafter to be due and received by
reason of the said decrees orders or ordinances shall be to the use
commodity and sole benefit and behoof of the said Corporation without
any accompt or other thing therefore to us our heirs or successors
to be yielded paid rendered made or done in that behalf, and without
any let trouble molestation or interruption of any person or persons
whatsoever for the same. [_Powers_] by writing under their common
seal ... to ask levy have receive and take in all and every place
and places within our said realm of England and Dominion of Wales as
well of every Master Workman Shipwright or other person or persons
that shall hereafter make or build or cause to be made or built any
new ship or ships vessel or vessels of the burthen of one hundred
ton or more or less all and singular such profits dues duties fees
allowances sum and sums of money whatsoever after such rate and in
such manner and form as at any time or times heretofore themselves or
their predecessors by any name or names of corporation by under or by
force and virtue of any former charter or letters patent by them or
any of them given or granted or by any other lawful and reasonable
way or means have or ought to have received had taken or enjoyed the
same by way of tonnage quarterage poundage or otherwise, and also
all and every such fines amercements penalties sum and sums of money
as shall be by force and virtue of these our letters patent or any
their laws orders ordinances statutes or jurisdictions already made
or hereafter to be made for the good government of the said company
assessed or imposed upon any person or persons whatsoever ... [_and_]
to enter and distrain any the goods and chattels of the person or
persons so offending denying or withholding the same in any place
or places whatsoever where the same goods and chattels or any of
them shall or may be found ... and ... to sue for and recover the
same dues duties allowances fines amercements penalties impositions
sum and sums of money in any of our Court or Courts of Record....
And to the end that the secret of the said art or mystery and the
manner of our English building and new making of ships pinnaces and
other vessels should for more strength and safety of our realms and
kingdoms be kept secret to and within ourselves and our said realms
and dominions and altogether unknown to aliens and strangers of other
Nations, our will and pleasure is and we do by these presents for us
our heirs and successors straitly charge and command that no person
or persons whatsoever of the said art or mystery of Shipwrights do
at any time or times hereafter directly or indirectly by any ways
or means whatsoever presume or attempt to discover or make known
to any foreigner or stranger not being a natural born subject of
us our heirs or successors or not being naturalised or indenized
nor to any other person or persons not being free and sworn of and
to the said Corporation nor being a servant or apprentice to the
said art or mystery the secrets of the said trade art or mystery or
the special manner of our English building or new making of ships
pinnaces or other vessels as aforesaid, nor do take any alien or
stranger born being not naturalised or indenized to be his or their
apprentice or servant, upon pain of our high displeasure and of
such further punishment as by the laws and statutes of this realm
or the ordinances and laws so made or to be made by the said Master
Wardens and Assistants or the greater part of them as aforesaid
can or may be inflicted upon such offender or offenders for the
same. And to the end our will and pleasure herein may be the better
observed and performed and the offender punished we do further by
these presents give and grant [_power to_] impose upon every such
offender a reasonable fine according to the quality of his offence
at the discretion of the said Master Wardens and Assistants or the
more part of them, the same fine to be forfeited and paid by the
person or persons so offending to the sole benefit use and behoof of
the said Corporation for the better maintenance and upholding of the
same and relieving of the poor of the said Corporation. [_Power_] to
examine and punish by fine or such other correction as the quality
of the offence shall deserve and require every person which shall
unlawfully depart or go away from his work after he hath been hired
or agreed withal for wages before the time or times of his retainer
or retainers be expired, or shall be found to grow mutinous stubborn
or disobedient or in any way a provoker seducer or enticer of any
other to any mutiny or disobedience to the hurt injury or likelihood
of hurt or injury of the said Corporation or of the good government
and order therein or of any service whatsoever, and also to examine
hear and order all and every the complaints of or against any
shipwright or other workmen of the said Corporation art or profession
or of or against any of his or their journeymen apprentices or
servants. And of our more ample grace certain knowledge and mere
motion and for the better suppressing and reformation of the deceits
and abuses first above mentioned [_power given_] to and for the
said Master and Wardens or any two of them for the time being and
also to and for any two of the said Assistants or other two persons
being skilful or which hereafter shall be skilful in the said art or
mystery being thereunto deputed and authorised by writing under the
common seal of the said Master Wardens and Commonalty, first taking
his or their corporal oath or oaths upon the Evangelist ... for the
due execution of their said offices or places ... at all convenient
time or times, taking with them if need so require a constable or any
other his Majesty's officer or officers of the city town or place,
to search view and survey all manner of timber wood and other stuff
provided prepared and fitted for the building making or repairing of
any ships pinnaces or other vessels in any place or places whatsoever
within our realm of England and dominion of Wales or in either of
them, and also to search view and survey all and every the works
and workmanship of all and every person and persons whatsoever in
making working building or repairing ... any manner of ships pinnaces
boats or other vessels whatsoever within our said realm of England
and dominion of Wales or either of them, and that it shall and may
be lawful to and for the said Master and Wardens or any two of them
or their deputies so authorised as aforesaid all and singular ships
pinnaces boats and other vessels hereafter to be built to view search
and survey, and such of them whereof the timber work at the time
of such search shall not be fully finished and which at the time
of such search view or survey so to be made as aforesaid shall be
found to be so insufficiently falsely and deceitfully made wrought
or repaired as they must needs be by that means dangerous to such as
shall use or employ them, to arrest and stay until the same shall
be reformed amended repaired and made fit for navigation. And our
further will and pleasure is that if the said persons before by these
presents authorised to make such search as aforesaid or any of them
shall happen to find any sappy wood red wood or other insufficient
wood or timber to be put into any ships pinnaces or other vessels
or hewn wrought and fitted for that purpose, that then the said
persons or any of them shall forthwith charge and warn the makers
or owners of such ships pinnaces or other vessels forthwith to take
away the said sappy wood red wood and other insufficient wood and
timber and to supply the same with other sufficient timber and wood.
And if within convenient time after such charge and warning given
as is aforesaid the said sappy wood red wood and other insufficient
wood and timber be not taken away and the same supplied with other
good and sufficient timber and wood as is aforesaid, that then it
shall and may be lawful to and for the said Master and Wardens or
any two of them or any two of the said Assistants or any such deputy
or deputies as aforesaid to take and deface all such sappy wood and
red wood and all and singular such other timber and wood which upon
any such search and view and after convenient admonition and warning
given to take the same away and to supply it with better and more
sufficient wood and timber they shall find to be put in or apparently
intended to be put into any ship pinnace or other vessel or hewn
and cut out or wrought for that purpose, manifestly tending to the
prejudice and damage of us our heirs and successors or of any other
our loving subjects merchants and mariners whose goods and lives are
hazarded and often lost by reason of such ill stuff, the use of all
which sappy and red wood and other insufficient stuff we do hereby
for us our heirs and successors straitly prohibit and restrain to be
used or employed in any sort in or upon any ship or other vessel.
[_Power_] to impose and inflict such punishment upon every offender
in that behalf either by fine or imprisonment or both of them as
by the laws or statutes of this realm or by any laws or ordinances
to be made by the said Corporation as is aforesaid shall or may be
imposed or inflicted upon them for their offences in that behalf or
otherwise that the said Master and Wardens or any two of them or
such other person or persons so authorised as aforesaid and which
upon such search shall find any of the deceits and abuses aforesaid
shall complain thereof to some Justice or Justices of Peace within
that place or county where such deceits and abuses shall be found.
And we do ... straitly charge and command all and every our Justice
and Justices of the Peace whatsoever to whom any such complaint or
complaints shall so be made as is aforesaid that they and every of
them shall by all good and lawful ways and means examine and find out
the truth of the said complaints abuses and deceits, and if upon due
examination thereof they shall find that any such abuses and deceits
have been committed as aforesaid, that then they cause the party or
parties so offending to be indicted or otherwise punished for such
his and their abuses and deceits either before our Justices of Peace
in the county where the same abuses and deceits shall be committed
and found at their Sessions of the Peace or before the Justices of
Assize of the same county or before any other lawful judge or judges,
to the end that the said person or persons so offending may receive
such condign punishment as by the laws and statutes of this realm
can or may be inflicted upon him or them for his or their offence
or offences in that behalf. And ... we do ... straitly charge and
command the said Master Wardens and Assistants of the said art or
mystery and their successors for the time being that once in every
month at the least such search be made as is aforesaid, and that
the authority hereby in that behalf to them given be put in due
execution without any respect of persons or partiality whatsoever.
Provided always nevertheless and our will and pleasure is that
neither the Master nor Wardens of the said art or mystery for the
time being or any their deputy or deputies so authorised to search
as is aforesaid shall not by colour of these letters patent meddle
with or do anything to the hindrance stay or prevention of any ship
pinnace or other vessel that is or shall be at the time of such
their search as aforesaid ready to go forth for an intended voyage
or journey or the master owner mariners sailors or other officers of
the same, any thing in these presents to the contrary thereof in any
wise notwithstanding. [_Power_] to buy and provide in any the places
beyond the Seas all such timber planks masts deals spars and wood
and wooden stuff and also all pitch tar rosin and oil as they shall
think necessary and convenient for the building or repairing graving
or fitting of ships pinnaces or other vessels, and the same so bought
and provided shall and may from time to time for ever hereafter bring
or cause to be brought into this our realm of England and dominion of
Wales or any part or place thereof and the same discharge and lay on
land, paying to us our heirs and successors the full Custom poundage
and other duties due or which hereafter shall be due to us our heirs
or successors any law statute custom proclamation or any other matter
cause or thing to the contrary notwithstanding. And whereas for the
better maintenance of navigation and encouragement of our loving
subjects to increase shipping within this our realm there is and hath
been of ancient time an allowance given by us and our predecessors
of five shillings sterling for every ton of any new builded ship
to be rated according to the burthen of the said ship did contain
in burthen one hundred tons or upwards in ton and tonnage, which
laudable custom we being pleased to continue, and finding it
also convenient as well for the avoiding of abuses that might be
offered in rating and setting down the tonnage of the said ships
and otherwise as also that the builder might have his right and due
allowance of tonnage, to appoint some person or persons of knowledge
and experience for the surveying and overseeing of the true rates and
tonnage in that behalf, we did by our letters patent under our great
seal of England bearing date the four and twentieth day of April in
the third year of our reign give and grant to John Grent gent. for
and during his natural life the office and place of surveyor of the
tonnage and burthen of all new builded ships of the burthen above
mentioned or upwards from time to time within this our realm of
England, together with the wages and fee of twelve pence by the day
of lawful money of England for the exercising of the said office or
place, together with all and singular other fees profits commodities
and allowances whatsoever to the same place or office in any wise due
incident or appertaining, with a proviso or clause therein contained
that the said John Grent in the rating and setting down of the
tonnage and burden of the said new builded ships from time to time
should use the advice and assistance of one of our shipwrights to
be nominated and appointed by our High Admiral of England for the
time being, and that all and every such bill of tonnage as should be
presented to us to be signed for the said allowance of five shillings
upon every ton of the burden of the said ship should be first allowed
under the hand of the said surveyor and signed by the said Admiral or
his deputy for the time being as hath been accustomed. And whereas
by our letters patent bearing date the eight and twentieth day of
January in the fourth year of our reign we did grant or mention to
grant unto Humfrey Jobson gent. for and during his natural life the
reversion of the said office or place of surveyor of the tonnage
and burden of all new builded ships of the burden of one hundred
ton above mentioned or upwards from time to time within our realm
of England next after the death forfeiture or surrender of the said
John Grent, together with the wages and fee of twelve pence a day
for the exercising of the said office and place and all and singular
other fees profits commodities and allowances whatsoever to the same
place or office in any wise due incident or appertaining, as in and
by the said two several letters patent more at large appeareth, and
whereas of late we have been much wronged defrauded and abused in
that sundry of the said ships for want of exact viewing surveying and
measuring have been overrated in their burden and tonnage, whereby
we have been charged with the payment of a greater allowance than in
truth we ought to have been, know ye therefore that we reposing a
special trust and confidence in the faithfulness experience care and
honest and true circumspection of the Master Wardens and Commonalty
of the said art or mystery of Shipwrights, and to the end that we
our heirs and successors may not at any time from henceforth in like
sort be defrauded wronged or abused, do of our especial grace certain
knowledge and mere motion give and grant to the said Master Wardens
and Commonalty and to their successors for ever the office function
and place of surveyor of the tonnage and burden of all new builded
ships of the burden of one hundred ton above mentioned or upwards
from time to time within this our realm of England, together with
the said wages and fee of twelve pence by the day and all other fees
profits commodities and allowances whatsoever to the said office or
place in any wise due belonging incident or appertaining. And them
the said Master Wardens and Commonalty and their successors we do by
these presents for us our heirs and successors nominate ordain make
and appoint surveyors of the tonnage and burden of all new builded
ships from time to time within this our realm of England and dominion
of Wales, to have hold exercise and enjoy the said office function
and place and also to have receive and perceive the said wages and
fee of twelve pence by the day immediately when and from and after
such time as the estate and interest estates and interests granted
or mentioned to be granted to the said John Grent and Humfrey Jobson
respectively by death surrender forfeiture or other occasion cause
or means whatsoever is are or shall be void ended or determined. And
whensoever the said office or place shall first happen or become void
unto the said Master Wardens and Commonalty and to their successors
forever, and for the better and more exact examination judging and
finding out from henceforth of the true burden and tonnage of every
ship and vessel that is or shall be capable of or intended to have
or require the said allowance, we do hereby for us our heirs and
successors ordain decree grant limit and appoint and also straitly
charge and command the said Master and Wardens for the time being
by themselves or their deputies being honest skilful and sufficient
persons as well to go on board every such ship and vessel and there
to view and discern whether she be sufficiently and substantially
built as is fit and required in that behalf, that is to say with
two orlops at convenient distances strong to carry ordnance aloft
and alow with her forecastle and half deck close for fight, as also
to cause every such ship and vessel to be brought on ground and by
from and according to an exact measure taken of her length breadth
depth and draught in water so to rate and set down the true burden
and tonnage thereof and to certify the same by letters testimonial
under the common seal of the said Corporation and the hands of the
said Master and Wardens of the said art or mystery for the time being
as they will ever after be ready upon their oaths and allegiance to
approve the same. And our will and pleasure is and we do by these
presents for us our heirs and successors straitly prohibit charge
and command that no person or persons whatsoever shall or may at any
time or times hereafter be capable of or presume to take receive and
demand the said allowance of five shillings a ton as aforesaid until
such due measuring rating and certificate be first had and made as
aforesaid, willing and requiring as well our Lord High Treasurer
and Lord High Admiral of England and our Treasurer and Chancellor
of our Exchequer as also the said John Grent and Humfrey Jobson and
all other persons whom it may concern to take notice of our will
and pleasure in this behalf, any former grant provision limitation
custom or usage to the contrary hereof in any wise notwithstanding.
And moreover for the better maintaining strengthening and upholding
of the said Corporation and the suppressing and reforming as well
of the manifold errors deceits and abuses practised in the said
profession art and mystery as also of the disorders and misdemeanours
of divers wilful stubborn and disobedient persons of the said
profession art or mystery, which can very hardly by any other means
be redressed restrained or reformed, and for the better continuing
settling and establishing of good order discipline and government
amongst them for the especial of our own service and the general
benefit of all our loving subjects as well merchants as others, we
do ... give and grant to the said Master Wardens and Commonalty
and their successors for ever by these presents that if any person
or persons now practising using or professing or which hereafter
shall practise use or profess the said art or mystery or any thing
thereunto appertaining shall wilfully or obstinately oppose or
resist the order rule and government of the said Master Wardens and
Assistants of the said art or mystery for the time being, or shall
refuse to obey or to submit him or themselves to this our charter
or letters patent and to such wholesome laws orders ordinances and
institutions as are or shall be made by force and virtue thereof as
aforesaid, tending to the good service of Us and our Commonwealth
and to the good estate and preservation of the said art or mystery,
or shall not well and honestly carry behave and demean him and
themselves towards the Master Wardens and Assistants of the said
art or mystery for the time being and their deputy or deputies or
other inferior officers respectively according to the true intent
and meaning of these presents, but after due and convenient warning
notice or admonition given to him or them in that behalf shall
still wilfully and obstinately persist persevere or continue in any
wilful stubborn obstinate or disobedient course tending to the hurt
and prejudice of us our heirs and successors or of any our loving
subjects or the order rule and government aforesaid, either by
insufficient negligent or deceitful working or not performing of his
or their duties or by purloining or embezzling of stuff, by unlawful
or disorderly departure from his or their work after he or they have
been hired, and such like, or shall do or commit any act or acts
directly or indirectly to the prejudice or hindrance of the said
Corporation or the good estate and proceedings thereof, either by
wilful absenting him or themselves from the common hall and meetings
upon due warning, or by denial of ordinary and just duties, or shall
by mutinies combinations conspiracies or any such like wicked and
unlawful course or practice persist or continue in the wilful breach
neglect or contempt of this our charter or any thing herein contained
or any law ordinance or institution made by force of these presents,
that then in all and every or any of these cases before mentioned
it shall and may be lawful to and for the said Master Wardens and
Assistants or any three of them, whereof the Master and one of the
Wardens to be always two, severally to correct and punish such
offender or offenders according to the quantity and quality of his
or their offence or offences according to the laws and ordinances of
the said Corporation and according to the laws and statutes of the
realm in that behalf respectively. And whereas the greatest number
of the workmen and other persons employed in the trades aforesaid
are so very poor needy and of mean condition as no pecuniary mulct
can take hold of them, and likewise so rude and disordered as no
ordinary or civil censure can move them to yield obedience to rule
or government, and therefore some sharp and severe correction and
restraint must necessarily be used towards them in many cases,
therefore our will and pleasure is and we do by these presents
will and ordain that if any person or persons now using or which
shall hereafter use or exercise within the said realm of England
or dominion of Wales the said art trade or mystery of Shipwrights
or other the works or trade aforesaid shall obstinately resist and
withstand the government of the said Master Wardens and Assistants
or their lawful deputy or deputies, and shall after admonition and
warning given unto them or any of them in that behalf wilfully
persist in such disobedient course either by deceitful working or by
unlawful departure from their work after they have been hired and
within the time or times of their retainer, or shall by combination
conspiracies or other unlawful practices seek to overthrow destroy
and bring into contempt the powers privileges and authorities by
these presents given and granted to the said Master Wardens and
Commonalty and their successors for the universal benefit and good
of our said realm dominion and subjects, that then or in such cases
the Lord Admiral of England for the time being upon complaint and
proof thereof made to him shall take the body or bodies of all and
every such notorious offenders and keep them under arrest until they
shall conform themselves and reform what they have done amiss as
aforesaid. And forasmuch as a great part of the said art or mystery
are continually for the most part employed and attendant upon the
service and navigation of us our heirs and successors, we therefore
... do will and grant ... that the said Master Wardens and Commonalty
or any of them or their or any of their successors shall not at any
time or times hereafter be informed put placed or impanelled in or
upon any assizes juries inquests or attaints whatsoever before any
judges justices or commissioners of us our heirs or successors out
of the cities towns boroughs parishes or places where they or any of
them do or shall happen to dwell, unless they have lands or tenements
lying out of the said cities towns boroughs parishes or places by
reason whereof they or any of them ought to be charged, nor shall at
any time be pressed or enforced to serve us our heirs or successors
as land soldiers, but do absolutely and freely discharge them and
every of them from any such service or attendance. And we do further
by these presents for us our heirs and successors straitly charge
and command all and every sheriffs bailiffs and other officers of us
our heirs and successors, that they and every of them do from time
to time forbear to put or impanel any of the said Master Wardens and
Commonalty or any their deputy or apprentices in or upon any such
juries or inquests as is aforesaid, contrary to our said meaning and
intent, upon pain of our displeasure and of such pains penalties
and imprisonments as by the laws of this our Realm can or may be
inflicted or imposed upon them or any of them for their contempt in
doing contrary to our royal pleasure and commandment in that behalf.
And whereas the Master Wardens and Commonalty of the said art and
mystery of Shipwrights of Redrith aforesaid and their and every of
their deputies and apprentices being continually for the most part
charged and chargeable to be ready and provided at an hour's warning
upon divers services and employments as well at the sea for the
necessary defence and safety of our realms and kingdoms and for the
use and employment of our merchants for continuance and increase
of trade and commerce with foreign nations for the benefit and
profit of us and our subjects, as also to give attendance within our
kingdoms for the new building repairing and trimming as well of the
ships pinnaces and vessels of us our heirs and successors as of the
ships pinnaces and vessels of our merchants and subjects, therefore
our will and pleasure is that if it shall happen the said Master
Wardens and Commonalty or other persons which by the true intent and
meaning hereof are and ought to be discharged from such service upon
juries and inquests shall by sheriffs bailiffs and other officers
ignorantly or wilfully be put and impanelled to serve upon juries and
inquests contrary to our true intent and meaning in that behalf in
certain our former letters patent granted and also in these presents
renewed, and that any of the said persons being absent from their
houses and places of habitation at such times as they were or shall
be summoned or warned to appear upon any such juries or inquests
could not nor cannot plead nor alledge the said former letters
patent nor these presents or the privileges and authorities hereby
given and granted unto them for their discharge in that behalf,
whereby divers issues lines and amercements are many times returned
against them contrary to our true intent and meaning, we do therefore
grant ... unto the said Master Wardens and Commonalty and to their
successors forever that if any issues fines or amercements shall
be returned forfeited or imposed by or upon any of the said person
or persons of the said Corporation trade art or mystery for and in
respect of not doing or not performing of any the said services or
other things whereof they are hereby exempted or freed or mentioned
to be exempted or freed, that then the same person or persons his
and their heirs executors administrators and assigns and every of
them and all his and their lands tenements goods and chattels shall
be forever freed and discharged of and from the said issues fines
and amercements and every of them, and we do require and command
the Barons of our Exchequer that in respect of the poverty of many
that are to be relieved in this case they give them all expedition
and ease in their proceedings and pleadings for their discharge in
that behalf. And because this Corporation of Shipwrights hath been
principally instituted and made for the maintenance and increase of
navigation and for the better and more substantial making building
and repairing of ships and also for the training up and instructing
of shipwrights ship-carpenters labourers and workmen to make them
more ready able and skilful for service, all which things do very
greatly concern the defence safety wealth and profit of our self
our kingdoms and subjects, therefore we do not only straitly charge
and command all and every person or persons which are or shall
be of the Commonalty of this Corporation that they do dutifully
submit themselves to such good and wholesome laws statutes and
ordinances as shall be hereafter ordained and made by virtue of these
letters patent for the government rule order and direction of this
Corporation and of all the members thereof, but we do also straitly
require charge and command all Masters Wardens Assistants deputies
and other the principal officers of this incorporation now being
and that hereafter shall be, that they and every of them in their
several offices and places do carefully diligently and circumspectly
look to the due and severe execution of all such laws statutes and
ordinances so to be made as aforesaid, that the same may be truly
performed and accomplished according to the tenor and true meaning
of the same, upon pain of our heavy displeasure and indignation and
of such punishment and imprisonment as by our laws may be inflicted
on them and every or any of them, wherein our meaning is to extend
the greater punishment upon such as having offices and places of
trust and charge committed unto them shall by wilfulness negligence
remissness partiality or otherwise offend themselves or suffer others
to offend in those things whereof they ought to be the reformers and
redressers and at whose hands we expect to receive and have amendment
and reformation of all offences that shall be committed by any others
in that behalf. And forasmuch as the poverty of Shipwrights and
persons belonging to the said Corporation is now much more increased
than in former times and not able to be relieved supported and
maintained by the duties and revenues of the said Corporation which
heretofore they have had or were enabled to have, being so small
in yearly value, therefore and to the end the said Master Wardens
and Commonalty and their successors may be from henceforth the
better enabled from time to time to bear and sustain their charges
and expenses drawn and occasioned by reason of the Corporation and
to relieve and maintain the poor of the same, we have ... given
and granted ... unto the said Master Wardens and Commonalty of
the said art or mystery of Shipwrights of Redrith aforesaid and to
their successors, especial licence and free and lawful faculty power
and authority that they and their successors forever shall and may
not only have receive and purchase to them and their successors
forever to their own proper use and behoof as well of us our heirs
and successors as of any other person or persons whatsoever manors
messuages land tenements rectories tithes rents reversions services
and other hereditaments whatsoever which are not held of us our heirs
and successors in chief or by knight's service nor of any other by
knight's service, so always that the same manors [_&c._] by the said
Master Wardens and Commonalty or their successors so to be received
purchased obtained or had as aforesaid do not exceed the clear yearly
value of forty pounds by the year above all charges deductions
and reprises, the statute of lands and tenements not to be put in
mortmain or any other statute act or ordinance provision restraint
or any other matter cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary
notwithstanding. And further ... we do give and grant special license
and full and free power and authority to any and every of the
subjects of us our heirs and successors and to all and every body and
bodies corporate and politic and other person or persons whatsoever
and to every of them; that they and every of them shall and may
give grant bequeath assign or by any ways or means whatsoever alien
devise or assure unto the said Master Wardens and Commonalty and
to their successors forever any manors [_&c., as before, with same
limitations_]. And finally we do by these presents for us our heirs
and successors straitly charge and command as well the Lord Admiral
of England for the time being and also the Judge of our Admiralty
and principal officers of our Navy and all Vice-Admirals Marshals
Serjeants and other officers of our Admiralty as also the Lord Mayor
of our City of London and the Sheriffs Justices Constables and other
officers and Ministers of the said city for the time being, and also
the several Mayors of our cities of Bristol and Rochester and of our
towns of Yarmouth Plymouth Dartmouth Ipswich Southampton Woodbridge
Hull and Newcastle respectively for the time being and all other
Mayors Sheriffs Justices of Peace Bailiffs Constables and other
officers and ministers of us our heirs and successors whatsoever
within our said realm of England and dominion of Wales, that they and
every of them be from time to time and at all times hereafter helping
aiding and assisting to the said Master Wardens and Commonalty and
to their successors and to every and any of them for the time being
and to every of their deputy or deputies officer or officers for the
time being forever, as well in and for such search view and survey
so to be made as aforesaid as also for and in the execution of all
and singular grants ordinances laws constitutions and orders herein
contained or hereafter upon or by virtue of these presents to be
allowed and approved in all things according to the true intent
and meaning of the same, upon pain of our high displeasure and as
they will answer the contrary. And these our letters patent or the
enrolment thereof shall be good and effectual in the law to the said
Master Wardens and Commonalty and their successors to all intents
constructions and purposes against us our heirs and successors
forever, any Act of Parliament statute law provision proclamation
restraint or other matter cause or thing whatsoever to the contrary
thereof in any wise notwithstanding. Provided always that these our
letters patent or anything therein contained shall not in any wise
extend or be constructed to extend or be prejudicial to our Cinque
Ports or to the liberties or members of the same or of any of them
or to any jurisdiction power or authority of the Lord Warden of the
Cinque Ports for the time being which he hath or in any wise or sort
he ought or may lawfully use exercise or claim to or with the office
of the Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports or of any other office or
offices belonging incident or appertaining to the said office of the
Lord Warden of the Cinque Ports, any grant power privilege matter or
thing before in these presents contained to the contrary thereof in
any wise notwithstanding. Although express mention &c. In witness
whereof &c. Witness our self at Westminster the sixth day of May.
per breve de privato sigillo.
V.
New Building the Prince Royal at Woolwich
[=Pipe Office Declared Account No. 2249=]
[_N.B.--Spelling and numerals modernised_]
Mathew Baker, one of his Majesty's Master Shipwrights, for his pains
and charges in many journeys between Deptford and Woolwich during
the time of the new building of his Majesty's ship the Prince Royal,
by special command from the Lord Treasurer and the Lord Admiral of
England
10_l._
Robert Beake and Paul Isackson, painters, for painting and gilding
his Highness' ship the Prince Royal with fine gold and divers colours
wrought and laid in oil, finding at their own charge all manner of
stuff and workmanship: viz. the beakhead three times primed and
stopped; his Majesty's arms and badges, with divers beasts, and the
Prince's arms all gilded with fine gold and wrought in oil colours
62_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._
For both the sides, and all the carved work on both the sides, as
well on the backside as foreside, three times primed and stopped;
with his Majesty's whole arms and badges on the two upper strakes;
the Prince's arms and badges on the third strake; the great mask head
on the fourth strake; all the foresaid arms, with very much other
work, and the lower strake all gilded and wrought in oil colours
190_l._
For the galleries, three on each side, priming three times; the lower
galleries with his Majesty's beasts and badges; the third with the
like and very much other work; all gilded and wrought in oil colours
100_l._
For the upright in the stern with his Majesty's whole arms and
badges; on the first, second and third galleries on the stern, with
his Majesty's arms and beasts, and the Prince's also; on the lower
counter two great mask heads three times primed and stopped, all
gilded and laid in oil colours
140_l._
For all the bulkheads, the first in the poop, the second afore the
Master's cabin, the third afore the Prince's cabin, the fourth and
fifth in the waist with the bellhouse, the sixth and seventh afore
the forecastle, thereon some of his Majesty's badges and much other
work, three times primed and stopped, gilded and wrought in oil
colours
45_l._ 10_s._
For all the timbers within the board, and all the plansers[615] afore
and abaft, double primed and stopped and laid in oil colours
10_l._
For the galleries within board, primed and stopped and laid in oil
colours
6_l._
For the Prince's lodging cabin, very curiously wrought and gilded
with divers histories, and very much other work in oil colours
164_l._
For the state cabin, gilded and very curiously wrought with divers
histories, and much other works, wrought in oil colours and varnished
90_l._
For the room abaft the stateroom, wrought overhead and on each side
with sundry figures in oil colours
15_l._
For the Master's cabin wrought and varnished, with his mate's cabins,
primed and laid in oil colours
110_s._
And for all the works under the half deck, double primed and stopped,
with very much works, and up the stairs to the half deck, all laid in
oil colours
40_l._
In all
868_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._
Sebastian Vicars, for carved works by him wrought and performed
aboard his Highness' ship the Prince, lately new built at Woolwich.
That is to say, in the beakhead for carving the George, 20_l._; the
trailboard, 10_l._; the sideboard, 16_l._; of two boards for the half
rail between the planchers, 9_l._; of 14 brackets for both, 13_l._
6_s._ 8_d._; of two lions for the half rail, 50_s._; of a serpent
for the tacks, 13_s._ 4_d._; of two great mask heads for the two
hawsers, and of two fish heads for steadying the main knee, 30_s._;
for carving the sides without board, viz: of 104 brackets along the
sides without board, 12_l._ 6_s._ 8_d._; of 47 compartments in the
lower strake, 110_s._; of 14 great lion heads for the round ports,
10_l._; of 12 Prince's badges in the middle strake, 12_l._; for
carving 9 compartments in the same strake, 110_s._; of the King's
badges on the sides without board, 22_l._; of one pair of the King's
arms and another of the King's and Queen's together, 15_l._; of four
terms[616] on either side the arms, 75_s._; of four ports, two in
the bow and two in the quarter abaft, with four taffrails, 110_s._;
of 4 scuttles of windows, 4_l._; of 8 trophies in the upper strake,
110_s._; of 14 brackets in the narrow strake and 12 compartments,
55_s._; and of four hansing pieces in the waist, 53_s._ 4_d._; for
carving the two sides in the lower gallery, 20_l._; of 26 brackets,
6_l._; of 12 supporters under the galleries, 6_l._; and of the frieze
round about, 8_l._; for carving of 6 panels with stories on the
middle of the gallery, 18_l._; of 16 arches, 60_s._; of ten great
terms, 10_l._; of 14 little terms, 6_l._ 10_s._; of two great badges
of the Prince's, 8_l._; of four of the Prince's letters, 25_s._; of
ten Dragons for supporters, 100_s._; of two great arches within the
galleries, 13_s._ 4_d._; and of four hansing pieces, 40_s._; for
the carving the two sides on the upper gallery, 15_l._; of the ten
brackets, 40_s._; of eight beasts, 70_s._; of ten taffrails, 25_s._
8_d._; for carving of four great terms in the stern, 6_l._; of three
great arches, 60_s._; of two great lions' heads, 33_s._ 4_d._; of the
rudder head and tiller, 20_s._; of the planks cross the stern, 6_l._
13_s._ 4_d._; of the frieze, 4_l._; of seven brackets, 33_s._ 4_d._;
of two dragons, 40_s._; of seven pendants, 68_s._; of eight terms,
7_l._ 10_s._; of six arches, 25_s._; of the Prince's badges, 4_l._;
of two letters on either side of the badge, 16_s._; of two pieces
of Victory and Fame, 7_l._; of the plank cross the stern in the
upper gallery, 7_l._; of six brackets, 25_s._; of six beasts, 66_s._
8_d._; and of five taffrails, 15_s._; for carving the King's arms
ten foot wide in the upright, 22_l._; and of two pyramids with two
boys sitting on the top showing for Peace or War, 6_l._; for carving
four terms for the doors in the forecastle, 35_s._; of a frieze
round about, 35_s._; of four terms and four cartowes,[617] 55_s._;
and of two hansing pieces, 40_s._; for carving of six terms and
six cantlappers[618] and two arches for the doors in the forecastle
within board, 6_l._; of three orpins,[619] 73_s._ 4_d._; of six
brackets, 15_s._; of four badges of the King's, 60_s._; and of the
bellhouse and knights' heads, 56_s._ 8_d._, for carved work in the
bulkhead abaft, viz. of six terms and six cantlappers, 6_l._; of four
cantlappers and six arches to give light under the half deck, 35_s._;
of seven brackets and six compartments in the narrow frieze, 35_s._;
for carving twelve arches on both the sides of the half deck and of
28 brackets, 7_l._; for carving of six terms for three doors and six
cantlappers with three arches on the quarter deck, 9_l._; of two
terms and two cantlappers, 30_s._; and of two hansing pieces and the
knights' heads, 30_s._; and for carving two orpins and two brackets
on the roundhouse, 20_s._; and of two hansing pieces, 20_s._ In all
441_l._ 4_d._
FOOTNOTES:
[615] Elsewhere spelt 'Planchers' and 'Plansters,' now usually spelt
'Planeshears.' The planks covering the tops of the timbers and
forming a shelf below the gunwale.
[616] Terminal pieces.
[617] Cartouches; modillions or corbels.
[618] _I.e._ cantilevers, or projecting brackets.
[619] Harpins or ribbands.
VI
Petition to the Admiralty
[=S.P. Dom., Chas. I, cxciv. 47=]
NOBLE SIR,--I have nothing to tender you for many favours received
from you but the return of my thanks, and particularly for this
last courtesy about the petition delivered against me which I have,
herein enclosed, returned together with my answer, desiring you to be
pleased it may be both presented and read to the Lords Commissioners,
whose order herein I shall with all humble submission assent unto,
not doubting of your careful favour herein, which I shall study to
requite with my best acknowledgments, beseeching you to be pleased
so far to mediate for me that the plaintiff may not have power from
their lordships to bring disgrace upon me, whereby his Majesty's
service may suffer as well as myself, by giving leave to have me
intercepted when I am to attend the ordinary meeting of the principal
officers of his Majesty's Navy, within the city, where they wait for
advantage. So leaving myself to your care I take leave and rest
At your service,
PHINEAS PETT.
_Chatham, 22nd June, 1631._
I pray, sir, be pleased to return me word by this bearer when his
Majesty is to go to Portsmouth.
(_Endorsed_) To my honoured friend Edward Nicholas, Esquire,
Secretary to the right honourable Lords Commissioners of the
Admiralty of England these
Westminster.
47 I.
To the right honourable the lords and other Commissioners of the
Admiralty of England.
The humble answer of Phineas Pett, his Majesty's servant, to the
petition of Lewes Tayte, smith.
I do acknowledge I become debtor[620] to this petitioner for
ironwork delivered to the building of a new ship called the Destiny,
built by me for Sir Walter Ralegh, from whom I could never receive
satisfaction for the said work by 700_l._, which I was forced to
venture with him in his voyage, wherein he failing, and at his return
the ship seized into his Majesty's hands, I suffered the loss of the
whole debt.
I was contented to give this petitioner my bond for payment of his
debt, notwithstanding my great loss, some part whereof was orderly
paid, and the rest I should have easily satisfied had not a greater
loss presently befallen me, through the occasion of building two
small ships for the expedition of Algiers, wherein I sustained (by
the overworks, and charge of the journey wherein I served as Captain
in one of those ships) the loss of above 900_l._, towards which I
could never hitherto recover one penny satisfaction.
By these two great losses suddenly befalling me, almost together, I
was utterly disabled either to satisfy the debts arising from these
businesses, or to raise means to maintain myself and poor family.
Notwithstanding I have out of the little remnants of my poor fortunes
paid above 500_l._ of these debts within the space of 6 years, which
I never so much as drank for, and I do yearly still contribute the
better half of my small means towards the satisfying the rest as
carefully as I can.
I have often entreated this petitioner's patience, as knowing
his abilities better able to forbear than others, interested as
himself in the same business, he having also made more gain by his
commodities than any other. Always tendering satisfaction to him as
I could take of other debts, to the utmost my fortunes would extend
unto, and am very ready and willing yearly to pay unto him such a sum
as your lordships in your honourable considerations of the premises,
and my present fortunes, shall order me to do. Humbly submitting
myself to your Lordships' favourable construction.
PHINEAS PETT.
FOOTNOTE:
[620] MS. 'detter.'
VII
[=Stowe MS. 743 f. 50=]
RIGHT HONOURABLE,--My most humble services presented.
Lest I should be the last in expressing my duty and humblest service,
being so infinitely obliged to your most noble favours, I rather
choose to incur the censure of presumption, than the just imputation
of ingratitude, being hopeful for the first to procure your
honourable pardon, for the last it is beyond the plea of all excuse.
Please your lordship to understand that since your posting from
Tiballs, receiving direction for making ready the Prince, I brought
her into dry dock at Chatham, there thoroughly searched her, and
strengthened her in all suspected places, new made and repaired all
her masts, and launched her again within fourteen days, and have
in all points been so careful to prepare all rooms for state, ease,
convenience, and ornament, as I hope will give your lordship as much
content as can be in any ship contrived.
The cook room is by a powerful command (against my consent) removed
from the old place in hold into the forecastle, in which I was much
overborne, having had the experience of the conveniency thereof, in
my personal service in former transportation.
The Prince is at present in such forwardness as if there be no other
wants she may be at sea in fourteen days, and is now taking in her
beer and other provisions.
All the fleet are in the same readiness, the George and the Antelope
making all possible haste to get to sea, and this is the account of
the business here under my charge, which in all humbleness I held my
duty to present your lordship.
Were it not that I intend to wait upon your lordship in the great
ship, I would have procured his Majesty's leave to have come with Sir
Francis Steward. I hold myself very unhappy to be from attending your
lordship in any sea service.
Thus humbly craving your lordship's honourable construction of this
my presumption, and pardon for my boldness, which I cannot but do in
zeal of my service, praying God to send your lordship increase of
honour, health, happiness, and a prosperous return, in all humbleness
I kiss your lordship's hand and ever remain,
Your lordship's creature,
PHINEAS PETT.
_Chatham, 10th April 1623._
To the Right Hon. Lord Marquis of Buckingham, Lord High Admiral of
England, give these.
VIII
Protest of Trinity House against the Building of the Sovereign
[=S.P. Dom. Chas I. cclxxiii. 25=]
RIGHT HONOURABLE,--Being informed that his Majesty is minded to build
a great ship of these dimensions (namely) 124 foot by the keel, in
breadth 46 and for draught in water 22 foot, these strange and large
dimensions gave us cause to fall into discourse, and in our discourse
fell on these particulars following, namely:
That a ship of this proportion cannot be of use, nor fit for service
in any part of the King's Dominions; and as unfit for remote service:
our reasons--
First, there is no port within this kingdom (the Isle of Wight only)
that can in safety harbour this ship, then it followeth, if she be
not in port then is she in continual danger, exposed to all tempests,
to all storms, that time shall bring. In a desperate estate she rides
in every storm: in peril she must ride, when all the rest of her
companions (his Majesty's ships) enjoys peace, rides quiet and safe
in port: for example, we have the Prince in her voyage to Spain for
his Majesty in foul weather, when all the fleet harboured in the Port
of Plymouth, the Prince she only might not, for she could not, she
too big, her draught too much, the wild sea must be her port; in the
Sound of Plymouth must she ride, her anchors and cables her safety.
If either of them fail, the ship must perish, 4 or 500 men must die,
and the King must lose his Jewel; and this will be the state of this
ship.
That she cannot harbour is her great draught in water, and less in
draught she will not be, but could she be made to draw less water,
yet anchors and cables must hold proportion, and being made, they
will not be manageable, the strength of man cannot wield nor work
them, but could they do it, yet the ship little bettered in point
of safety, for we are doubtful whether cables and anchors can hold
a ship of this bulk in a great storm, for we have more in our seas
to add stress to cables and anchors than the wind and foaming sea.
We have strong tides which strains both cables and anchors equal to
wind and sea, besides the particulars there are many things which
must concur; for if either fail, the rest hold not, for example if
the cables fail, the anchors are of no use, if the anchors fail, then
neither cable nor anchor is serviceable, nay if the ground be not
good then is all the rest to no purpose, so that if either of these
fail all is lost, the ship lost with all her provisions, the men
lost, and it may be some great and noble Peer in her.
Thus far so much as may concern the safety of this ship being built.
Now for the force of this ship; it will not any way hold proportion
with her bulk or burden, for the aim must be for three tier of
ordnance, the lower tier which must carry the greatest ordnance and
be of greatest force must lie of necessity so low that in every gale
of wind the ports must be shut in, or else the ship will be in great
danger, or sink as did the Mary Rose in King Henry the VIII's time at
Portsmouth.
Or if you will lay them at 5 or 5½ foot, then must the third tier lie
at that height as not to be serviceable, nay this third tier will
rather endanger the quality of the ship (as the too high building
hath in some of the king's ships lately built, made them unfit for
any good service). Therefore three tier of ordnance must not be,
neither can the art or wit of man build a ship well conditioned and
fit for service with three tier of ordnance.
But if it be force that his Majesty desireth, then shall he do well
to forbear the building of this ship, and with the same cost or
charge to build two ships of 5 or 600 ton a piece, either ship to
have 40 pieces of good ordnance, and these two ships will be of more
force and for better service and will beat the great ship back and
side.
These particulars, Right Honourable, falling within the compass
of our discourse we held it our duty to his Majesty to impart the
particulars unto you, and with your wisdom to leave them either to
impart them unto the king, or otherwise as it shall seem best unto
your wisdom. And so we rest,
Your honour's ever at command,
T. BEST.
WALTER COKE.
RO. SALMON.
_From Ratcliff,
9th of August 1634._
To the Right Honourable Sir John Coke, principal Secretary to His
Majesty.
[_Note._--This protest should be compared with the memorandum,
attributed to Ralegh, in which Prince Henry is advised against
the building of the Prince Royal. See E. Edwards, _Life of Sir
Walter Ralegh_, Vol. II, p. 330.]
IX
Ships Built or Rebuilt by Phineas Pett.
[TABLE: PART 1 of 2]
+-------------------------+---------+------+-------+---------+---------+
| | | | Length| | |
| Ship. | Year. | Tons.| of | Breadth.| Depth. |
| | | | Keel. | | |
+-------------------------+---------+------+-------+---------+---------+
| | | | Ft. | Ft. Ins.| Ft. Ins.|
| | | | | | |
|R _Moon_ | 1602 | 74 | 50 | 17 0 | 7 0 |
|R _Answer_ | 1603-4 | 274 | 65 | 26 0 | 13 0 |
| _Disdain_ | 1604 | .. | 25 | 12 0 | .. |
| _Resistance_ | 1604 | 140 | .. | .. | .. |
|R _Ark (Anne) Royal_ | 1607-8 | 828 | 107 | 37 10 | 15 4 |
| _Prince Royal_ | 1608-10 | 1187 | 115 | 43 0 | 18 0 |
| _Phœnix_ | 1612-13 | 250 | 72 | 24 0 | 11 0 |
|R _Merhonour_ | 1613-14 | 946 | 112 | 38 7 | 16 5 |
|R _Defiance_ | 1613-14 | 700 | 97 | 37 0 | 15 0 |
| _Pinnace_ | 1616 | .. | 40 | .. | .. |
| _Destiny (Convertive)_ | 1616 | 621 | 96 | 32 4 | 15 0 |
| _Mercury_ | 1620 | 300 | .. | .. | .. |
| _Spy_ | 1620 | 200 | .. | .. | .. |
| _Henrietta_ | 1627 | 68 | 52 | 15 0 | 6 6 |
| _Maria_ | 1627 | 68 | 52 | 15 0 | 6 6 |
| _Charles_ | 1632-3 | 810 | 105 | 33 7 | 16 3 |
| _Greyhound_ | 1636 | 126 | 60 | 20 3 | 7 8 |
| _Roebuck_ | 1636 | 90 | 57 | 18 1 | 6 8 |
| _Sovereign of the Seas_| 1635-7 | 1522 | 127 | 46 6 | 19 4 |
+-------------------------+---------+------+-------+---------+---------+
[TABLE: PART 2 of 2]
+-------------------------+---------+-----+----------------------------+
| | | No. | |
| Ship. | Year. | of | Remarks. |
| | |Guns.| |
+-------------------------+---------+-----+----------------------------+
| | | | |
| | | | |
|R _Moon_ | 1602 | 13 | |
|R _Answer_ | 1603-4 | 19 | |
| _Disdain_ | 1604 | .. | |
| _Resistance_ | 1604 | .. | Merchant. |
|R _Ark (Anne) Royal_ | 1607-8 | 44 | |
| _Prince Royal_ | 1608-10 | 55 | Rebuilt by Peter Pett |
| | | | in 1641. |
| _Phœnix_ | 1612-13 | 20 | |
|R _Merhonour_ | 1613-14 | 40 | |
|R _Defiance_ | 1613-14 | 40 | |
| _Pinnace_ | 1616 | .. | For Lord Zouch. |
| _Destiny (Convertive)_ | 1616 | 34 | |
| _Mercury_ | 1620 | ..}| For the Merchant Committee |
| _Spy_ | 1620 | ..}| of the Algiers Expedition.|
| _Henrietta_ | 1627 | 6 | |
| _Maria_ | 1627 | 6 | |
| _Charles_ | 1632-3 | 44 | With Peter Pett. |
| _Greyhound_ | 1636 | 12 | " " |
| _Roebuck_ | 1636 | 10 | " " |
| _Sovereign of the Seas_| 1635-7 | 102 | " " |
+-------------------------+---------+-----+----------------------------+
R = Rebuilt.
X
The Arms of Pett
The arms granted to Peter Pett in 1583 were:--
Or, on a fesse gules between three roundels sable, a lion passant of
the field.
[Illustration: (coat of arms)]
And for a crest: Out of a ducal coronet, or, a demi-pelican wings
expanded argent.
Several impressions of Phineas Pett's seal displaying these arms,
without the crest, are preserved on his letters in the State Papers.
INDEX
Abington, Mr., 23
Adams, Mr., 2
Adams, William, 56 _n._, 57 _n._
Addey, John, master shipwright, xxiii, 11, 173, 174, 178
Admiral, Lord High, xxvii, xxxv-xxxvii, 205
Admiralty, Committee of, xxxvii, xxxix
-- Court of, xxxvi
-- judge of, xxxv, xxxix, lxxxix, 205
-- Lords Commissioners, xxxv, lxxxvi, xcix, 155, 211
-- officers of, 205
Adye. _See_ Addey
Alabaster, Mr., lix
Alexander, Mr., 23, 97, 98
Algiers, expedition against, lxxxiii, 122, 124, 139, 211
Alice Holt, 30
Allison, Sir William, 161
Andrews, Lawrence, 57
Anne of Denmark (Queen), visit to ships at Chatham, 29;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 80-81;
mentioned, 76
Antwerp, 72
Apsley, Sir Allen, victualler of the navy, 104
Apslyn, John, 178, 183
Apslyn, Nathaniel, assistant master shipwright, 150
Arches, Court of, 14
Arundel, Earl of, 89
Austen, Thomas, master attendant, 166
a Vale, John, boatswain, lvii, 19, 86
Aylesbury, Thomas, xlii, xc;
secretary to Nottingham, 104;
surveyor of navy, 150 _n._
Bacon, Sir Francis, lxi _n._, 103
Bagwell, Mr., 159
Baker, James, xx, xxi, xxii
Baker, Mathew, master shipwright, grants to, xxii, xxiii, xxiv;
emoluments, xxviii;
master of Shipwrights Company, xxx;
instruction given to Phineas, liii;
letter of Phineas to, liii;
Phineas' opinion of, lv;
his opinion of Phineas, lxvii;
report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
MS. on shipbuilding, lxxix, lxxxi;
Phineas attempts to serve him, 3;
rebuilds _Triumph_, 6;
employs Phineas, 6;
builds _Repulse_, 6;
employs Phineas and assists his studies, 7;
malicious envy of, 11;
reversion of post to Phineas, 23;
envious enemy, 24;
_Golden Lion_ and _Swiftsure_ at Deptford, 29;
commission of inquiry, 33;
combines against Phineas, 38, 43;
evidence before inquiry, 44;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 48, 55, 60;
censured by James, 63;
appointed to survey materials for _Prince Royal_, 68;
rebuilds _Red Lion_, 68;
Waymouth relates intrigue, 74;
rebuilding _Merhonour_, 112;
sickness and death, 112;
mentioned, 173, 174, 178, 183, 207
Barbary, voyage to, 5
Barker, Mr. 15, 20
Barking Creek, 150
Barwick, Mr., cousin, 151
Beake, Robert, 207
Beaulieu, 126
Bend, midship, 59 _n._
Bent, 128
Bertie, Robert. _See_ Lindsey
Best, T., 216
Bingley, Sir Richard, surveyor of the navy, 92;
survey at Chatham, 92-3
Birchington, 85
Bishop Ness, 152
Blackheath, 83
Blacktail Sand, 158
Blackwall, 21, 34, 93, 163
Blankenberghe Sconce, 109
Bludder, Sir Thomas, victualler to the navy, before Commission of
Inquiry, 34;
inquiry at Greenwich into abuses, 69
Blyth, Prior of, xvi
Boate, Edward, master shipwright, lxxx, 154
Bodman, Thomas, asst. master shipwright, 17
Bonanza, 26
Bond, William, xvii
Borough, William, comptroller of navy, xxiii _n._;
house at Limehouse, 9
Bostock, Mr., 153
Boulogne, 135
Bourne, Robert, 124, 183
Bowles, Charles, 151, 161
Bradshaw, Captain Robert, 106
Brakes, The, 133
Brancepeth Park, xcviii, 160
Bridlington, 159
Briggs, Henry, inquiry at Woolwich, lxxxii, 59 and _n._
Bright, --, senr., shipwright, lxx
Bright, Wm., master shipwright, succeeds to Chapman, xxiv;
emoluments, xxviii;
his opinion of Phineas, lxix;
report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
envy of, 11, 24;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
combines against Phineas, 38, 43;
evidence before inquiry, 45;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 48, 55, 60;
censured by James, 63;
Waymouth relates intrigue, 74;
mentioned, liv _n._, 178, 183
Bristol, 178, 205
Bromadge, Robert, 57
Brooke, Francis, clerk of stores at Portsmouth, 144
Brooke, John, clerk of check at Portsmouth, 144
Brooke, Lord. _See_ Greville, Sir Fulke
Brooke, Wm., 78
Brunning, Thomas, 124
Brunswick, Duke of, visits Chatham, 134
Brygandin, Robert, xvii
Buck, Sir Peter, clerk of the check at Chatham, 3;
clerk of the ships, 3 _n._, 55 _n._;
knighted, 3 _n._;
mentioned, 15;
the commission of inquiry, 33
Buck, Thomas, the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 55
Buckingham, Duke of, Lord High Admiral, visit to Chatham, 120;
obtains blank patent of baronetcy for Phineas, 121;
journey to Spain, lxxxviii, 125;
lands in Scilly Islands, 131;
release of Phineas from prison, 139;
mentioned, 133, 138, 139;
murder, 140;
letter to, 212
Buckwell, 151
Bull, Richard, shipwright, xxi, xxii, xxiii
Bull, Wm., master gunner of England, fires salute at Woolwich, 35, 36
Burgess, Mr., master of _Resistance_, 26
Burghley, Lord, lord treasurer, model for, 7;
house at Theobalds, 8
Burrell, Andrewes, 124, 145
Burrell, Wm., master shipwright, emoluments, xxviii;
principal master workman of East India Co., 39;
the inquiry at Woolwich, lxxxi, 56 _n._, 57;
ships built for East India Co., 75;
proposal to build ship in Ireland, 95;
Commissioner of Inquiry (1618), lxxxiii, cii, 119;
enemy of Phineas, 119, 120;
builds _Happy Entrance_ and _Reformation_, 121;
Algiers committee, 122;
malice of, 124, 137;
made assistant to the principal officers, 143;
repair of ships, 144;
Portsmouth Harbour, 145;
mentioned, 55 _n._, 136, 183;
death, 145
Bursledon, xlvi
Bury, 12, 161
Button, Captain Sir Thomas, cii;
the Commission of Inquiry, 34, 67;
inquiry into abuses at Greenwich, 69;
ship for N.W. Passage, 95;
return to England, 112;
captain of _Antelope_, 133;
mentioned, 37, 97, 135
Button, Mrs., 37, 67
Bygatt, Wm., 55
Byland, Mildred, married to Phineas, 168 _n._;
presented to Charles, 168;
death, 171
Cadzand, 111
Cæsar, Sir Julius, lxi _n._
Cales (Cadiz), lxi, 26
Calshot Castle, 127
Cambridge, Emmanuel College, 2, 161;
The Falcon, 161;
Trinity College, 161;
mentioned, lii, 59
Camphire, 110
Campion, Sir William, 151
Canewdon, 2
Cant, The, 94
Canterbury, 170
-- Archbishop of, 101;
visits _Prince_, 115
Carlisle, Earl of, 127
Carpenter, master, xvi, xix
Carr, Leonard, 159
Carr, Sir Robert, 132
Cassant Point, 111
Cateroll, Thomas, 57
Caulker, xix
Cecil, Sir Robert. _See_ Salisbury
Cecil, William. _See_ Burghley
Chadwick, Charles, 2
Chaloner, Sir Thomas, lxxxii, 59, 89
Chamber, 35
Chandler, Edward, 124
Channel (English), 109
Channel (Queen's), 108
Chapman, Richard, master shipwright at Deptford, grant to, xxiv;
Phineas bound apprentice to him, liii, 3;
death, xxiv, 3
Charing Cross, 114, 138
Charles I, Duke of York, 76, 81;
Prince of Wales, visits Woolwich, 114;
journey to Spain, lxxxviii, 125;
at Santander, 128-30;
rescue by _Defiance_, 129;
endeavours to make peace between Dunkirk and Holland men-of-war, 130;
lands in Scilly Islands, 131;
lands at Portsmouth, 132;
gives Phineas gold chain, 132;
attends Parliament, 133;
proclaimed King at Chatham, 134;
visits Rochester, 134;
visits _Prince Royal_ at Dover, 135;
plans of ships, 136;
release of Phineas from prison, 139, 141;
gives Phineas blank patent for baronetcy, civ, 139;
creates Phineas an assistant principal officer, 143 and _n._;
principal officer, 145;
launch of _Vanguard_, 146;
visit to ships at Portsmouth, 148;
visit to _Charles_, 150;
brown paper stuff, 153;
launch of _Unicorn_ and _James_, 154;
suspends Phineas and others, xc, 155;
favour to Phineas, 155;
visit to _Leopard_, acquaints Phineas of intention to build
_Sovereign of the Seas_, xci, 156-7;
renews privy seal for Phineas, 157;
visits to Woolwich, 162-63;
salvage of _Anne Royal_, 163;
attempted launch of _Sovereign_, 165;
directs Mansell to name her _Sovereign of the Seas_, 166;
visits ship, 167;
orders ship from Chatham to Woolwich, 168;
visits her at Gravesend and expresses satisfaction, 168;
Phineas and Peter visit, 171
Charles Lewis (afterwards Elector Palatine), 162, 163
Charles, Prince (afterwards Charles II), model for, 156
Chatham, mentioned, _passim_;
Queen's House on the hill, 2;
manor, 15;
survey of navy, 78;
visit of Prince Henry, 88-90;
of his suite, 98;
church, 100, 105, 120, 137, 141, 148, 164, 171;
preparations for transport of Lady Elizabeth, 103;
visit of Nottingham 104, 111;
of King of Denmark, 114;
the Brook, 116;
Commission of Inquiry, 119;
visit of Buckingham, 120;
survey of _Prince_, 124;
Charles proclaimed at Hill House, 134;
survey of ships, 137;
general survey of navy, 144;
visit of Charles, 147;
_Sovereign_ at, 168
Chatham dockyard, surrendered to Parliament, xcix;
mutiny, 18;
storehouses, 17, 20, 147;
old dock, 89, 147;
pinnaces built, 96, 137;
new dock, 120, 147, 152;
_Prince Royal_ docked, 125, 134, 212;
Phineas' house in new dockyard, 149, 170;
launch of _Sovereign_, 165-6
Chelsea, 8, 102
Chester, Mr., _Prince Royal_ inquiry at Woolwich, 54
Chevreuse, Duchess of, 167
Chichester, 151
Child, Mr., 10
Chopwell Woods, xcviii, 160
Cinque Ports, 116, 206
Clay, Nicholas, shipbuilder, report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 49, 55, 60;
mentioned, 178, 183
Cleve, Sir Christopher, 121
Clifton, John, purser, the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 55
Clynker, xvi, xix
Coke, Sir John, secretary of state, Commission of Inquiry, 119;
dislike of Phineas, 126, 155;
brown paper stuff, 153, 155, 156;
mentioned, xxvi, 165, 216
Coke, Walter, 216
Cole, Katharine, Peter visits, at Woodbridge, 150;
match discussed, 152;
married, 154
Cole, Mrs., arrangements for marriage of daughter, 152;
marriage of daughter, 154;
mentioned, 150, 162
Cole, Thomas, 57, 154 _n._, 178
Collier, Christopher, 116
Collins, George, lvii;
action-at-law against Phineas, 18
Commission of Inquiry (1608), lviii _et seq._;
procured by Northampton, 32;
its proceedings, 33-4, 38-70
-- -- -- (1613), Mansell objects to, 111
-- -- -- (1618), lxxxiii, lxxxix;
appointed, 118;
Phineas to assist, 119;
works at Chatham, 120;
plot against Phineas, 120;
survey of _Prince Royal_, 124
-- -- -- (1626), xxxix _n._;
survey of ships, 137;
dissolved, 138
Commissioners of the navy. _See_ Navy Commissioners
Committee of Public Safety, xcix
Commons, House of, Shipwrights' Co., xxxvi, xxxviii
Cooke, William, master attendant, 151, 153, 165, 166
Cooper, Mary. _See_ Pett
Cooper, Mr., death, 117
Corbett, John, lxi _n._, lxxvii
Cork, 4, 5, 6
Cotton, Sir Robert, lviii _n._, lxi _n._, lxiii, lxxvii
Council. _See_ Privy Council
Council of State, xxxviii
Cowes, 123, 148
Cranfield, Sir Lionel, 118
Crompton, Sir Thomas, lxi _n._
Cromwell, Sir Oliver, visit to Chatham, 29;
re-names _Ark Royal_ as _Anne Royal_, 37;
mentioned, 89;
Phineas visits, 161
Crowe, Sir Sackville, treasurer of the navy, 138
Dagenham, 19, 20
Dalton, William, 140
Dartford, 112
Dartmouth, 205
Dawes, John, 56
Day, Jonas, 55 _n._
Deal, 170
Dearslye, John, 124, 145 _n._
Denmark, King of (Christian IV), visit to Chatham, 28;
visit to Woolwich and Chatham, 114
Deptford, 80-112, 144
Deptford Dockyard, xlvii, lxxxiii;
site, 1;
_Golden Lion_ and _Swiftsure_ docked at, 29;
_Red Lion_ launched, 68;
mentioned, 84;
_Happy Entrance_ and _Reformation_ built, 121;
_Antelope_ docked, 134;
_St. Denis_ at, 146;
launch of _Henrietta Maria_ in presence of King and Queen, 149;
_James_ launched, 154
Deptford Strond, derivation of name, 1
Diggens, Nicholas, 56 and _n._, 57 _n._
Ditton Park, 143
Doderidge, Sir John, lxi _n._
Doncaster, 161
Dorset, Earl of, commissioner of Admiralty, 155
Dover, 25, 172;
castle and pier, 116;
road, 132, 135;
town and castle, 169
Downs, the, lxxxiv, 116, 123, 126, 133, 135, 169, 170
Drake, Sir Francis, 6
Drown devil, 71 _n._
Dublin, visit to, 5;
Divelinge, 5 _n._
Duck, David, shipwright, lviii;
friend and neighbour, 19;
yard at Gillingham, 24;
chooses trees at East Bere, 28;
inquiry at Woolwich, 57;
mentioned, 93
Duckett, Sir George, possessor of the MS., ix
Duller, 94 _n._
Dunkirk, pirate, 16;
men-of-war, 130
Dunwich, xlvi
Durham, 159, 160, 161
-- Bishop of, xcviii, 160
Dymocke, Thomas, 178, 183
Earl Marshal, xxxvi
East Bere, 27, 28
East Country Merchants, xxxvi
East India Company, lxxxiii
East India Dock, 163
Edisbury, Kenrick, 150;
informs against Phineas and Sir H. Palmer, 153, 155;
surveyor of navy, 155, 165
Edmondes, Michael, 56
Elizabeth, Princess, mentioned, 76, 81, 162 _n._;
visit to Woolwich, 77;
marriage and festivities, 102-3;
transportation to Holland, 103-10;
at Margate, 108;
lands at Flushing, 109;
at Middelburg, 110
Elizabeth, Queen, 10, 18, 60
Elye, John, 57
England, 177, 178, 179
Erith, 123, 167
Essex, Earl of, Phineas desires to follow, 8
Etherington, Mr., 171
Eye, xliv
Fairlight, 126
Fareham, 144
Farnham, 145
Felton, John, 140
Ferne, Sir John, 123
Fleming, Denis, Clerk of the Acts, brown paper stuff, xc, 155
Fleming, Mrs., 152
Flim-flam, 39
Floor, of ship, 37
Flushing, 72, 109, 110, 111
Folly John Park, 143
Foxe, Captain Luke, cii, 159
France, 91
Franklyn, Rev. Mr., 138
Frating, xlviii
Frederick, Elector Palatine, marriage to Lady Elizabeth, 102 _n._,
103;
transportation to Holland, 103-10;
at Margate, 108;
lands at Flushing, 109
Freeman, Mr., sues Phineas for debt, lxxxvi, 139, 141
Fryer, Colonel Sir Thomas, 140
Fuller, Rev. Thomas, xlii
Fuller, Thomas, 56
Furring, lxviii
Gad's Hill, 113
Gawdy, Sir Bassingbourn, xlv
Geare (Geere) Captain, 54, 107
Geere, Michael, 54 _n._
Geere, William, 54 _n._
George, Prince of Denmark, xl
Gibbons, John, 139
Gibbons, William, mate and purser of _Resistance_, 26;
master, 78;
North-west Passage, cii, 97
Gibraltar, 123
Giles, Captain Edward, captain of _Spy_, 122;
mentioned, 133, 135
Gillingham, lviii, 17, 24, 94, 104, 105, 111, 125, 151, 153
Glemham, Edward, captain, 4
Goddard, Henry, master shipwright, xxvi, xcix, 144, 150;
builds _Henrietta Maria_, 149
Gofton, Sir Francis, 119
Gondomar, Count of, 129
Gonson, Benjamin, 3 _n._
Goodale, Edward, master carpenter of _Gallion Constance_, 4
Goodwin, John, master attendant, 150
Goodwin, John, professor of mathematics, 14
Gore, The, 85, 123
Gore End Road, 91
Grantham, 161
Grass, 127
Graves, Thomas. _See_ Greaves, John
Gravesend, 21, 26, 85, 87, 89, 90, 91, 93, 95, 99, 111, 113, 114, 116,
123, 148, 168, 169, 171
-- ferry, 162
Greaves, John, report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 55;
survey of _Prince_, 124;
worm at Portsmouth, 145 _n._;
mentioned, 183
Greenhithe, 20, 167, 168
Greenwich, school at, 2;
Court at, 14;
inquiry at, 68;
Park, 126;
mentioned, 25, 82, 84, 91, 95, 98, 111, 142, 148, 157, 166
Grene, Ralph atte, xvi
Grent, John, 196
Griffin, John, 116
Griffin, Robert, 116
Greville, Sir Fulke (Lord Brooke), treasurer of the navy, lvi, lxv;
disfavour of, 11, 15, 17;
favour of, 18;
chancellor of the exchequer, 117;
plots against Phineas, 126
Groyne (Coruña), lx, 25, 26
Guildford, 151
Guisborough, 159
Gunfleet, 111, 126, 169
Gunter, Edmund, xci _n._
Halfway tree, 87
Hamilton, Marquis of, 126, 146
Hamon, Christopher, 116
Hampton Court, 92, 127, 136, 141, 157, 167, 171
Hampton, Thomas, 57
Handcroft, John, boatswain of _Prince Royal_, 136
Harling, xlv
Harten, 106
Harwich, xlvii, 151, 152, 153, 154, 158, 172 _n._
Hawkridge, William, cousin, cii, 116;
journey to Portsmouth, 151;
Arctic exploration and capture by pirates, 151 _n._
Hawkridge (niece), 120
Hawkyns, Sir John, last voyage, 6
Head, John, 178
Hedger, William, 183
Hendon, 28
Henrietta Maria, Queen, transportation to England, 135;
launch of ship named after her, 149;
attempted launch of _Sovereign_, 165;
visits ship, 167
Henry VIII, shipwrights under, xvii;
annuity granted, xx
Henry, Prince, lxvi;
small vessel for, 21;
visits ship, 21;
receives Phineas as his servant, 23;
visit to Chatham, 29;
model presented to, 31;
visit to Woolwich, 34-6;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 52, 61, 62;
encouragement of Phineas, 50, 60;
satisfaction at result of inquiry, 66;
launch of _Red Lion_, 68;
pardons Waymouth, 75;
feast and tournament at St. James's, 76;
visit to Woolwich, 76, 77;
gives Phineas a buck, 78-9;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 81-4;
visit to, 86;
visit to Chatham, 88-90;
to Gravesend, 90;
dissatisfaction at survey made at Chatham, 92;
proposal to build ships in Ireland, 95;
pinnace for, 96;
his trust in Phineas, 97;
intention to provide for him, 98;
sickness and death, 100;
funeral, 101;
mentioned, 25, 27, 63, 72, 73, 75, 87, 174
Hepworth, xlv
Herbert, Sir Arnold, 121
Herbert, Philip. _See_ Montgomery
Herbert, William. _See_ Pembroke
Heyward, Samuel, 122
Heywood, Thomas, xlii
Highwood Hill, 9, 10, 17, 19, 20, 28, 117
Hobart, Sir Henry, lxi _n._
Hodierne, John, 164
Hoggekyns, John, xvi
Holborn, Robert, shipwright, xxi
Holder, xvi, xix
Holderness, Earl of, 127
Holding, John, timber keeper at Chatham, 15
Hole Haven, 93, 169
Holland, 110
Holland, Earl of, 146
Holliday, William, 55 _n._
Hollond, John, c
Hone, Dr., 14, 16
Hopton, xliv
Horsleydown, 178
Howard, Charles. _See_ Nottingham
Howard, Henry. _See_ Northampton
Howard (Lord) of Effingham. _See_ Nottingham
Howard, Lord Thomas, lord chamberlain, requests James to restrain
Phineas from quarrelling with the informers, 65;
mentioned, 23
Howard, Lord William, Vice-Admiral in _Anne Royal_, 105
Howell, Rev. Mr., assists Phineas to enter Emmanuel College, 2
Hudson, Henry, Hudson's Strait, lxx, ciii;
North-west Passage, 95 _n._
Hull, 205
Huntingdon, 161
Income, 9 _n._
Ingram, Sir Arthur, 161
Inquiry, into case of _Prince Royal_ before James I at Woolwich,
52-68;
into abuses in the navy at Greenwich, 68-70;
_See also_ Commissions of Inquiry
Ipswich, 19, 178, 205;
Angel Inn, 151;
Greyhound Inn, 162;
shipwrights of, xxxvi
Ireland, building ships in, 95;
mentioned, 133, 136
Ireland, George, 55
Isackson, Paul, 207
Isackson, Richard, ship-painter, 142, 151
Jackson, George. _See_ Duckett
Jackson, Sir Robert, 142
James I, mentioned, lxvi, 45, 50, 72, 75, 99, 121, 125;
proclamation of, 19;
at Tower, 21;
journey by water to Parliament, 25;
visit to ships at Chatham, 24, 29;
model of great ship, 32;
story of the ravens at Lisbon, 32;
Northampton's inquiry, 32;
Nottingham delivers Phineas' letter, 42;
orders investigation at Woolwich, 42;
report, 46;
Northampton complains, 47;
resolves on personal inquiry, at Woolwich, 47, 51;
directions to Phineas, 48;
surveys _Prince Royal_ and opens inquiry, 52;
conducts the inquiry, lxxxi, 58, 61;
speech at conclusion, 62;
thanks Northampton, 61;
censures the informers, 63;
encourages Phineas, 63;
clears and commends Nottingham, 64;
acknowledges Nottingham's services, 65;
charges Phineas not to quarrel with the informers, 66;
attitude to Phineas during inquiry, 67;
launch of _Red Lion_, 68;
inquiry at Greenwich into abuses in the navy, 68-70;
launch of East India Co.'s ships, 75-6;
feast and tournament at St. James's, 76;
visit to _Prince Royal_ at Woolwich, 77;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 80-2;
imprisons Mansell in Marshalsea, 111;
concern at sickness of Phineas, 113;
visits Woolwich, 114;
commands Phineas to assist Commissioners (1618), 119;
gives Phineas blank patent for baronetcy, ciii, 121;
names the _Happy Entrance_ and _Reformation_, 121;
Phineas takes leave of, 126;
visits fleet at Portsmouth, 126;
death of, 134
James II, warrant to Shipwrights Co., xxxix
Jenkins, Thomas, 57, 85, 86, 183
Jobson, Humfrey, 197
Johnson, Thomas, 56
Jones, William, 56
Jordan, Edward, 56, 57 _n._
Jordon, Edmund, 183
Kech, John, xvi
Keling, Edward, xxxviii
Kellie, Earl of, 127
Kelm, William de, xvi
Kent, 151
Keymer, Mr., mediates between Waymouth and Phineas, 72-3
King, John, master attendant, master of Flemish ship, 9;
_Prince Royal_ inquiry, 56;
captain of _Mathew_, 85, 86;
master of _Prince Royal_, 86, 104;
master of _Rainbow_, 130;
mentioned, 89, 91, 93, 97, 99, 115
King, William, assists Phineas, 5
King's Bench, Court of, xxxvi
Kingston, 127, 171, 172
La Boderie, Sieur de, French Ambassador, visit to _Prince Royal_,
79
Lambeth, 22, 127, 140
Landguard Point, 152
Launching, ceremony at, 81, 83
Lawrence, William, xc
Legatt, John, clerk of the check at Chatham, the Commission of Inquiry,
34;
inquiry into abuses at Greenwich, 69;
Prince Henry stays at his house, 88;
dinner at, 99;
Nottingham stays at, 105, 111;
mentioned, 89, 98
Legatt, Mrs., 122
Leigh, 91
Lennox, Duke of, 167
Levant, voyage to, 5
Leveson, Sir Richard, lx
Lewes, 151
Light horseman, 91 _n._
Limehouse, model built at, 7;
yard at, 7, 8, 24;
house at, 9, 10, 13, 17, 19;
mentioned, 21, 27, 178
Lindsey, Earl of, 143
Lisbon, visit in _Resistance_, lix, 25;
ravens of St. Vincent, 32
Lizard, 25
London, mentioned, 5, 91, 93, 101, 102, 126, 127, 136, 137, 139, 151,
161, 171;
Algiers committee of merchants, lxxxiv, 122;
All Hallows, Barking, 16;
Birchin lane, 5;
Bridge, 21;
Compter in the Poultry, 139;
Dolphin, 16;
Fleet prison, 139, 141;
Friday Street, 76;
Gresham College, 59;
Inns of Court, 103;
King's Head, 31, 99, 112;
Lord Mayor, 205;
Marshalsea, xxxv, lvii, 111;
Mincing lane, 144, 154;
Paul's wharf, 22;
plague, 19;
St. Dunstan's church, lxxxvii;
St. James's, 50;
St. Mary Overy, 103;
shipwrights, _vide sub voce_;
Somerset House, 114;
Three Cranes, 73;
Tower, 35;
Tower Street, lxxxvii, 79
Long Sand Head, 108
Love, Captain Thomas, 125, 133
Lydiard, Hugh, clerk of the check at Woolwich, xci _n._;
Joseph and Phineas lodge with, 9;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
Joseph born in his house, 34;
salute in his garden, 35, 36;
banquet in parlour, 36;
Phineas and friends dine in his parlour, 37;
Northampton at his house during inquiry, 51;
inquiry before James, 55;
Prince Henry at his house, 81
Mainwaring, Sir Arthur, purchase of _Resistance_, 96
Mainwaring, Sir Henry, purchases _Resistance_, 96;
pinnace for Lord Zouch, 116, 117;
captain of _Prince Royal_, 131
Malaga, lxxxiv, 123
Man-of-war, private, 4 _n._
Mansell, Lady, 37, 67
Mansell, Sir Robert, xlii, lix, lx, lxi, lxvi, xci;
treasurer of the navy, 24;
part owner of _Resistance_, 25;
purchases trees, 27;
the Commission of Inquiry, 34, 38;
plot revealed to, 40;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 49, 51, 57, 67;
inquiry at Greenwich, 69;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 80, 82, 83;
sails to Chatham in, 86-7;
Prince Henry's visit to Chatham, 88-90;
sham sea-fight, 102;
committed to Marshalsea, 111;
attends King of Denmark on visit to Woolwich and Chatham, 114;
entertains Archbishop of Canterbury, 115;
visits Chatham with Buckingham, 120;
expedition against Algiers, lxxxiv, 122;
names the _Leopard_ at Woolwich, 157;
launch and naming of the _Sovereign of the Seas_, 166-7;
mentioned, 27, 28, 37, 68, 79
Mar, Earl of, 89
Margate, Lady Elizabeth at, 108;
road, 108;
mentioned, 92, 169
Marie de Medicis, Queen Mother of France, 172
Marsh, James, 183
Marten, Sir Henry, judge of Admiralty, xxxv, xxxvii
Mason, Captain, 140
Masters attendant, 102, 119, 145, 166
Maurice, Prince of Orange, on board _Prince Royal_, 109
May, John, 183
Medway, lxxix, 152
Melcheburn, Thomas de, xvi
Melcheburn, William de, xvi
Meriall, Michael, 56
Meritt, Hugh, master attendant, the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
inquiry at Woolwich, 54;
master of _Anne Royal_, 106
Meritt, Richard, liii;
report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
purveyor in forest of Shotover, 30
Meryett. _See_ Meritt
Middleburg, 110
Middleton, David, captain of _Expedition_, 91
Middleton, Sir Henry, _Prince Royal_ inquiry at Woolwich, 54
Milbourne, Rev. Dr., 99, 100
Miller, Captain, 54
Mins, Jarvis, 19
Minster, church, 94
Models, for Lord Treasurer, 7;
for John Trevor, 14;
for Prince Henry, 31;
James intends to compare it with _Prince Royal_, 32;
upon wheels for Prince Charles, 156;
of _Sovereign of the Seas_, 157
Mompesson, Sir Giles, waste of timber, 118
Montgomery, Earl of, 127
Moore, Captain, 54
Moptye, John, xlvii _n._
Morgan, Captain, lx, 25
Morice, Roger, master attendant, 108
Mould, 95 _n._
Moyle, Captain, 151
Murray, Sir David, 31
Navy (abuses in), inquiry moved by Mr. Wiggs, 10;
Northampton's inquiry, 32;
_see also_ Commissions of Inquiry
Navy Commissioners, xxxix, xl, lxxx, lxxxv, lxxxix, xcviii, c, 136;
their actions questioned, 137
Needles, The, 123
Newark-upon-Trent, 161
Newcastle, carvel, 14;
mentioned, 158, 159, 180, 205
New Forest, 118
Newman, Rev. Mr., marries Rachel Pett, 2
Newman, Richard, 186
Newport, Captain Christopher, _Prince Royal_ inquiry at Woolwich,
54;
master of _Centaur_, 85;
mentioned, 56 _n._
Nicholas, Edward, lxxxvii, 211
Nicholls, Ann, Phineas meets, 9;
and marries, 10;
sickness, 17;
birth of John, 17;
of Henry, 18;
at Highwood Hill, 19;
birth of Richard, 28;
of Joseph, 34;
of Peter, 78;
of Ann, 100;
sickness and birth of Phineas, 115;
of Mary and Martha, 117;
sickness, 118;
birth of Phineas, 120;
birth of Christopher, 121;
death, 137;
mentioned, 20, 77, 85, 93, 111, 113, 123, 124, 127, 132
Nicholls, John, death, 76
Nicholls, Katherine, 78;
death of, 136
Nicholls, Richard, father-in-law, 10;
death of, 117
Noise, band of musical instruments, 20, 21, 34
Noman's Land, 132
Nonsuch, 78
Nore, 87, 150;
head, 21, 91
Norreys, Captain Thomas, the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
_Prince Royal_ inquiry at Woolwich, 54;
inquiry into abuses at Greenwich, 70;
Commissioner of Inquiry (1618), lxxxiii, 119;
Phineas under him, 120
Northallerton, 161
North America, cii
Northampton, Earl of, lxx, lxxvii;
inquiry into abuses in the navy, lxi, 32;
his book of reformation, lxiii, 37;
combination against Phineas, 38, 43;
result of inquiry reported, 46;
complains to James, 47;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 51, 52, 57;
James thanks him, 62;
discontent at result of inquiry, 67;
inquiry at Greenwich, 69;
attempts to reopen inquiry into _Prince Royal_, 69;
Waymouth relates intrigue, 74;
the _Anne Royal_, 107;
imprisonment of Mansell, 111;
death, 114
North Foreland, 71, 108, 116, 126, 169
Northumberland, Duke of, Lord High Admiral, xxxv;
Phineas and Peter visit, xcix, 172
North-west Passage, Waymouth, lxx, ciii, 71;
Button, 95, 97, 112
Nottingham, Earl of, Lord High Admiral, xlix, lvi, lix;
commission of inquiry, lxi;
house at Deptford, 7;
expedition to Cadiz, 7;
Phineas becomes his servant, 8;
gives employment, 10;
gives appointment at Chatham, 15;
order to build small vessel for Prince, 20;
visits ship, 22;
christens it as _Disdain_, 23;
presents Phineas to Prince Henry, 23;
grants Phineas reversion of master shipwright, 23;
supports Phineas against Baker and Bright, 24;
journey to Spain, 25;
makes Phineas master shipwright on death of Joseph, 27;
model for Prince Henry, lxvi, 31;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
plot revealed to, 41;
delivers Phineas' letter to James, 42;
inquiry at Woolwich, lxxiv, 42;
ordered to arrange for inquiry before James at Woolwich, 48;
consults on course to be taken, 49;
inquiry at Woolwich, 51, 57;
receives James there, 52;
cleared and commended by James, 64;
speech in reply, 64;
brings Phineas to take leave of James, 66;
returns to Whitehall, 67;
appointment of master shipwrights to survey the materials for
_Prince Royal_, 68;
orders for apprehension of Waymouth, 72;
pardons him, 75;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 81-3;
survey at Chatham, 92;
arrangements for transport of Lady Elizabeth, 101-3;
sham fight, 102;
commands fleet, 103;
visits Chatham, 104-5;
favour to Phineas during voyage, 105;
_Anne Royal_ aground, 106;
at Margate, 108;
at Flushing, 110;
Middelburg, 110;
at Chatham, 111;
deputation of shipwrights, 112;
concern at sickness of Phineas, 113;
visits Woolwich and Chatham with King of Denmark, 114;
Phineas takes leave, 127;
mentioned, 20, 21, 28, 29, 32, 40, 50, 70, 73, 103, 112, 116, 176
Nunn, Rev. Thomas, xlviii;
marries mother of Phineas, 2;
sisters and brother left in his care, 11;
manslaughter of Abigail and trial, 11;
conviction and pardon, 12;
death, 12
Oakham Ness, 150, 154
Ooze edge, 94
Orlop, 79 _n._
Ortegal, Cape, 128
Osborn, Richard, xxi
Osborne, Sir John, 119
Oxford, 142
Paglesham, 8
Palmer, Henry, jun., 151
Palmer, Lady, 151
Palmer, Sir Henry, comptroller of navy, mentioned, liv, lvii, lxiii,
15, 27;
the Commission of Inquiry, 34;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 80, 83, 84;
captain of _Rainbow_, 130;
journey to Portsmouth, 151;
brown paper stuff, lxxxix, 153, 155;
release of Phineas from arrest, 154;
Phineas visits, 170
Parker, George, 151
Parkins, Sir Charles, lxi _n._
Parry, Sir Thomas, lxi _n._
Pay, Rev. Dr., 99;
chaplain to Lord William Howard, 105
Peers, House of, xxxviii
Pembroke, Earl of, lord chamberlain, 126
Pennington, Sir John, dimensions of _Royal Sovereign_, xci;
appointment as Lord High Admiral, xcix;
captain of _Vanguard_, 135;
Rochelle expedition, 138;
release of Phineas from prison, 139;
assists Phineas in prison, 141;
sells baronetcy for him, 142;
Admiral of fleet in Downs, 169, 170
Pepys, Samuel, transcribes the MS., vii, ix, x, civ;
mentioned, xl, liii, xcvii
Perin, Robert, 19
Petre, Lord, mentioned, 34
Pett, early instances of the name, xliii;
family of, xlii;
genealogical tables, l, li
Pett, Abigail, killed by stepfather, 12
Pett, Ann (wife). _See_ Nicholls
Pett, Ann (daughter), birth of, 100
Pett, Ann (wife of Christopher), 168
Pett, Arthur, 56
Pett, Christopher, xcvii;
birth of, 121;
voyage to Harwich, 151, 153;
in north of England, 161
Pett, Elizabeth (mother). _See_ Thornton
Pett, Elizabeth (sister), ill-treatment by stepfather, 11;
at Limehouse, 13;
death, 13
Pett, Elizabeth (widow of Peter), arrest of Phineas for debt due to
her, lxxxvi, 154
Pett, Henry, birth, 18, 28;
death, 112
Pett, John (great-grandfather), xliv, xlvi
Pett, John (son), birth, 17, 28;
voyage to Spain, 125;
return, 132;
goes to Ireland, 133;
married, 136, 138;
captain of merchant ship, 137;
captain of _Sixth Whelp_, 138;
takes leave, 140;
lost at sea, 140-1
Pett, Joseph, master shipwright, grant to, xxiv;
mentioned, xlvii, xlviii, liii;
succeeds his father, Peter, 4;
unkindness to Phineas and Noah, 4;
loan to Phineas, 5;
sheathes _Defiance_, 6;
employs Phineas, 6;
rebuilds _Triumph_, 6;
yard at Limehouse, 7, 8;
employs Phineas on _Elizabeth Jonas_, 9;
lack of assistance from, 13, 15;
reconciliation, 15;
reversion of post to Phineas, 23;
wharf at Limehouse, 24;
death, burial at Stepney, 27;
mentioned, 174, 178
Pett, Joseph (son), birth, 34;
death, 136
Pett, Joseph (nephew), mentioned, 151, 153;
his wife mentioned, 158
Pett, Katharine. _See_ Cole
Pett, Lydia, xlviii;
death, 76
Pett, Martha, birth of, 117;
married to John Hodierne, 164
Pett, Mary (sister), ill-treatment by stepfather, 12;
at Limehouse, 13;
sickness, 14;
death of husband, 117;
death, 137
Pett, Mary (daughter), birth of, 117;
death, 118
Pett, Mildred. _See_ Byland
Pett, Noah, xlviii;
emigrates to Ireland, 4;
master in _Popinjay_, 5;
drowned at Cork, 6
Pett, Peter (of Harwich), xliv, xlvii
Pett, Peter (of Deptford), master shipwright:
grants to, xxi, xxii, xxiii, xxiv;
grant of arms, xliv, 218;
father of Phineas, 1;
lodging at Chatham, 2;
death, 2;
ships built by, xlvii, lxx;
his children, lxviii, l
Pett, Peter (of Wapping), xlii, xlv, xlviii, lxix;
death, lxxxvi;
assists his brother, 4, 5;
woods at Paglesham, 8;
purveyor in forest of Alice Holt, 30;
mentioned, 78, 113, 178, 183
Pett, Peter (son of Peter of Wapping), voyage in _Disdain_, 93;
builds the _Sixth Whelp_, 139;
builds _James_, 154;
mentioned, 120, 145 _n._
Pett, Peter (the younger), xlviii;
service as tutor, 12;
ill-treatment by father-in-law, 12;
lives at Limehouse, 13;
clerk in Arches, 14;
death, 16
Pett, Peter (son), commissioner at Chatham, ix;
Shipwrights' Company, xxxvii, xxxix;
rebuilds _Prince Royal_, lxxxi;
plan of _Sovereign_, xci;
portrait, ci;
birth of, 78;
builds _Charles_, 149;
voyage in _Henrietta_, 151;
arrangements for marriage, 152;
journey to Woodbridge, 152;
to build new ship, 153;
married to Mr. Cole's daughter, 153;
visit to father at Chatham, 156;
builds _Leopard_ at Woolwich, 156-7;
sets out for north of England, 158;
timber for _Sovereign_, 160;
return to Woolwich, 162;
on board _Sovereign_, 169,
accompanies father to King, 171;
and Lord Admiral, 172
Pett, Phineas, the manuscript, vii;
table of his relations, l;
of his family, li;
birth, 1;
school at Rochester, 1;
at Greenwich, 2;
enters Emmanuel College, 2;
misfortunes from his mother's second marriage, 2;
apprenticed as shipwright, 3;
serves under Mathew Baker, 3;
ships as carpenter's mate in the _Constance_, 4;
assisted by a stranger, 5;
misery of voyage, 5;
lands in Ireland and visits his uncle at Dublin, 5;
returns to London and lodges with his brother Peter, 5;
assistance of brother Joseph, 5;
employed on _Defiance_ and _Triumph_, 6;
employed by Baker on _Repulse_, 7;
instruction given by Baker, liii, 7;
makes model for Burghley, 8;
presented to Nottingham, lvi, 8;
employed by Joseph, 8;
courtship, 9;
takes house at Limehouse, 9;
married to Ann Nicholls, 10;
unemployed, 10;
purveyor of timber in Suffolk and Norfolk, 11;
trouble over the accounts, lvi, 11;
takes care of his brother and sisters, 12;
model made for Trevor, 14;
studies mathematics, 14;
appointed storekeeper at Chatham, 15;
reconciliation with Joseph, 15;
takes house at Chatham, 16;
nearly captured by Dunkirker, 16;
assistant master shipwright, 17;
contractor for victualling, 17;
sued at law for striking George Collins, lvii, 18;
undertakes to fit out fleet, 18;
voyage to Ipswich, 19;
journey to Highwood Hill, 19;
works on _Answer_, 20;
his letter to Baker, liii;
builds _Disdain_ for Prince Henry, 21;
voyage up the Thames, 21;
presented to Prince Henry, 23;
granted reversion of master shipwright's place, xxvi, 23, 173;
builds _Resistance_, 24;
voyage to Spain in her, lviii, 25;
returns to Chatham, 26;
journeys to East Bere, 26, 28;
succeeds Joseph as master shipwright despite opposition of Stevens,
xxv, 27;
King of Denmark visits Chatham, 29;
works on _Ark Royal_ and _Victory_, lxiv, 30;
journeys to Alice Holt and Shotover, 30;
elected master of Shipwrights' Co., 30;
makes model for Prince Henry, lxvi, 31;
interview with James I, 32;
Commission of Inquiry (1608), lxi, 32;
entertainment of Prince Henry, 34;
launch of _Anne Royal_, 37;
lays keel of _Prince Royal_, 37;
hostility of other shipwrights, 38;
warned by Vicars, 38;
frustrates Waymouth, 40;
seeks help of Mansell and Trevor, 40;
and of Nottingham, 41;
Nottingham visits James, 42;
inquiry ordered, lxxiv, 42;
inquiry at Woolwich, lxxv, 44;
anger of Northampton, 46;
James decides on personal inquiry, 47;
support of Prince Henry, 50;
proceedings of inquiry before James, lxxxi, 51-66;
James exonerates him, 63;
favoured by James, 68;
inquiry into abuses at Greenwich, 69;
the case of the _Resistance_, lviii, 70;
Waymouth appeals to him, 73;
displeasure of Prince Henry, 75;
feast at St. James's, 76;
Prince Henry visits him, 76;
the Prince and James examine the _Prince Royal_, 77;
visitors to the ship, 77;
survey of the navy, 78;
journey to Nonsuch, 78;
preparations for launching, 79;
failure to launch, 81;
disappointment of James, 82;
_Prince Royal_ launched, and named by Prince Henry, 83;
removes from Woolwich to Chatham, 85;
_Resistance_ sails for the Straits, 85, 93;
embarks in _Prince Royal_, and sails to Chatham, 86;
journey to London, 87;
visit of Prince Henry to Chatham, 88;
takes leave at Gravesend, 90;
search for Arabella Stuart, 91;
on board _Resistance_ in storm, 91;
reproved by Prince Henry for survey of navy, 92;
voyage in _Disdain_, 93;
at Woolwich, 94;
choice of, ship for N.W. Passage, 95;
takes leave of Button, 96;
builds _Phœnix_, 96;
sells _Resistance_, 96;
visit to Prince Henry, 97;
visit of Prince's suite, 98;
master of Shipwrights' Co., 99;
portrait commenced, ci, 100;
grief at death of Prince Henry, 101;
journey to London and preparations for marriage and transport of
Lady Elizabeth, 102;
takes lodging in Westminster, 102;
sham sea-fight, 103;
preparation of fleet, 104;
embarks in _Prince Royal_, 105;
_Prince Royal_ put aground, 106;
sails for Netherlands, 109;
visits Flushing and Middelburg, 110;
returns to England, 111;
takes over _Merhonour_ on death of Baker, 112;
falls from horse, 112;
taken ill on journey to Westminster, 112;
returns to Woolwich, 113;
fall in _Merhonour_, 114;
royal visits to Woolwich and Chatham, 114;
removes to Chatham, 115;
builds _Destiny_ for Raleigh, lxxxviii, 115, 117;
purchases land at Chatham, 116;
master of Shipwrights' Co., 116;
builds pinnace for Lord Zouch and sails to Dover, 116;
employed in New Forest, 118;
Commission of Inquiry (1618), lxxxiii, 119;
placed under Norreys, 119;
makes dock at Chatham, 120;
visit of Buckingham, 120;
James gives him patent for baronetcy, 121;
builds pinnaces for Algiers Expedition, lxxxiii, 122;
sails to Malaga, 123;
returns to Chatham, 124;
_Prince Royal_ prepared for voyage to Spain, 125;
letter to Buckingham, 212;
sails to Santander, lxxxviii, 126;
Prince Charles at Santander, 128;
returns, 130;
at Scilly Islands, 131;
lands at Dover, 132;
presented with gold chain and attends Prince to the Parliament, 133;
colliers fitted as men-of-war, 133;
storm in the Downs, 133;
visited by Charles I, 134;
sails to Boulogne to fetch Henrietta Maria, 135;
plans for small ships, 136;
appointed on Commission of Inquiry (1626), 137;
death of wife, 137;
married to Mrs. Yardley, 138;
building of _Lion's Whelps_, 138;
arrested for debt, lxxxvi, 139;
Charles I gives him patent for baronetcy, 139;
murder of Buckingham, 140;
returns from Portsmouth to Chatham, 140;
imprisoned in the Fleet, 141;
repairs dock at Woolwich, 142;
falls from horse, 142;
surrenders house at Chatham, visits various forests, 142;
appointed assistant principal officer, 144;
at Portsmouth, 144;
taken ill on journey home to Woolwich, 145;
appointed a principal officer, 145;
Charles attends launch at Woolwich, 146;
removes to Chatham, 147;
Charles visits Chatham, 147;
at Portsmouth, 148;
returns to Chatham, 149;
entertains Charles at Woolwich, 149;
returns to Chatham in _Henrietta_, 150;
journeys to Portsmouth, 150;
returns to Chatham, 151;
sails to Harwich in _Henrietta_, 151;
at Woodbridge, 152;
returns to Chatham, 153;
sale of brown paper stuff, lxxxix, 153, 155;
at Harwich, 153;
Woodbridge, 154;
return to Chatham, 154;
arrested at instance of sister-in-law, lxxxvi, 154;
model for Prince Charles, 156;
Charles commissions him to build a great ship, xci, 156;
model of the _Sovereign_, 157;
receives arrears of pension, 157;
voyage to Yorkshire, 159;
visits Foxe, 159;
at Newcastle, 159;
selects trees in Chopwell and Brancepeth, 160;
leaves Durham for London, 161;
visits Cambridge, 161;
returns to Chatham, 162;
keel of _Sovereign_ laid, 162;
assists in salvage of _Anne Royal_, 163;
Charles visits Woolwich, 162, 163;
death of wife, Susan, 164;
failure to launch _Sovereign_, 165;
launched, 166;
royal visit to ship, 167-8;
embarks in _Sovereign_, 169;
in the Downs, 169;
disembarks at Deal and returns to Chatham, 170;
death of wife, Mildred, 171;
visits Charles, 171;
visits Northumberland, 172;
the last years, xcix;
his death, c;
character and ability, ci;
interest in arctic exploration, cii;
Virginia Co., ciii;
income, ciii;
motive in writing the autobiography, civ
Pett, Phineas (seventh child), birth of, 115;
death, 118
Pett, Phineas (tenth child), birth of, 120
Pett, Phineas (son of John), birth of, 141
Pett, Phineas (grandson), lends Pepys the MS., ix
Pett, Sir Phineas, ci
Pett, Rachel, marries Rev. Mr. Newman, 2;
death, 3
Pett, Richard (son of Peter), xlviii
Pett, Richard (son), birth of, 28;
mentioned, 127, 140;
foreman at Chatham, 137;
accompanies father to prison, 141;
death, 143
Pett, Thomas, of Skipton, xliv, xlv
Pett, William, master shipwright, xxiii, xlvii
Pett, William, xlix _n._
Pett, William (nephew), 120
Pette, William, xlvi
Phillips, Sir Edward, lxi _n._
Phineas, derivation of name, lii, 1
Pickasee, Mr., victualling at Chatham, 17
Picks, William, 183
Pitt, William, 119
Plague, 19
Plats, 95
Plumstead, 77
Plymouth, 205;
Sound, 128, 214
Popham, Sir John, lord chief justice, 13
Pole, William de la, xvi
Pope, Mr., lvii
Portsmouth, xxi, xlvi, 126, 127, 132, 138, 140, 151;
Dock, 144;
examination of harbour, 144;
worm at, 145;
Queen's Head, 148;
King at, 148;
survey at, 150
Pory, John, mediates between Waymouth and Phineas, 72-3
Price, Rev. Dr., 101
Prime, Thomas, 57, 178
Principal Officers of the Navy, 81, 99, 102, 119, 138-9, 142, 145, 147,
148;
Phineas, created assistant to, 143;
meet in Mincing Lane, 144, 146
Privy Council, inquiry before James at Woolwich, 52;
release of Phineas from prison, 139;
mentioned, lxxxiv, 29, 68, 72, 76, 81, 122, 138
Prytly, 108
Puniett, Thomas, 85, 86, 123
Pyham, Rev. John, 120, 136
Queenborough, 25, 88, 89, 91, 93, 105, 106, 126, 158
Rabye, Nicholas, 178
Radclyffe, Francis, 121
Rainham, 16
Ralegh, Sir Walter, lxxxviii;
Phineas contracts to build _Destiny_, 115;
launched, 116;
mentioned, 116, 139, 211
Rammekens, 110
Ratcliff, xxxiv, 20, 77, 91, 118, 139, 178;
Phineas lodges at, 101;
_Mercury_ and _Spy_ built at, 122
Redriff (Rotherhithe), company of shipwrights, xxxii;
court of shipwrights, 40;
common hall, 116;
mentioned, 178, 181, 182, 205
Red Sand, 123
Redwood, Thomas, 54
Reynolds, Henry, appointed to survey materials for _Prince Royal_,
68
Reynolds, John, master gunner of _Prince Royal_, 86, 90, 97, 107;
mentioned, 98;
master gunner of England, 133
Rich, Henry. _See_ Holland
Richmond, 31, 92, 97, 98
Rickman, Robert, 54
Rochelle, ships for expedition, 138;
mentioned, 140
Rochester, Free School, 2;
Boley Hill, 16, 20;
proclamation at, 19;
college of, 116;
St. Margaret's Church, 138;
Crown Inn, 147;
King at, 148;
mentioned, 99, 100, 115, 205
Rock, Thomas, ship-painter, ci, 19, 100
Rogers, Thomas, xlvii _n._
Rotherhithe. _See_ Redriff
Rupert, Prince, 162
Russell, James, 178
Russell, Mrs., 120
Rutland, Earl of, Admiral of fleet fetching Prince Charles from Spain,
127, 131
Rye, 26
Sackville, Edward. _See_ Dorset
St. Helens, 132
St. James's Palace, 23, 88, 100, 101, 132, 156
St. John, Captain Sir William, 88
St. Mary Creek, 87, 105, 125, 126, 154, 171
St. Vincent, ravens of, 32
St. Vincent, Cape, 123
Salisbury, Earl of, lord high treasurer, advises James not to discharge
men working on _Prince Royal_, 48;
the inquiry before James at Woolwich, 57;
mediates on behalf of Waymouth, 72, 74;
search for Arabella Stuart, 91
Salmon, R., 216
Sandis, Edwyn, xcix
Sandwich, 135, 136
San Lucar, lix, 26
Santa Maria (Cape), 26
Santander, 26, 125, 128, 130
Scarborough, 159
Scavelmen, 82 _n._
Scilly Islands, mentioned, 130;
Prince Charles lands, 131;
stays in Castle Hugh, 132;
leaves, 132
Scotland, xlvi
Scotland Yard, 156
Seames, The, 141
Seaton, Colonel Sir John, xcix
Seville, 26
Sharpe, Robert, 57, 93
Sheerness, 87, 94
Sheldon, Francis, clerk of check at Woolwich, 153
Sheppey, Isle, 94
Ships, Shipwrights' Company to examine, xxxii;
armament of, xxxii;
of Holland, lxxiii, 130;
Flemish, 9;
Newcastle carvel, 14;
little, for the Prince, 21;
pinnace for the Prince, 96;
for Lord Zouch, 116;
general survey, 119;
ketch, 130;
Dunkirk, 130;
_See also_ Models
Ships, named, merchant:
_Althea_, 85
_Archangel_, lxx
_Centaur_, 85
_Constance_, 4
_Destiny_, lxxxvi, lxxxviii, ciii, 54 _n._, 117, 211, 217
_Discovery_, lxx, 95 _n._, 97 _n._
_Dolphin_, 133
_Expedition_, 54 _n._, 91 _n._
_Godspeed_, lxx
_Mathew_, 85
_Mercury_, lxxxiv, ciii, 122, 217
_Peppercorn_, 75, 76
_Resistance_, lviii, lxiii, lxviii, cii, 24-26, 70, 77, 78, 84,
85, 91-3, 95, 96, 217
_Resolution_, cii, 95 _n._, 97 _n._
_Spy_, lxxxiv, ciii, 122, 217
_Trade's Increase_, 75, 76
Ships named, royal:
_Achates_, xlvii
_Advantage_, xlvii
_Anne Royal_ (_See_ also _Ark Royal_), lxiv, 34, 35,
37, 103, 105-7, 163
_Answer_, liii, lxviii, 20, 24, 217
_Antelope_, 125, 133, 134, 213
_Ark Royal_, 21, 29, 30, 37, 217
_Bear_, lxx, 25, 29
_Bonaventure_, 95
_Britannia_, ci
_Charles_, 149, 150, 164 _n._, 217
_Convertive_, lxxxviii; _See_ also _Destiny_
_Crane_, lvii
_Defiance_, xlvii, 6, 94-5, 112, 114, 115, 129, 217
_Disdain_, 23, 93, 102, 217
_Dreadnought_, 95
_Elizabeth Jonas_, lxxx, 9, 10, 24, 29, 115
_Foresight_, lix, lx
_Fortune Pink_, 156
_Garland_, 170
_George_, 213
_Golden Lion_, 29, 56 _n._
_Grace Dieu_, xvii, xlvi
_Greyhound_, xlvii, 163, 217
_Happy Entrance_, 121
_Henrietta_, 137, 151, 153, 217
_Henrietta Maria_, 149
_Henri Grace à Dieu_, xvii
_James_, 154
_Leader_ barge, xxii
_Leopard_, 156, 157
_Lion_, 103, 147
_Lion_ barge, xxii
_Lion's Whelps_, 17, 138, 149
_Maria_, 137, 148, 217
_Mary Rose_, 215
_Merhonour_, lxvii, 94, 95, 112, 114, 115, 217
_Moon_, xlvii, lxviii, 17, 217
_Phœnix_, 96, 104, 217
_Popinjay_, 5
_Primrose_, 19
_Prince Royal_, lxvi-lxxxii, lxxxix, civ, 37-68, 77, 79-87, 90,
99, 103-110, 114, 115, 119, 124-7, 134, 147, 207, 212, 214, 217
_Rainbow_, xlvii, 130
_Red Lion_ (_see_ also _Golden Lion_), 68
_Reformation_, 121
_Regent_, xvii, xlvi
_Repulse_, lvii, 6
_Roebuck_, 163, 217
_St. Denis_, 146, 151 _n._
_St. Esprit_, 138
_St. George_, 125, 132
_Sovereign of the Seas_, ix, xlii, lxxix, xci-xcix, c, ci, 156,
162, 164-171, 214, 217
_Spy_, 103
_Swiftsure_, xlvii, 29
_Triumph_, 6, 7, 115
_Unicorn_, lxxx, 154
_Vanguard_, 135, 142, 146
_Victory_, lxiv, lxvi, 29, 146
_Warspite_, xxii
Shipwright, master, origin of, xv;
rate of pay, xviii, xxvii;
two classes, xxviii;
mentioned, xxi, lxiv, 95, 102, 145, 119
Shipwrights, early, xv;
scale of pay, xix;
petition for incorporation, xxix, 175;
Waymouth's criticisms of, lxxi;
deputation to Lord High Admiral concerning arrears of pay, 112;
Commission of Inquiry (1618), 119;
of Thames, 124;
launch of _Sovereign_, 164
Shipwrights, Company of (incorporated), origin of, xxix;
charter of 1605, xxix, 176;
charter of 1612, xxx, 179;
its powers, xxxii;
opposition of rivals, xxxiii;
parliamentary powers sought, xxxvii, xxxviii, xl;
in difficulties, xxxviii;
ceases to function, xxxix;
surrenders charter and attempts to obtain new one, xxxix;
Phineas elected master, 30, 99, 116;
Court at Redriff, 40
Shipwrights, Company of (London), origin, xxxiii;
disputes with incorporated company, xxxiv;
exempted from its jurisdiction, xxxv
Shoreham, 72, 151, 171
Shorn, xliii
Short, John, clerk of check at Chatham, 171
Short, Mrs., 171
Shorten, 109 _n._, 127 _n._
Shotover, 30, 142, 149, 153
Shrewsbury, Earl of, 89
Simonson, Martha, 20
Simonson, Mrs., 20, 115
Simonson, Nicholas, dock at Ratcliff, 77;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 80;
suicide, 118;
mentioned, 9, 57, 178, 183
Sion House, 172
Skipton, xliv
Sluis, 109
Smith, Robert, messenger, 146
Smith, Sir Thomas, 118, 122, 126
Smith, Thomas, c _n._, ci
Smyth, John, shipwright, xxi
Southampton, xlvii, 178, 205
South Sand Head, 169
Southwark, 103 _n._
Southwold, 10
Spain, voyage to, lix, lxxxi, lxxxviii, 2, 125-32, 214
Spencer, Lawrence, boatswain of _Prince Royal_, 86
Spicke, Mrs., 113
Spits, The, 108, 158
Stamford, 161
Starland, Mr., 147
Start, The, 26
Stephins, William, shipwright, xxii
Stepney, 10, 27
Stevens, Edward, master shipwright, xxii;
grant to, xxv;
report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
reversion of master shipwright's place, 20, 23;
fails to obtain it on death of Joseph, 27;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
combines against Phineas, 38, 43;
evidence before inquiry, 45;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 49, 55, 60;
censured by James, 63;
at Chatham with Phineas, survey of _Prince_, 124;
mentioned, 178, 183
Stevens, Edward, junior, shipwright, 149
Steward, Sir Francis, voyage to Spain, 125, 132, 213
Stockton, 159
Stokes Bay, 126, 127
Stonham Aspul, xliii
Stowmarket, 161
Stowood, 142, 149, 153
Straits, The, 26, 91, 93
Strood, 90, 147
Stuart, Arabella, escape and search for, 91
Stuart, James. _See_ Lennox
Suffolk, 151
Suffolk, Earl of, lord high chamberlain, inquiry on _Prince Royal_,
lxxiv, 42;
lord treasurer, 117
Sunderland, 160
Sunning Park, 143
Surtis, Nicholas, 57, 93
Sussex, 148
Sutton, Sir Richard, 119
Swatchway, 17
Taylor, John, 145 _n._
Tayte, Lewis, lxxxviii, 211
Terne, Nathaniel, xc
Terringham, Francis, 153
Thames, River, mentioned, 49, 53, 176;
ice in, 123
Theobalds Park, 8, 80, 125, 212
Thetford, xliv
Thornton, Elizabeth (mother of Phineas), wife of Peter Pett, xlviii, 1;
marries Rev. T. Nunn, 2;
death, 8
Thornton, George, captain in navy, assists his nephew, Noah, 4;
visited at Dublin, 5
Through head, 9 _n._
Tilbury, 21
Tilbury Hope, 19, 87, 88, 93, 123, 163
Titchfield Haven, 148
Together, 96
Tonnage, measurement of, 96
Tranckmore, Robert, the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 55
Treswell, Robert, 143
Trevor, Lady, 37
Trevor, Sir John, surveyor of the navy, lvi, lix, lx, lxvi;
especial friend, 11;
model for, 14, 15;
sick, 18;
part owner of _Resistance_, 25;
purchases trees, 27;
the Commission of Inquiry, 38;
plot revealed to, 40;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 49, 51, 57, 67;
inquiry into abuses at Greenwich, 69;
survey of navy, 78;
launch of _Prince Royal_, 80, 83;
transfers post of surveyor to Bingley, 92;
mentioned, 23, 27, 28, 37, 68, 138
Trevor, Sir Sackville, 129
Trinity House, report on Shipwrights' Company, xxxix;
masters of, on inquiry of 1618, 119;
examination of Portsmouth Harbour, 145;
masters of, 165, 166, 167;
protest against building _Royal Sovereign_, xci, 214
Tuck, 44 _n._
Tuxford, 161
Ungle, Robert, 11
Upnor, lxxix, 87, 89, 93, 104 _n._
Vale. _See_ a Vale
Valladolid, lix
Vane, Sir Henry, c;
comptroller of household, 155
Vaughan, Rev. Mr., 164
Vere, 110
Vicars, Sebastian, carver, warns Phineas of combination against him,
38, 39;
death, 112;
mentioned, 207
Virginia Company, ciii
Waade, Sir William, lxi _n._
Wales, 177, 179, 180
Wales, Prince of. _See_ Henry _and_ Charles
Walsham-le-Willows, xlv
Wanstead, 157
Wapping, xlviii, 5
Warwick, Earl of, Lord High Admiral, xxxvii, xcix
Waterford, 5
Watford, Richard, 183
Wathsfield, xliii, xlv
Watts, Captain, _Prince Royal_ inquiry at Woolwich, 54
Waymouth, Captain George, arctic exploration, lxx, ciii;
knowledge of shipbuilding, lxx-lxxiv;
report on _Prince Royal_, lxxv;
the Commission of Inquiry, 33;
combines against Phineas, 38;
reveals plot to Burrell, 40;
evidence before inquiry, 45;
inquiry before James at Woolwich, 49, 51, 54, 55, 60;
failure in building small ship, 70;
goes to Flushing and Antwerp, 72;
ordered to be apprehended as a pirate, 72;
applies to Earl of Salisbury for protection, 72;
pension as master engineer, 72;
advised to get Phineas to mediate with Lord Admiral, 73;
Phineas invited to supper, 73;
Mr. Pory attempts reconciliation, 73;
asks Phineas to pardon him, 74;
explains how he was induced to act against him, 74;
pardoned, 75;
death, 75;
North-west Passage, 95 _n._
Webb, Mr., master of free school at Rochester, 2
Wells, John, xci
Wells, Thomas, 183
Wentbridge, 161
Westminster, mentioned, 19, 33, 40, 88, 112, 143, 211;
Abbey, 101;
St. Stephen's Alley, 102
Weston, 8, 11, 12
Weston, Richard (Lord), commissioner for the navy, 119;
lord treasurer, 139, 141, 142, 143, 146, 148
Weymouth, 128
Whitaker Spit, 126
Whitby, 159
Whitechapel, lvii
Whitehall, 22, 31, 32, 40, 46, 50, 67, 89, 114, 149, 164, 165;
sham sea-fight, 102;
masque by water, 103;
privy stairs, 103;
privy gallery, 157
Whitehead, Esau, 178
Whiting, Walter, master of _Prince Royal_, 131
Wiggs, Thomas, 10
Wight, Isle of, 148, 214
Wilkinson, Robert, 178
Williams, Thomas, shipwright, 136
Wills, Mr., 85
Wilson, George, boatswain of _Lion_, 21;
master attendant, 138, 142
Wilson, Mr., Prince Henry's tailor, 97
Windebank, Sir Francis, secretary of state, 155
Windebank, Sir Thomas, 23, 24
Windsor, 112, 143
Witham, 162
Wolstenholme, Sir John, 119
Wood, Gilbert, presents Phineas to Lord High Admiral, 8
Wood, John, first servant, 6
Woodbridge, The Crown, 152;
church, 154;
collier of, 160;
mentioned, 150, 156, 158, 162, 178, 205
Woodcott, James, 54
Woodcott, John, 56
Woodcott, Mathew, 54
Woolwich, _Defiance_ brought into dock, 6;
_Triumph_ at, 7;
_Elizabeth Jonas_ brought into dock, 9;
launched out, 10;
_Ark Royal_ and _Victory_ docked, 29, 30;
new gates for dock, 34;
church, 34;
_Ark Royal_ renamed, 37;
investigation into state of _Prince Royal_, 42, 44;
James resolves on personal inquiry at, 47;
_Merhonour_ and _Defiance_ docked, 94;
and rebuilt, 112;
neglect at, 113;
Phineas returns to, 113, 143;
visit of King of Denmark, 114;
_Merhonour_ and _Defiance_ launched, 115;
_Elizabeth Jonas_ and _Triumph_ docked, 115;
_Destiny_ built in galley dock, 116;
_Vanguard_ docked, 142;
dock renewed, 142;
Richard Pett buried at, 143;
Phineas returns ill from Portsmouth, 145;
launch of _Vanguard_ and _Victory_, 146;
_Charles_ built, 149;
King visits, 149;
Peter to build ship at, 153;
_Unicorn_ launched, 154;
_Leopard_ built, 156;
launched, 157;
visit of Charles to, 156;
_Sovereign_ to be built at, 158;
timber for, 160;
keel laid, 162;
visit of Charles I, 162;
and Palsgrave, 162, 163;
launch of the _Sovereign_, 166;
docked, 167;
mentioned, _passim_
Worcester, Earl of, master of the horse, visits ship, 22;
mentioned, 27, 28;
inquiry on _Prince Royal_, lxxiv, 42
Wotton, Lord, lxi _n._
Wright, Robert, 56
Yacht, 109
Yardley, Catherine, married to John, 136;
married to Edward Stevens, 149
Yardley, Edward, 146, 151
Yardley, Robert, 115, 136, 138
Yardley, Susan, married to Phineas, 138;
mentioned, 142;
journey to Chatham, 146, 164;
death, 164
Yarmouth, 205;
road, 158, 178
York, 161
York, Duke of. _See_ Charles I
Zapata, Cardinal, 129
Zouch, Lord, lord warden of cinque ports, lxi, lxxvii;
pinnace built for, ciii, 116, 117
AT THE BALLANTYNE PRESS
PRINTED BY SPOTTISWOODE, BALLANTYNE AND CO. LTD.
COLCHESTER, LONDON AND ETON, ENGLAND
* * * * * *
Transcriber's note:
Italic text is denoted by _underscores_.
Bold text is denoted by =equal signs=.
A superscript is denoted by ^; for example, Cap^n and Ma^{ty}.
Obvious typographical errors and punctuation errors have been
corrected after careful comparison with other occurrences within
the text and consultation of external sources.
Footnotes [298], [319] and [322] are referenced more than once (they
have multiple anchors).
Except for those changes noted below, all misspellings in the text,
and inconsistent or archaic usage, have been retained. For example,
Raleigh, Ralegh; sweet meats, sweetmeats; sea captain, sea-captain;
connexion; throughly; cozened.
Pg vii, the etext has 'subtraction sums of the form 1612 - 1570 = 42';
the original text has a three-line math format for the subtraction.
Pg xliii Footnote [73], 'see Rye' replaced by '_see_ Rye'.
Pg lvii Footnote [103], the two dates are on separate lines one above
the other, and are braced together with } in the original text;
this is replaced in the etext by '1602 Oct 14, 1603 June 19'.
Pg lxxiii, 'shipwrights a r no' replaced by 'shipwrights are no'.
Pg lxxvii, 'HNorthampton.' replaced by 'H. Northampton.'.
Pg lxxviii, 'HNorthampton.' replaced by 'H. Northampton.'.
Pg lxxxii, missing anchor [141] added to 'Appendix,[141] which are'.
Pg 45, 'any the materials used' replaced by 'any of the materials used'.
Pg 119, 'Richard[445] Sutton,' replaced by 'Richard Sutton,[445]'.
Pg 120, '3rd day of the same month' replaced by '3rd day of the next
month'.
Pg 136, the sentence between the lines of asterisks has been moved to
the top of the paragraph from the middle of it.
Pg 153, 'of out Stowood' replaced by 'out of Stowood'.
Appendix IV, italic formatting of heading 'Charter to Shipwrights'
removed for consistency with headings of other Appendices.
Index, 'Caesar, Sir' replaced by 'Cæsar, Sir'.
Index, 'Pett, Peter (son)' reference to page cxvii changed to xci.
Index, 'Trinity House', reference to page 314 changed to 214.
Some abbreviations used in the text are explained below:
A^o Anno (in the year)
Cal. S.P. Dom. Calendar of State Papers Domestic
H.C.A. High Court of Admiralty
N.E.D. New English Dictionary (late 1800s)
N.R.S. Navy Records Society
P.R.O. Public Records Office
S.P.D. State Papers Domestic
***
